• 대한공업교육학회지
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• v.44 no.1
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• pp.72-93
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• 2019

The purpose of this study was to provide basic data needed to establish a system of career education which can offer necessary information for middle school students to select vocational high schools suiting to their talent and aptitude. For this, the study formulated research questions: how middle school students in Gyeonggi-do could acquire information related with entering high school; their level of understanding about general high school and vocational high school and their level of information requirement; real state and effect (level of helping them choose future school) of assistance activity for career education as provided by vocational high schools. For the analysis, the study developed a questionnaire and conducted survey for 4,459 3rd graders from 627 middle schools at Gyeonggi-do. Findings were as follows. First, methods of middle school students getting information related with entering high school turned out in the order of internet search (42.0%), consultation with family and friends (25.5%), consultation with teachers (24.0%). While, their methods of getting information related with entering vocational high school turned out in the order of briefing session by vocational high schools (39.4%), field trip to vocational high schools (24.9%), consultation with teachers from vocational high schools (15.7%). Second, the level of understanding (five points full marks) of Gyeonggi-do middle school students about high school by the type they wished to enter, and the level of information requirement (five points full marks) turned out 3.65 and 3.67 respectively for students who wished to enter general high schools, with the difference being 0.02. On the other hand, the level of understanding and that of information requirement turned out 2.92 and 3.25 respectively with the difference being 0.33, for students who wished to enter vocational high schools. Third, looking at the real state of participation of Gyeonggi-do middle school students in assistance activities for career education provided by vocational high schools, 79.4% of all students were participating. Activity with high participation ratio out of these turned out to be in the order of PR and guide book (booklet, brochure, etc.) for vocational high schools at 90.3%, briefing session prepared by vocational high schools on visit at 87.8% and video of vocational high school PR and introduction at 85.9%. The level of how these activities helped middle school students choose their high school was 3.45, showing more effect by 0.13 on students wishing to enter vocational high schools compared to those wishing to enter general high schools.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.67
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• pp.379-418
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• 2017

Weoldae -which we can find inside Joseon palaces- is usually erected in front of important structures including the Main Hall(Jeongjeon, 正殿). There is no clear definition of its nature that we can find in official law codes or dynastic ritual manuals, and such records do not specify what kind of rules should be observed in creating them either. In illustrations of palaces such as and , Weoldae can be seen at structures such as the Main "Jeongjeon" Hall(正殿), Royal office(Pyeonjeon, 便殿), Royal Quarters(Jeongchim, 正寢), Queen's bedroom(Chimjeon, 寢殿), Quarters of the Crown Prince(Dong'gung, 東宮), and other structures. All these structures equipped with a Weoldae were related to special figures inside the royal family such as the king, the queen, the crown prince, and the crown-prince' son. These figures were literally above the law, and as such their treatment could not be defined by law. And these spaces were where they worked or rested while they lived, and where their posthumous tablets(Shinju, 神主) or portraits(Eojin, 御眞) were enshrined after they died. (When such spaces were used for latter purposes, they were designated either as 'Honjeon[魂殿, chamber of the tablet]' or 'Jinjeon[眞殿, hall of portrait']). Joseon was a Confucian dynasty with a strict social stratification system, and the palace structures reflected such atmosphere as well. We can see that structures described with Weoldae in and were structures which were more important than others that did not have a Weoldae. Among structures with Weoldae, the place which hosted most of the dynastic rituals was the Main Hall. In this Main Hall, the King swore an oath himself, passed the incense(香) himself during memorial services, and observed honoring ceremonies[Manbae-rye(望拜禮)] at the "Hwangdan"(皇壇) altar which was built to commemorate the three Ming Emperors. The so-called "Two Palaces[兩闕]" of Joseon shared a unique relationship in terms of their own Weoldae units and the rituals that were held there. In the early half of the Joseon dynasty period, Gyeongbok-gung(景福宮) and Dong'gweol(東闕) constituted the "Two palaces," but after the war with the Japanese in the 1590s during which the Gyeongbok-gung palace was incinerated, Dong'gweol and Seogweol(西闕) came to newly form the "Two palaces" instead. Meanwhile, Changdeok-gung(昌德宮) became the main palace[法宮], replacing the previous one which had been Gyeongbok-gung. In general, when a king moved to another palace, the ancestral tablets in the Honjeon chamber or the portrait in the Jinjeon hall would accompany him as well. Their presence would be established within the new palace. But king Yeongjo was an exception from that practice. Even after he moved to the Gyeong'hi-gung(慶熙宮) palace, he continued to pay visit to the Jinjeon Hall at Changdeok-gung. While he was positioned inside Gyeong'hi-gung, he did not manage the palace with Gyeonghi-gung as its sole center. He tried to manage other palaces like Changdeok-gung and Chang'gyeong-gung(昌慶宮) as well, and as organically as possible.

