• Journal of the korean academy of Pediatric Dentistry
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• v.39 no.2
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• pp.111-119
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• 2012

The objectives of this study were to evaluate oral health status of children in multicultural families and compare oral health behaviors of multicultural mothers with those of ordinary Korean families. The mothers' social characters, oral health behaviors and oral health status of children were investigated so that the data from this study can be utilized in developing programs for oral health care promotion especially designed for multicultural families. The subjects were 135 pairs of multicultural mothers and their children who participated in the community programs in suburban areas of Ik-san city and 168 pairs of ordinary Korean mothers and their children residing in Ik-san city. The results were as follows : 1. The dft index and dfs index of multicultural subjects were 4.17 and 6.67, respectively, while ordinary Korean subjects were found to have 2.69 and 4.63($p$ <0.05). 2. The frequency of tooth brushing per day of children from multicultural families was lower than that of children from ordinary Korean families($p$ <0.01). 3. The ratio of practice of oral health behaviors of mothers from multicultural families was lower than that of mothers from ordinary Korean families($p$ <0.01). Tooth brushing instructions were the most frequently carried out by multicultural mothers, which was followed by teaching the importance of oral health, restriction of carbohydrates, and dental check-ups. Significant correlations were not detected between mothers'oral health behaviors and children's dental caries experiences($p$ >0.05).

• Korean Journal of Hospice Care
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• v.6 no.1
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• pp.1-11
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• 2006

There are various understandings how to define death. In the context of medicine, death is defined as the irreversible change of the tissue according to the cessation of circulation and respiration. According to the psychologists, a person need to accept the finiteness as a human being and remain conscious that the death is not avoidable. And they say if a person doesn't regard death as unavoidable reality of life he or she will not confront the humanistic death and after all will die like animals. In philosophy, death is viewed as an unwelcome reality in the end of the journey of life. Sociologists usually understand that the society is the organization composed with living persons and human beings which construct and transmit the culture from generation to generation between the both ends of life and death. In society, the generation is changed, maintained, and developed through the phenomenon of death. Although death of human being is natural event in society, the death of a specific person brings a sense of loss, crisis, and anxiety to the communities like family, regional society, nation, and the world. In this context, death is not confined to personal dimension and it can be regarded as a social problem. It is valuable to summarize the religious perspectives on the meaning of death for the better hospice care. In shamanism, there are basic idea that although the flesh of human being disappears, soul never die. If human dies, the flesh of human being disappears but soul never disappear and come back to the origin of soul as it is called chaos. So in shamanism, it is said that shaman can solve the mortified feeling, restore the broken harmony, send the soul to comfortable space- the origin, and guarantee the blessing of descendents. Buddhists regard the death as an essential component through the cycles of life. Through this cycle, human being exits as an endlessly transmigrating being and the death is just a restoration to the original status. In Confucianism, the view on the death based on the philosophy of the "Yin and Yang" and "Five elements". In Buddhist tradition, many believers said the philosophy of "Death is the same as life". Unlike usual thoughts that a god governs "life and death" and "fortune and misfortune", Confucianists deny the governance of a god and emphasize the natural orders in which every phenomenon in the world moves according to the principle. Confucianists understand the death as a natural order with this principle. In Confucianists' belief, the essence of human being remains in their own descendent's lives after the death of ancestor, so in Confucianism there is no concept of immortality of the soul. In the history of Christianity, death has been defined generally as the separation of the immortal soul from the mortal body. In the earlier days of Old Testament, the death is regarded as a disappearance of just a flesh and human never disappear and always live in the relationship with God. Later days in Old Testament, we can find the growing concern for the life after the death because of the entrance of the theodicy. In the New Testament, the death is not regarded as the normal process of the human life and regarded as the abnormal status in which death come to human because of sin as a decisive factor and it should be conquered. In fact, the most of us afraid death because not of the fear of death itself but of the sense of the emptiness and regrets. so many people often make the monument hoping to live forever. But Christian usually regard this behavior as a sinful act because human being usually think themselves as a master of their life and attempt to become immortal in this kind of trial mortal. But if we live with God, we cannot confront such a condition because we aware limits as a mortal human being and entrust everything on Him and want to live according to His guidance. Therefore, in the Christian tradition, the death is regarded as accomplishment of life, fruits of life, invitation to the eternal life, and the last stage of human growth. For human being, the death is the great step of maturation as a human in the final stage of life.

• Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
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• v.42 no.4
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• pp.465-473
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• 1995

Background: The prevalence of pulmonary tuberculosis has decreased progressively after the control of the tuberculosis began as national control. But as diabetes, malignancy, immunodeficiency disease recently tend to be increased, the tuberculosis become to the important national health problem. So, this study was designed to observe the state and the change of the prevalence and the clinical status of pulmonary tuberculosis for recent 10 years at one women's university. Method: We retrospectively investigated the epidemiology and the clinical status of 612 patients who were registered at the Ewha Womans University Health Center by analyzing records from 1983 to 1992. Results: 1) The prevalence rate had been steadily decreased from 0.63% in 1983 to 0.11 % in 1992. The prevalence of freshman and the incidence rate according to the entrance year while in the university significantly decreased since 1989. 2) In classifying by registered source, 45.6% of students were detected by annual periodical health examination, 34.5% by entrance physical examination, 12.0% by hospital, 5.4% by health center clinic, 2.5% by reentrance physical examination, sequentially. 3) The students with past history of tuberculosis were 70(11.4%) and 61(10%) suffered from pulmonary tuberculosis. The patients with family history of tuberculosis were 142(23.3%). 4) There were 530(86.6%) with minimal disease, 79(12.9%) with moderate and only 3(0.5%) with far advanced, when classified by the severity of disease. 5) The initial symptoms were mild breathing difficulty in 30.1%, sweating in 14.9%, fatigue in 14.3%, febrile sense in 11.7%, hemoptysis in 8.2%, sequentially. 6) The duration of treatment was $10.6{\pm}3.6$ months in mild group, $14.9{\pm}5.2$ months in the moderate group(P<0.05). 7) The side reactions of the drug were GI trouble in 7.2%, hepatitis in 1.8%, skin rash in 0.8% and streptomycin side in used patients in 9.1%. Conclusion: The prevalence of pulmonary tuberculosis among the students in one women's university was significantly lower than that of university students and 20-24 year-old age group announced in tuberculosis survey on a national scale, and significantly decreased since 1989. The treatment effect was desirable in student's group managed by university health center.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.51 no.1
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• pp.48-65
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• 2018