• Korean Journal of Environment and Ecology
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• v.36 no.6
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• pp.676-683
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• 2022

Due to the effects of rapid changes in the living environment since 2000 and the recent unforeseen pandemic, people are refraining from domestic and international traveling and movement, and outdoor activities for health and the public value of forest trails, called Dullegil Trail in Korea, have become more important. This study estimated the environmental value of the tentatively named "East-West Trail," which connects the forest trails crossing Chungcheong and Gyeongsang Provinces using CVM (Contingent Valuation Method). It surveyed visitors to the East-West Trail, and 725 questionnaires were used for analysis. The average characteristics of respondents were those who exercised 2-3 times per week, visited a forest trail not far from their residence with friends or family, and showed a tendency to spend 50 thousand Korean won or more per visit. Visitors to the Dullegil Trail felt that there was a shortage of information boards on the forest trail, and they preferred a shelter in appropriate locations. We used a double-bounded dichotomous choice (BDDC) logit model proposed by Hanemann to measure the conservation value of the East-West Trail. It was estimated that the environmental value that a visitor to the East-West Trail could obtain was 30,087 won per trip. The estimated environmental value of the East-West Trail can be converted to about 94 billion won total visitors annually based on the population belonging to the direct-use zone near the East-West Trail. As there has been no study on the environmental value of forest trails using CVM, the results of this study will be able to suggest the feasibility of the government policies on forest trails.

• Journal of agricultural medicine and community health
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.141-158
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• 1994