The authors of this paper aim to make a record of the construction process, its symbolic meaning, and the changes in the status of the landscape plants at the Pasanseodang according to the Report on the Pasanseodang written by Park Gyu-hyun in 1874. First, the construction of Samgahun Pavilion, which is located in Myo-ri, Habin-myun, Dalsung-gun, Daegu, took about 90 years and spanned the lifetimes of Park Sungsoo, an 11th-generation descendant of Park Paengnyun (1417~1456) through to Park Kyuhyun, a 14th-generation descendant. It was called the shape of dragon, with its head facing the tail (回龍顧尾形), in feng shui. Second, the village of Pahwoe was founded in 1769, the 45th year of the reign of King Yeongjo, by Park Sungsoo for the purpose of socializing with his friends at his thatched home, and was named after his own courtesy name (Samgahun). Park Kwangseok, the second son of Park Sungsoo, built the sarangchae in 1826 and the anchae in 1869 after his marriage (in 1783). Then, Park Kyuhyun, the grandson of Park Kwangseok, built the pond and planted it with lotus flowers, and built the Hayeopjeong in 1874. The Pasanseodang, as the precursor of the Hayeopjeong, may be related with the name of the hillside region behind Samgahun. Third, a quadrangular-shaped pond with a length of 21m and a width of 15m was also built and planted with lotus flowers. In the center of the pond is a small round island that reflects the world view of the Chosun dynasty, i.e. that the sky is round and the landmass is quadrangular. Meanwhile, the name of the Hayeopjeon reflects the value system of aristocrats who lived a life of leisure and artistic indulgence. They called the eastern room "Yeeyeonhun" (怡燕軒) and the western room "Mongyangjae" (蒙養齋), names which embody their wishes for a good life as a member of the nobility and a bright future for one's descendants. Fourth, in Confucian terms, the authors infer the points of view reflected in the kinds of trees that were planted according to Confucian norms (pine tree, lotus, bamboo), the living philosophy of sustainability (willow), the ideology of seclusion and the search for peace of mind (bamboo), and relief efforts for the poor and a life of practicality (chestnut, oak, wild walnut, lacquer). The authors assert that this way of planting trees was a highly effective design feature of landscape architecture that drew on the locational and symbolic significance of the Seodang. Fifth, the majority of the trees that were initially planted withered and were replaced with different species, except for the locust and lotus, at this point. Nevertheless, a review of the process of construction, symbolic meaning, and original architectural landscape of the Samgahun is of value in demonstrating the extended symbolic meaning of their descendants in terms of the practical loss of the function of the Seodang, the values of Feng Sui (red in the east, white in the west, based on the principles of Feng Sui), the function of repelling evils spirits (kalopanax, trifoliate orange), aesthetic and practical values (sweetbrier, apricot, pear, peach, and oriental oak trees), and the prosperity of the family and the timeless value of honest poverty (silk, crape myrtle, and yew trees).

• Journal of Korean Historical Folklife
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• no.44
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• pp.145-176
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• 2014

This study analyzed official duties and personnel practices of Hyangcheong(鄕廳), administrative organization in which sajok(士族) participate this office, and Jakcheong(作廳), hyangree(鄕吏)'s office, of Anbyeon of Hamgyeong Province in the 19th century. Although there have beeen somewhat of case study of Gyeongsang, Honam, etc., study on Hamgyeong Province has been almost nonexistent because of the limitation of materials. Hence, this paper specifically examined Hyangcheong and Jakcheong's official duties and personnel practices through an article of 'a list of Hyangcheong and Jakcheong's officials' of Anbyeon, newly found, which is in the possession of this writer. Especially, this study virtually traced individual ststus and family by analyzing Hyangcheong and Jakcheong's 40-official duties and a list of 330-ofiicial duties for sixs years. And then by comparing it against Jokbo(族譜), I have grasped 19-Famlily of them. Executives of Hyangcheong could be grasped as they were status of Yangban(兩班), but members of Jakcheong were hardly identified because they were status of hyangree, thus most of them were not enscrolled in Jokbo. Hyangcheong and Jakcheong's official duties could be found by compare it with other area in Ehubgi(邑誌) Hamgyeong Province. the features of officiak duties are as in the following. On general administrative organization, Sajok's Hayngcheong, Jakcheong as general administrative organization and Jangcheong(將廳) as police work existed. As Pyeongando and Hamgyeongdo were border areas, Jangcheong was independent and led other institutions. However, in Anbyeon, Hojang(戶長) of Hayngcheong and Jakcheong divided dudies and commanded. Hojang'role was higher than any other areas, Because Hojang is in charge of Jangcheong's functions. Jakcheong was centrally operated by Hojang, Eebang(吏房), and Hyeongbang(刑房), so-called 'Samgonghyeong(三公兄)', Whereas Anbyeon was operated by Hojang, Eebang, Chunchong(千摠). In the general areas, While Juasu(座首) Byeolgam(別監), Executive of Hyangcheong, manages each warehouse(倉) where the nation's tax revenues are kept, In Anbyeon besides Joasu, Hyangso(鄕所). The principle of Hyangcheong and Jakcheong's personnel practices was one-period, but there were many consecutive terms, every other year terms, or tranference into other area. Police work was assumed by specific persons because it was relatively specialized job, However in case of Ghamsaek(監色) of each warehouse(倉), Hyangso(鄕所) of Hyangcheong or Hojang of Jakcheong had held plural offices, and was solely responsible it. On the overall features of its operation, Hyangcheong held plural offices, but rotation was made only within Hyangcheong. On the other hand, in the case of Jakcheong, Hojang, Eebang, and even Buriebang circulated their positions, but the other Hyangree rotated each Saek(色) and Guamguan of each warehouse(倉). This writer confirmed that unlike Gyeongsang and Hamgyeong, Hyangcheoung or duties of Hyangree were not handed from generation to generation by several families and, many families shared their work by circulating positions.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.58
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• pp.161-199
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• 2018

The contents and method of education of all Korean scholars are similar to the contents and method of education provided by Zhu Xi(朱熹), but they operated in a somewhat different way according to schools. Those who served as the first directors of Donam Seowon were Kim Gip(金集, 1574~1656), Song Joon-gil(宋浚吉, 1606~1672) and Song Si-yeol(宋時烈, 1607~1689), who were the writers of Kim Jang-saeng(金長生, 1548~1631). Donam Seowon is supposed to have weakened the status of scholarship and the activities of lectures as HwaYang Seowon and Seoksil Seowon, which principals were all the Noron(老論) scholars, grew to be the center of education institution of the Noron. Donam Seowon have not preserved the school regulations. But the way of operating system of Donam Seowon can be guessed through the letter of Song Joon-gil, who was the headmaster of the late 17th century on the whole operation of Donam Seowon. From this letter, it is assumed that the school of Donam Seowon is similar to the 'Unbyoung-Jungsa regulations' written by Lee Yi(李珥). The headmasters of Donam Seowon was the Noron scholars. And scholars of the Kim Chang-hyeop(金昌協, 1651~1708) school became headmasters more than the scholars of Kwon Sang-ha(權尙夏, 1641~1721) school. Headmasters of the Donam Seowon had served as the headmasters of HwaYang Seowon and Seoksil Seowon also. In the early days of the establishment of the Donam Seowon, the lecture activities conducted in Donam Seowon were preceded by the textbooks of Kim Jang-saeng/Song Si-yeol's teaching curriculum and neo-confucian books[i.e Sohak (小學)${\rightarrow}$Family Ritual(家禮)${\rightarrow}$Simkyong(心經)${\rightarrow}$Keunsarok(近思錄). It is assumed that the scholars of Seoksil Seowon, who was a Noron Nak-ron(洛論) scholars, gradually adopted Lee Yi's teaching curriculum[i.e, Sohak(小學)${\rightarrow}$Sasoe(四書)${\rightarrow}$Okyoung(五經)]. This lecture contents and procedure was contents and procedure of the Seoksil Seowon, established and operated by the scholars of the Kim Chang-hyeop school. Entrance qualification of Donam Seowon's did not place importance on the social status, but on scholarship and personality. The examination for a high-ranking government official was not allowed. Although the principle, students had to participate in the lecture and study(講學), they were living in Seowon, while the financial and operating of the Seowon became increasingly difficult, the students were changed to participate in the conference(講會) held twice a month while studying at their homes.

• Journal of Korean Home Economics Education Association
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• v.34 no.3
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• pp.1-23
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• 2022

This study examined the perceptions of Myanmar university students and professors regarding the status and necessity of higher education programs in fashion. Data were collected from professors in textile engineering at Yangon Technological University and Myanmar university students. Closed- and open-ended questions were asked either through interviews or by email. The responses were analyzed using keyword extraction and categorization, and descriptive statistics(closed questions). Generally, the professors perceived higher education, as well as the cultural industries including art and fashion, as important for Myanmar's social and economic development. According to the students interests in pursuing a degree in textile were limited, despite the high interest in fashion. Low wages in the apparel industry and lack of fashion degrees that meet the demand of students were cited as reasons. The demand was high for educational programs in fashion product development, fashion design, pattern-making, fashion marketing, branding, management, costume history, and cultural studies. Students expected to find their future career in textiles and clothing factories. Many students wanted to be hired by global fashion brands for higher salaries and training for advanced knowledge and technical skills. They perceived advanced fashion education programs will have various positive effects on Myanmar's national economy.