To provide better health care services to the rural population, the government has made the Community Health Practitioner(CHP) a regular government official from April 1, 1992. This study was carried out to study the impact of officialization of CHP on the activities and management system of Primary Health Post(PHP). Fifty PHPs were selected by two stage sampling, cluster and simple random, from 595 PHPs in Kyungnam and Kyungpook provinces. Data were collected by a personal interview with CHPs and review of records and reports kept in the PHPs. The study was done for the periods of January 1-March 31, 1992 (before officialization) and January 1-March 31, 1993 (after officialization). Ninety-six percent of the CHPs wanted to become a regular government official in the hope of better job security and higher salary. The proportion of CHPs who were proud of their iob was increased from 24% to 46% after officialization. Those CHPs who felt insecure for their job decreased from 30% to 10%. Monthly salary was increased by 34% from 802,600 Won to 1,076,000 Won and 90% of the CHPs were satisfied with their salary, also more CHPs responded that they have autonomy in their work planning, implementation of plan, management of the post, and evaluation of their activity. There were no appreciable changes in such CHPs' activities as assessment of local health resources, drawing map for the catchment area, utilization of community organization, grasping the current population structure in the catchment area, keeping the family health records, individual and group health education, and school health service. However, the number of home visits was increased from 13.6 times on the average per month per CHP to 27.5 times. More mothers and children were referred to other medical facilities for the immunization and family planning services. Average number of patients of hypertension, cancer, and diabetes in three months period was decreased from 12.7 to 11.6, from 1.5 to 1.2, and 4.3 to 3.4, respectively. Records for the patient care, drug management, and equipment were well kept but not for other records. The level of record keeping was not changed after officialization. The proportion of PHPs which had support from the health center was increased for drug supply from 14.0% to 30.0%, for consumable commodities from 22.0% to 52.0%, for maintenance of PHP from 54.0% to 68.0%, for supply of health education materials from 34.0% to 44.0%, and supply of equipment from 54.0% to 58.0%. Total monthly revenue of a PHP was increased by about 50,000 Won; increased by 22,000 Won in patient care and 34,700 Won in the government subsidy but decreased in the membership due and donation. However, there was no remarkable changes in the expenditure. The proportion of PHPs which had received official notes from the health center for the purpose of guidance and supervision of the CHPs was increased from 20% to 38% during three months period and the average number of telephone call for supervision from the health center per PHP was increased from 1.8 to 2.1 times(p<0.01). However, the proportion of PHPs that had supervisory visit and conference was reduced from 79% to 62%, and from 88% to 74%, respectively. The proportion of CHPs who maintained a cooperative relationship with Myun Health Workers was reduced from 42% to 36%, that with the director of health center from 46% to 24%, that with the chief of public health administration section from 56% to 36%, and that with the chairman of PHP management council from 62% to 38%. Most of the CHPs (92% before and 82% after officialization) stated that the PHP management council is not helpful for the PHP. CHPs who considered the PHP management council unnecessary increased from 4% to 16%(p<0.05). Suggestions made by the CHPs for the improvement of CHP program included emphasis on health education, assurance of autonomy for PHP management, increase of the kind of drugs that can be dispensed by CHPs, and appointment of an experienced CHP in the health center as the supervisor of CHPs. The results of this study revealed that the role and function of CHPs as reflected in their activities have not been changed after officialization. However, satisfaction in job security and salary was improved as well as the autonomy. Support of health center to the PHP was improved but more official notes were sent to the PHPs which required the CHPs more paper works. Number of telephone calls for supervision was increased but there was little administrative and technical guidance for the CHP activities.

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.11 no.2
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• pp.54-66
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• 1988

I. Introduction Since the 1970's drug abuse among young people has increasingly become a social problem in Korea. In the 1980's, drug abuse, especially glue sniffing, has become the cause of many unfortunated incidents resulting in harm to others as well as the abusers themselves. Taking into consideration of the seriousness of this problem, the Republic of Korea National Red Cross initiated a nation-wide research programme, to understand the present situation and to raise the level of public awareness. The goal of this research was to begin a nation - wide campaign against drug abuse. The research team was composed of the Advisary Committee members and the staff of the Youth Department of the Republic of Korea National Red Cross. The data were collected in February 1988 with the collaboration of the staff and volunteers in the local Chapters. The respondents were allocated nation-wide by the quota sampling method. The questionnaires were distributed to the respondents in three groups :2, 700 to junior and senior high school students, 605 to working youths, and 916 to delinquent youths. A total of 4, 221 questionnaires were collected. II. Characteristics of the Respondents The respondents in each group were selected evenly from rural and urban areas. The general characteristics of the respondents can be described as follow: in case of students, the proportions between male and female respondents, and between senior high school and junior high school students were almost evenly distributed. In case of working youths, the proportion of females (80.5%) was higher than those of the students and the delinquents groups. Delinquent youths were defined as those currently being under custody of the centers for juvenile delinquents. Of this number, 38.8% and 68.2% were junior and senior high school drop-outs respectively. The majority of them (92.6%) were male. As for the family background of the respondents, the proportion of those residing in poverty - stricken areas, and the proportion of those from broken families were higher in case of working youths and delinquent youths than those in case of students. III. Present Patterns of Drug Abuse The following summarizes the presents of drug abuse, as tabulated from the results of the survey. 1. Smoking The percentage of youths who smoke was 36% in the student group, 32% m the working youths group, and 94.4% in the delinquent youths group. 2. Alcohol 50.3% of students, 71.6% of working youths, and 93.3% of delinquent youths has experienced drinking alcohol beverages. 3. Tonic: non - alcoholic, caffeinated beverages popular in Korea and Japan The percentage of those who have used tonic at least once was over 90% in all of the three groups. 4. Sedative About 70% of each group has used sedative with the proportion of working youths use higher than those in other groups. 5. Stimulants Those who have used stimulants comprised around 15% in each group. 6. Tranquilizers Somewhat less than 5% of students and working youths, and 28% of delinquent youths, have used tranquilizers. 7. Hypnotics The users of hypnotics amounted to 0.4% of students, 2.6% of working youths and 7.1% of delinquent youths. 8. Marihuana Those who have used marihuana indicated 0.7% of students, 0.8% of working youths, and 13% of delinquent youths. 9. Glue-sniffing The percentage of glue-sniffing was 3.7%, 5% in the students group and in the youths group respectively, but the proportion was unusually high, at 40.7% in the delinquent youths group. From the results of the survey the present situation of drug abuse in Korea can be summarized as follows: 1. A high percentage of Korean youths have experienced smoking cigarettes and drinking alcoholic beverages. 2. Tonics (non - alcoholic, caffeinated beverages), antipyretic analgesics and stimulants quite regularly used. 3. Tranquilizers, hypnotics, marihuana and glue-sniffing are more widely used among delinquent youths than the other youths. From this fact, there exists a correlation between drug abuse and juvenile delinquency. IV. Time-series Analysis of the First Experience of Drug Abuse and Deviant Behaviour The respoundents were asked when they were first exposed to drugs and when they committed deviant acts. By calculating the average age of each experience, the following pattern was found (See Figure 1). Youths are first exposed to drugs by abuse of tonic(non - alcoholic, caffeinated beverages). At the age of 13, they amoke cigarettes, the use of antipyretic analgesics begins at 14 year old, while at the age of 15, they use tranquilizers, and at 16 hynotics. The period of drug abuse which starts from drinking caffeinated beverages and smoking cigarettes and ends in the use of hypnotics takes about three years. During this period, other delinquent behaviours begin to surface, that is, at the age of 13 when smoking cigarettes begins, the delinquent behaviour pattern starts with truancy. Next, they start taking money from others by using physical force. Prior to the age of 15, they are suspended from school, become hostile to adults, begin running away from home, and start using stimulants and alcohol. Soon they become involved even in glue-sniffing and in the use of marihuana. At the age of 15, they begin to see adult videos and carry weapons. Sexual promiscuity and usage of tranquilizers follows the viewing of adult videos. Consequently, by the time they reach the age of 16, they visit drinking establishments, and are picked up by police for committing delinquent acts. And finally, they come to use hypnotic - type drugs. From the above descriptions, drug abuse can be assumed to have a close correlation with delinquent behaviour. V. Social Factors Related to Drug Abuse As for the Korean youths, glue-sniffing is found to he related to aggressive delinquency, in such cases as run - aways, being picked up by the police, and taking money by force. Smoking cigarettes and drinking alcohol is found to be related to seeing adult videos and visiting drinking establishments. Hypnotics and marihuana were found to be representive of drugs which are related to degenerational delinquency, irrespective of social delinquency. The social factors connected with these drug abuse are as follows: 1. Individual factors Male students were more heavily involved in the usage of drug than females. Youths who do not attend church were more likely to be involved in drugs than those who attend. 2. Family factors The youths who were displeased with their mothers smoking and those who thought their parents did not love each other, or those whose parents had used drugs without prescription, were more likely to he drug users. 3. School factors Those youths who found school life boring, were unsuccessful in their studies, spend most of their time with friends, feel their teachers smoke too much, those who had a positive perception of their teachers smoking were likely to he drug users. To sum up, drug abusers depend on the influence of their parents, teachers and peers. IV. Reasons for Drug Abuse Korean students have mainly used drugs to release stress (42.8%), to stay awake (19.7%), and because of the easy accessibility of drugs( 16.6%). Other reasons are due to their ignorance of the side effects of the drugs (3.6%), natural curiosity (4.2%), and to increase strength(3.O%). From the above facts, the major reasons for drug abuse among Korean youths are to release stress and to stay awake in order to prepare exams. Furthermore, since drugs are readily available, we can conclude that drug abuse is caused by the school system(such as entrance exams) in Korea. VII. Conclusion Drug usage among Korean youths are relatively less common than those of western youths. In some cases, such as, glue-sniffing and use of stimulants, the pattern of drug abuse is found. Moreover, early drug abuse is evident, and it has a close connection with deviant behaviour, resulting in juvenile delinquency. Drug abuse cannot be attributed to any one social factor. Specifically, drug abuse depends on parents, peers, teachers and other members of the community, and also is influenced by social institutions such as the entrance exam system. Every person and organization concerned with youth must participate collectively in restraining drug abuse. Finally, it is suggested that social agencial working for youth welfare should make every effort to tackle this serious problem confronted by the Korean youths today.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.34 no.1
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• pp.40-52
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• 2016