• Journal of Nutrition and Health
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• v.10 no.4
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• pp.43-58
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• 1977

Kojedo is the second largest island in Korea and a total population of 115,500 is living on the island of 394.69 sq. km. Under the direction of three nutrition professors, nutrition surveys in two villages in Kojedo, namely Siljun Ri in Hachung Myon and Soowol Ri in Shinhyun Myon, were carried by 30 college senior students majoring in nutrition from August to 20 August 1977. From a total of 176 households of the two villages, 67 households were randomly selected and 390 family members of the households were subjcets of the nutrition surveys. The precise weighing method was used in evaluating the kinds of foods and nutrient intakes of the subjects for three consecutive days. Thirty-seven pre-school children aged between 3 to 6 years and 27 fertile women were examined for biochemical findings and physical status. The main purposes of the surveys are to provide baseline data on nutrition in Kojedo Island for the Kojedo Community Development Project and to compare the nutritional status of the villages of Siljun Ri and Soowol Ri. Siljun Ri is located in the pilot project area of the Koiedo Community Health Project sponsored since December 1970 by the Christian Medical Commission of the World Council of Churches. While Soowol Ri is a control village for comparison. The results obtained are summarized as follows: Food Intake The average food intake per person per day in Siljun Ri, 1064 grams (91.7% in vegetable foods and 7.6% in animal foods) was 90 grams more than that of Soowol Ri, 974 grams (92.8% in vegetable foods and 5.9% in animal foods). However, the food intake per pre-school child in Siljun Ri, 485 grams (92.6% from vegetable foods and 6.4% from animal foods) was 21 grams lower than that of the Soowol Ri, 506 grams (88.5% from vegetable foods and 6.5% from animal foods). The average intake of beans was 16 grams(1.5% out of the total food intake) in Siljun Ri and 21 grams(2.2% of the total food intake)in Soowol Ri. The villagers should be guided for more consumption of soybeans to improve the quality of protein intake from vegetable foods. Nutrient Intake The adult intake in Siljun Ri and Soowol Ri were 2,529 kcal and 2,511 kcal respectively. The average energy intake of pre-school childen in Siljun Ri was 948 kcal and that for adult and 1,500 kcal for childen aged between 4 to 6 years-given by the Korea FAO Association, the diets in both villages were not adequate. Average daily protein intake of the subjected adult in Siljun Ri was 78.4 grams and that of Soowol Ri was 76.2 grams, while pre-school children took 30.7 grams in the former village and 31.7 grams in the latter village per child per day. The protein intake in both villages were lower than the recommended allowances, 80 grams for adult and 45 grams for $4{\sim}6$ years childen, and animal protein intake of the all subjects was very much lower than the RDA. The main charecter of the diet has been found low in quality of protein and high in carbohydrate. The calcium intakes of the pre-school children in both villages, 251.9 milligrams in Siljun Ri and 218.8 milligrams in Soowol Ri, were very much lower than the recommended allowance of 500 milligrams per day. It is apparent that the diet for children should be supplemented with calcium. Among the vitamin group, the daily average intakes of vitamin A and $B_{2}$(thiamine), $B_{2}$(riboflavin), C(ascorbic acid), and niacin were not adequate for the children in both villages. Especially the intake of riboflavin, 0.4 milligrams in both village children, was much lower than the RDA, 0.9 milligrams per day. Physical Characteristics Average height, weight, chest and head circumference of the pre-school children in both villages were similar to those of the Korean standard given by the Korean Paediatrics Association except that the average height of pre-school boys in Siljun Ri was 8 cm higher than the Korean standard of 105 cm. The mean values of upper arm circumference and skinfold thickness of pre-school boys in both villages were the same, 15.4 cm for upper arm circumference and 6.8 mm for skinfold thickness, but the mean values of those of the girls in Siljun Ri were higher than those of pre-school grils in Soowol Ri. Biochemical Findings Avera ge hemogobin value of boys and girls in both villages was the same, 11.1 grams per 100 ml of blood. The incidence of anemia (Hb value below 11g/100ml) was similar in both viltagesr 36.4% for boys and 50% for girls in Siljun Ri and 37.5% for boys and 50% for girls in Soowol Ri. Average hemoglobin values of fertile women were 10.7g% in Siljun Ri and 10.8% in Soowor Ri. The incidences of anemia(Hb valre brlow 12g/100ml) were 100% in Siljun Ri and 86.7% in Soowol Ri. The anemia of these subjects may be caused mainty low intake of good quality protein and iron intake from vegetable food. Recommendation In general, the nutritional status of a community health pilot village is not higher than that of control village due to the lack of nutrition improvement guldance services. Nutrition education should be delivered to the villagers as a main part of the health education artivities. The emphasis should be on building better health through bttter food habits and better food production as well as on preventing malnutrition and diseasrs. It can be an invaluable part of community developnent. Since nutrition is considered to be at least one-half of MCH care, no village or home visits should be made without careful provision for teaching and demoastrating something simple and practical on nutrition. The nurse, midwife, and village health worker should be the chief promoters of nutrition.