Buyongjeong, a pavilion in the Rear Garden of Changdeok Palace, was appointed as Treasure No. 1763 on March 2, 2012, by the South Korea government since it shows significant symmetry and proportion on its unique planar shape, spatial configuration, building decoration, and so forth. However, the designation of Treasure selection was mainly evaluated by concrete science, in that the selection has not clearly articulated how and why Buoungjeong was constructed as a present unique form. Therefore, this study aims to clarify the identity of Buyongjeong at the time of construction by considering its historical, ideological, philosophical background and building intention. Summary are as follows: First, Construction backgrounds and characters of Buyongjeong: Right after the enthronement, King Jeongjo had founded Kyujanggak(奎章閣), and sponsored civil ministers who were elected by the national examination, as a part of political reform. In addition, he established his own political system by respecting "Kaksin(閣臣)", Kyujanggak's officials as much as "Kain(家人)", internal family members. King Jeongjo's aggressive political reform finally enabled King's lieges to visit King's Rear Garden. In the reign of King Jeongjo's 16th year(1792), Naekaksangjohoe(內閣賞釣會) based on "Kaksin" was officially launched and the Rear Garden visitation became a regular meeting. The Rear Garden visitation consisted of "Sanghwajoeoyeon(賞花釣魚宴)" - enjoying flowers and fishing, and activities of "Nanjeongsugye". Afterward, it eventually became a huge national event since high rank government officials participated the event. King Jeongjo shared the cultural activities with government officials together to Buyongjeong as a place to fulfill his royal politics. Second, The geographical location and spatial characteristics of Buyongjeong: On the enthronement of King Jeongjo(1776), he renovated Taeksujae. Above all, aligning and linking Gaeyuwa - Taeksujae - a cicular island - Eosumun - Kyujangkak along with the construction axis is an evidence for King Jeongjo to determine how the current Kyujangkak zone was prepared and designed to fulfill King Jeonjo's political ideals. In 17th year(1793) of the reign of King Jeongjo, Taeksujae, originally a square shaped pavilion, was modified and expanded with ranks to provide a place to get along with the King and officials. The northern part of Buyongjeong, placed on pond, was designed for the King's place and constructed one rank higher than others. Discernment on windows and doors were made with "Ajasal" - a special pattern for the King. The western and eastern parts were for government officials. The center part was prepared for a place where government officials were granted an audience with the King, who was located in the nortern part of Buyongjeong. Government officials from the western and eastern parts of Buyongjeong, could enter the central part of the Buyongjeong from the southern part by detouring the corner of Buyongjeong. After all, Buyongjeong is a specially designed garden building, which was constructed to be a royal palace utilizing its minimal space. Third, Cultural Values of Buyongjeong: The Buyongjeong area exhibits a trait that it had been continuously developed and it had reflected complex King's private garden cultures from King Sejo, Injo, Hyunjong, Sukjong, Jeongjo and so forth. In particular, King Jeongjo had succeded physical, social and imaginary environments established by former kings and invited their government officials for his royal politics. As a central place for his royal politics, King Jeongjo completed Buyongjeong. Therefore, the value of Buyongjeong, as a garden building reflecting permanency of the Joseon Dynasty, can be highly evaluated. In addition, as it reflects Confucianism in the pavilion - represented by distinguishing hierarchical ranks, it is a unique example to exhibit its distinctiveness in a royal garden.

• Journal of the Korean Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.103-114
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• 2001

Tourette's disorder is a disease which manifests one or more motor tics and vocal tics for more than a year. Chronic motor tic or vocal tic disorders are characterized by only one kind of tics for more than a year. We intended to investigate the clinical characteristics of the patients with chronic motor tic disorders or Tourette's disorders who had admitted from May 1, 1998 to May 1, 1999 to Seoul National University Hospital Child and Adolescent Psychiatry ward. In addition, we compared the clinical characteristics of the patients in order to elucidate the relationship between the two disorders. The patients with learning disabilities were selected as controls. There was no statistically significant difference between the onsets of the patients with chronic motor tic disorders(n=13, $7.3{\pm}2.5$ years), and Tourette's disorder(n=39, $7.2{\pm}2.2$ years), but with learning disability($4.2{\pm}1.9$ years). Also, the patients with chronic motor tic disorder and Tourette's disorder showed similar age at admission($11.7{\pm}2.7$ versus $11.5{\pm}2.6$ years), duration of admission($5.7{\pm}5.4$ versus $11.0{\pm}8.7$ weeks), mothers' ages at child birth($27.3{\pm}2.9$ versus $28.3{\pm}6.7$ years old),and fathers' age at child birth($32.2{\pm}3.2$ versus $33.3{\pm}5.2$ years old). We observed that those who had learning disabilities were alike in those aspects, except for age at visit to clinic($9.8{\pm}3.2$ years old). Family history of psychiatric illnesses(24.1% versus 46.2%), recognized precipitating factors(11.1% versus 35.7%) and response to pharmacological treatments(77.8% versus 76.9%) of the patients with chronic motor tic disorders and Tourette's disorders were observed and no differences were found. Comorbid patterns of diseases were noted. Intrafamilial conflicts were more common in the patients with learning disabilities than those with chronic tic disorders or Tourette's disorders. Precipitating factors were observed more frequent in chronic tic disorder and Tourette's disorder than learning disability. Neurocognitive profiles were investigated, and verbal IQs of the patients with chronic motor tic disorder, Tourette's disorder and learning disability were $92.3{\pm}10.7$, $94.7{\pm}14.9$, $94.3{\pm}13.8$, performance IQs $93.0{\pm}20.5$, $97.5{\pm}13.0$, $95.0{\pm}16.9$ and full-scale IQs $91.9{\pm}20.1$, $95.8{\pm}14.5$, $93.9{\pm}15.1$, respectively, which were found to be not significantly different. No difference was found in structural neurological abnormalities and EEG profiles. The patients with learning disabilities showed more common Bender-Gestalt test abnormalities. In conclusion, we have not found any affirmative clues for the division of chronic motor tic disorder and Tourette's disorder in clinical perspective.

• Journal of agricultural medicine and community health
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• v.18 no.2
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• pp.141-151
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• 1993