• Journal of agricultural medicine and community health
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• v.18 no.2
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• pp.141-151
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• 1993

This study was done about 371 tuberculosis(TB) patients composed 195 newly registered at Kyungju Gun Health Center from May 1989 to April 1990 (Group A) and 176 being treated at hospitals or private clinics from January 1988 to November 1989(Group B). When Group A patients visited and newly registered at Health Center, data was obtained by interviewing with a prepared questionnaire paper. And well trained inquirer visited Group B patients and obtained data by the same method from February 1990 to April 1990. The results are as follows ; Group A was generally lower than Group B in socioeconomic status and in family history of TB, the rate of Group A was 24.1% and higher than 11.9% in Group B(p<0.05). Knowledge about TB was improved more than past, but those who answered that TB is 'a communicable disease' were 59.5% in Group A and 51.7% in Group B(p<0.05). Those answered that TB is 'a inherited disease' were 9.2% and 11.4% each. And 1.7% of Group B answered that TB is 'a incurable disease'. Knowledge about TB treatment also was improved more than past, but in the rate of those who answered that TB is a curable disease provided by well treatment Group B(77.8%) was worse than Group A(91.3%). The rate of those who answered that TB were been able to cure by regularly anti-TB medication were 98.0% in Group A and 89.8% in Group B. Its difference was statistically significant. The rate that patients took the first diagnosis and wanted to receive treatments at the same organ were 34.9% of Group A at Health Center and 72.2% of Group B at hospitals or private clinics. And its difference was statistically significant. In the reasons that Group B knew Health Center treated pulmonary TB but they was treated at hospitals or private clinics, unreliability to Health Center was 48.1%. The reasons that Group A was treated at Health Center were 'because of trust' 63.1%, 'because of low cost' 50.3%, 'because of low cost except trust' 9.3%, 'no specific reasons' 27.7%. In the courses of knowing that TB was controlled at Health Center, 'by neighborhood, health worker and doctors' were 84.9% in Group A and 69.0% in Group B. But 'by TV or radio' were 8.2% in Group A and 14.7% in Group B, 'by school education' 2.5% in Group A and 6.2% in Group B. Conclusively, Group A patients were lower than Group B in socioeconomic status, but better than in knowledge about TB. Its reasons was suggested that Health Center had controlled TB patients better than hospitals and private clinics. But considering, that difference in the rate of the same organ for the first diagnosis and treatment, that the only 63.0% of Group A have treated due to 'reliability to Health Center', and that 48.1% of Group B knew that Health Center treated pulmonary TB but didn't visit it due to 'unreliability to Health Center', that public relations(PR) about use Health Center for pulmonary TB and health education for TB was thought to have to strengthened.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.70
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• pp.435-466
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• 2018