This study was done about 371 tuberculosis(TB) patients composed 195 newly registered at Kyungju Gun Health Center from May 1989 to April 1990 (Group A) and 176 being treated at hospitals or private clinics from January 1988 to November 1989(Group B). When Group A patients visited and newly registered at Health Center, data was obtained by interviewing with a prepared questionnaire paper. And well trained inquirer visited Group B patients and obtained data by the same method from February 1990 to April 1990. The results are as follows ; Group A was generally lower than Group B in socioeconomic status and in family history of TB, the rate of Group A was 24.1% and higher than 11.9% in Group B(p<0.05). Knowledge about TB was improved more than past, but those who answered that TB is 'a communicable disease' were 59.5% in Group A and 51.7% in Group B(p<0.05). Those answered that TB is 'a inherited disease' were 9.2% and 11.4% each. And 1.7% of Group B answered that TB is 'a incurable disease'. Knowledge about TB treatment also was improved more than past, but in the rate of those who answered that TB is a curable disease provided by well treatment Group B(77.8%) was worse than Group A(91.3%). The rate of those who answered that TB were been able to cure by regularly anti-TB medication were 98.0% in Group A and 89.8% in Group B. Its difference was statistically significant. The rate that patients took the first diagnosis and wanted to receive treatments at the same organ were 34.9% of Group A at Health Center and 72.2% of Group B at hospitals or private clinics. And its difference was statistically significant. In the reasons that Group B knew Health Center treated pulmonary TB but they was treated at hospitals or private clinics, unreliability to Health Center was 48.1%. The reasons that Group A was treated at Health Center were 'because of trust' 63.1%, 'because of low cost' 50.3%, 'because of low cost except trust' 9.3%, 'no specific reasons' 27.7%. In the courses of knowing that TB was controlled at Health Center, 'by neighborhood, health worker and doctors' were 84.9% in Group A and 69.0% in Group B. But 'by TV or radio' were 8.2% in Group A and 14.7% in Group B, 'by school education' 2.5% in Group A and 6.2% in Group B. Conclusively, Group A patients were lower than Group B in socioeconomic status, but better than in knowledge about TB. Its reasons was suggested that Health Center had controlled TB patients better than hospitals and private clinics. But considering, that difference in the rate of the same organ for the first diagnosis and treatment, that the only 63.0% of Group A have treated due to 'reliability to Health Center', and that 48.1% of Group B knew that Health Center treated pulmonary TB but didn't visit it due to 'unreliability to Health Center', that public relations(PR) about use Health Center for pulmonary TB and health education for TB was thought to have to strengthened.

• Korean Journal of Psychosomatic Medicine
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• v.11 no.2
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• pp.137-148
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• 2003

Introduction: This research was performed to contract the attitude of dietary restriction and the psychological problems such as depressive mood and perceived stress and to investigate the relationship of these and obesity in women who visited the obesity clinic. Methods: During May 2001, sociodemographic variables, physical characteristics, Three Factor Eating Questionnaire(TFEQ), Symptom Check List-90-R(SCL-90-R) and Perceived Stress Scale were assessed from 150 female who visited the obesity clinics which were located at downtown, Seoul and the Hospital of Ajou University, Medical College. Hamilton depression rating scale(HDRS) was estimated by author. And then 116 female cases who filled up the questionnaire faithfully were included. Results: Obese group more than Body Mass Index(BMI) $25.0kg/m^2$ was 50% of the total subjects. BMI was increased as the age goes up(p<0.001). The frequency of unmarried cases in the under normal weight group was high rate of 48.8% while it in the obese group was 13.8%(p<0.001). There was no significant difference in the rate of smoking and alcohol drinking among subjects by BMI. There was no significant difference of TFEQ among subjects by BMI and the percent of body fat. Factor 2(r=0.27, p<0.01) and Factor 3(r=0.24, p<0.01) were significantly correlated with Global Severity Index(GSI). Only the paranoia scale among each estimated mean value of T scores of SCL-90-R by BMI was the significant difference between the overweight group and the obese group(p<0.05). T scores of scales of SCL-90-R were less than 50, but T scores of the under normal weight group and the obese group were higher than overweight group. GSI was significantly correlated with HDRS(r=0.75, p<0.01) and Perceived Stress Scale(r=0.32, p<0.01). Depressive mood in the obese group was significantly higher than non-obese group that HDRS was compared to two groups by the percent of body fat(p<0.05). Perceived Stress Scale was no significant correlation with BMI and the percent of body fat. All of the subject were in trouble of high stress. Stress affected dietary restriction owing that perceived stress had a relation with Factor 2(r=0.29, p<0.01) and Factor 3(r=0.37, p<0.01). Also, it affected psychological characteristics owing that perceived stress had a relation with the depression scale, GSI and HDRS(r=0.33, r=0.32, r=0.34, p<0.01). Conclusion: Obese women have more psychological difficulties including depression and high perceived stress, which closely related with the attitude of dietary restriction. Psychiatric intervention and aggressive assessment of psychological problems will be needed to the people who visit the obesity clinic in the future.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.155-180
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• 2019