"Hajaeilgi (荷齋日記)" was written by Ji Gyu-sik, a gongin of Saongwon (司饔院)'s branch, almost everyday for 20 years and 7 months from January 1st, 1891 until the leap month of June 29th, 1911. It deals with many different areas including domestic and foreign circumstances, custom, rituals, all the affairs related to the branch, and also everyday life. Particularly, Ji Gyu-sik did not belong to the yangban class, and we can hardly find diaries written by such class' people. Here, what this author pays attention to among the things written in "Hajaeilgi" is the contents about rituals, especially coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites. Ji Gyu-sik did write in his "Hajaeilgi" about coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites that were actually performed then as a person not belonging to the yangban class. Such diaries are very rare, and its value is highly appreciated as a material. Particularly, from the late 19th to the early 20th century of this author focuses on the a study of coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites as we can see some aspects about it from his diary. Coming-of-age rites were carried out in the first month of the year generally, and in this period, we can see the transformation of their performing period as it was diversified then. This was not exceptional in yangban families. About wedding, while it was discussed, it came to be canceled more often than before maybe because they were going through the process of enlightenment then. It seems that choosing the day was not done in the bride's family always. Jungin or commoners had a weeding in the bride's house, but when it was needed, it was also performed in the groom's house. Ji Gyu-sik followed the traditional wedding procedure for his children rather faithfully, but it was applied flexibly according to the two families' situations or conditions. Ignoring the traditional manners, they had a wedding in the period of mourning or performed a wedding in the groom's house bringing the bride there. It seems that this was related to the decline of Confucian order in the society in the process of modernization. Also, the form of donations changed, too. Gradually, it was altered to the form of money gifts. Moreover, unlike before, divorcing seems to have been allowed then. Remarriage or divorce was the custom transformed from before. Funeral rites had different durations from death up to balin (carrying out a bier for burial) and hagwan (lowering a coffin into the grave), and so it means that they also went through transformation. Sa-daebu used usually 3 months but here was 7 days from death to balin normally, but it seems that there were yangban families not following it. The traces of 3-iljang (burial on the third day after death) most commonly found these days and chowoo jaewoo samwooje can be also found in "Hajaeilgi". Such materials are, in fact, very highly evaluated nowadays. Meanwhile, donations also changed gradually to the form of money. Regarding ancestral rites, time for memorial service was not fixed. Ji Gyu-sik did not follow jaegye (齋戒) before carrying out gijesa, and in some worse case, he went to pub the day before the memorial service to meet his lover or drink. This is somewhat different from the practice of yangban sadaebu then. Even after entering Christianity, Ji Gyu-sik performed memorial service, and after joining Cheondogyo, he did it, too. Meanwhile, there were some exceptions, but in Hansik or Chuseok, Ji Gyu-sik performed charye (myoje) before the tomb in person or sent his little brother or son to do it. But we cannot find the contents that tell us Ji Gyu-sik carried out myoje in October. Ji Gyu-sik performed saengiljesa calling it saengsincharye almost every year for his late father. But it is noticeable that he performed saengsincharye and memorial service separately, too, occasionally. The gijesa, charye, myoje, and saengsincharye carried out by jungin family from Gyeonggi Gwangju around the time that the status system was abolished and the Japanese Empire took power may have been rather different and less strict than yangban family's practice of ancestral rites; however, it is significant that we can see with it the aspects of ancestral rites performed in family not yangban. As described above, the contents about the a study of coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites found in "Hajaeilgi" are equipped with great value as material and meaningful in the perspective of forklore.