Samsaebulhoedo(三世佛會圖) at Yongjusa Temple(龍珠寺), regarded as a monumental masterpiece consisting of different elements such as Confucian and Buddhist ideas, palace academy garden and Buddhist artist styles, unique traditional and western painting styles, is one of the representative works that symbolically illustrate the development and innovation of painting in the late Joseon dynasty. However, the absence of painting inscriptions raised persistent controversy over the past half century among researchers as to the matters of estimating its production period, identifying the original author and analyzing style characteristics. In the end, the work failed to gain recognitions commensurate with its historical significance and value. It is the particularly vital issue in that estimating the production period of the existing masterpiece is the beginning of all other discussions. However, this issue has caused the ensuing debates since all details are difficult to be interpreted to a concise form due to a number of different records on painters and mixture of traditional buddhist painting styles used by buddhist painters and innovative western styles used by ordinary painters. Contrary to other ordinary Buddhist paintings, this painting, Samsaebulhoedo, has a praying letter for the royal establishment at the center of the main altar. It should be noted that regarding this painting, its original version-His Royal Highness King, Her Majesty, His Royal Crown Prince主上殿下, 王妃殿下, 世子邸下-was erased and instead added Her Love Majesty慈宮邸下 in front of Her Majesty. This praying letter can be assumed as one of the significant and objective evidence for estimating its production period. The new argument of the late 19th century production focused on this praying letter, and proposed that King Sunjo was then the first-born son when Yongjusa Temple was built in 1790 and it was not until January 1, 1800 that he was ascended to the Crown Prince. In this light, the existing praying letter with the eulogistic title-Crown Prince世子-should be considered revised after his ascension to the throne. Styles and icons bore some resemblance to Samsaebulhoedo at Cheongryongsa Temple or Bongeunsa Temple portrayed by Buddhist painters in the late 19th century. Therefore, the remaining Samsaebulhoedo should be depicted by them in the same period as western styles were introduced in Buddhist painting in later days. Following extensive investigations, praying letters in Buddhist paintings in the late 19th century show that it was usual to record specification such as class, birth date and family name of people during the dynasty at the point of producing Buddhist paintings. It is easy to find that those who passed away decades ago cannot be revised to use eulogistic titles as seen by the praying letters in Samsaebulhoedo at Yongju Temple. As "His Royal Highness King, Her Majesty, His Royal Crown Prince" was generally used around 1790 regardless of the presence of first-born son or Crown Prince, it was rather natural to write the eulogistic title "His Royal Crown Prince" in the praying letter of Samsaebulhoedo. Contrary to ordinary royal hierarchy, Her Love Majesty was placed in front of Her Majesty. Based on this, the praying letter was assumed to be revised since King Jeongjo placed royal status of Hyegyeonggung before the Queen, which was an exceptional case during King Jeongjo's reign, due to unusual relationships among King Jeongjo, Hyegyeonggung and the Queen arising from the death of Crown Prince(思悼世子). At that time, there was a special case of originally writing a formal tripod praying letter, as can be seen from ordinary praying letter in Buddhist paintings, erasing it and adding a special eulogistic title: Her Love Majesty. This indicates that King Jeongjo identified that Hyegyeonggung was erased, and commanded to add it; nevertheless, ceremony leaders of Yongju Temple, built as a palace for holding ceremonies of Hyeonryungwon(顯隆園) are Jeongjo, the son of his father and his wife Hyegyeonggung (Her Love Majesty)(惠慶宮(慈宮)). This revision is believed to be ordered by King Jeongjo on January 17, 1791 when the King paid his first visit to the Hyeonryungwon since the establishment of Hyeonryungwon and Yongju Temple, stopped by Yongju Temple on his way to palace and saw Samsaebulhoedo for the first and last time. As shown above, this letter consisting of special contents and forms can be seen an obvious, objective testament to the original of Samsebulhoedo painted in 1790 when Yongju Temple was built.