This article aims to examine European reactions against the Ottoman mission headed by Enver Pasha, who was dispatched to China during the 'Boxer Uprising' in 1901. Based on Western archival documents, we can find reliable and informative correspondence about the attitude of the European countries toward the sultan's mission and its pan-Islamic plans in China. The coming of the Ottoman mission caused great reaction in such European countries as Britain, France, Germany and Russia, who were engaged in a competitive power struggle for an influential political and economic position in China. They kept a close watch on the sultan's envoy to find out his secret mission on the one hand and tried to persuade Enver Pasha not to work against their advantage in China on the other. From time to time, Abdul Hamid II (r. 1876-1909), the sultan of the Ottoman Empire, sent China an official mission and secret agents, through whom he tried to subjugate Chinese Muslims for his own advantage. The significance for the Ottoman Empire of any success in penetrating China by way of a pan-Islamic approach cannot be overrated, not only for political advantage but also for commercial and cultural benefit. Like other European countries, Ottomans could retain or gain rights which might bring them opportunities for free trade in opium and in other commodities. The sultan believed that they would constitute a great political factor to his advantage, because most of the tens of millions of Chinese Muslims recognized the Ottoman sultan as their caliph and praised him in their Friday sermon (Khutuba). Taking these factors into consideration, he decided to dispatch the Enver Pasha mission during the Boxer Uprising (1898-1901), responding to the suggestion of German Kaiser Wilhelm II. However, when the Ottoman mission arrived in China, the uprising had already been suppressed. This unexpected situation made the envoy initiate meaningful contacts with Chinese Muslims during its stay in China.
The Khitans were a Turco-Mongol clan who dominated China north of the Yangtze River during the early mediaeval period. They adopted and then adapted many of the cultural traditions of their powerful neighbours to the south, the Song Chinese. However, before their absorption into the Mongol Empire in the late 13th century they proved pivotal, firstly in the eastward expansion of the armies of Chinggis Khan, secondly, in the survival of the Persian heartlands after the Mongol invasions of the 1220s and thirdly, in the revival and integration of the polity of Iran into the Chinggisid Empire. Da Liao, the Khitans, the Qara Khitai, names which have served this clan well, strengthened and invigorated the hosts which harboured them. The Liao willingly assimilated into the Chinggisid Empire of whose formation they had been an integral agent and in doing so they also surrendered their identity but not their history. Recent scholarship is now unearthing and recognising their proud legacy and distinct identity. Michal Biran placed the Khitans irrevocably and centrally in mediaeval Asian history and this study emphasises their role in the establishment of the Mongol Empire.
This study examines the nature of the world order or the international relations of the 19th century Vietnam. Those who are familiar with the Chinese world order based on the tributary system, have applied the quasi-Chinese world order concept to Vietnam by the terms of 'smaller dragon,' 'little China,' and 'Chinese model.' According to this way of understanding, Vietnamese empire was the imitation or the small sized version of the Chinese empire. Examples are to label Vietnamese emperor as the "Southeast Asian version of the Chinese emperor" or "an absolute photocopy of the Chinese world order." But the author of this article raises questions to this framework of the Chinese Model, and looks for the Vietnamese own world order based on the Southeast Asian tradition. Two issues are discussed in this study. First is the Vietnamese relationships with Southeast Asia. According to author, the first concern of Vietnam in relation to diplomatic relations was to the Mainland Southeast Asian countries. To clarify the contacts with Southeast Asia and Western powers, Vietnamese relationships with the regions of Island Southeast Asian countries were also examined. Second issue is to see the ways how Vietnam maintained its own world order in the course of wars and diplomacy with China. Author argues that the world order of the 19th century Vietnam was closer to the traditional world order of mandala in the Southeast Asia than to the quasi Chinese world order. The relationships among the countries were rather equal than hierarchical. Vietnam regarded the countries of Southeast Asia especially Thailand and Burma as the equal countries. China was one of the equal countries to the eyes of Vietnamese leaders and Vietnam did not have enough room to embody the quasi Chinese world order though the Vietnamese rulers used the titles of emperor, which was the Vietnamese version of Southeast Asian 'king.' In conclusion, the world order of Vietnam is summarized into the two facets of $l{\hat{a}}n$ giao(diplomatic relations with neighbors) and bang giao(diplomatic relations between two countries i.e. Vietnam and China). $l{\hat{a}}n$ giao was to the countries of Southeast Asia while the bang giao was the term and concept for the diplomatic relationship with China. These two relationships composed Vietnamese foreign relationship, ngo?i giao. Author claims that these two relations were based on the spirit of equality that emerged from the beginning of the 19th century.
Foreign Reception Hall in Gyeongungung Palace was constructed during 1899-1902 according to Yesigjangjeong (禮式章程), Korean Empire's modern diplomatic protocol. This bulilding is a case worthy of notice, because its construction process was written in Jubon(奏本), Korean Empire's official document. Yesigjangjeong(禮式章程) regulates the process of diplomat's audience with Emperor Gojong. The process suggested that Foreign Reception Hall was designed as the place of the end as well as the beginning for audience. According to the process, diplomat came through main gate, Daehanmun and outer gate of main hall(Junghwajeon Hall, Audience Hall), then arrived at the stair to Foreign Reception Hall. After waiting time in the hall, he was going to be granted an audience with Emperor. And he exited through Foreign Reception Hall as the reverse way. This hall was constructed as western-style. Subcontracted carpenters and wood sculptors and laborers from China represents that chinese workers were prevailed in the government construction at that time. And modern building materials, such as glass, colored brick, sanitary wares and lightings were applied, which showed the new landscape in the middle of Gyeongungung Palace. Above all, official documents related with this hall reveals Korean Empire supervised this construction for diplomatic protocol. That is the identity of western-style buildings in Gyeongungung Palace.
This essay, based on an oral presentation, provides the non-specialist, with an evaluation of the Mongols' influence and China and, to a lesser extent, on Russia and the Middle East. Starting in the 1980s, specialists challenged the conventional wisdom about the Mongol Empire's almost entirely destructive influence on global history. They asserted that Mongols promoted vital economic, social, and cultural exchanges among civilizations. Chinggis Khan, Khubilai Khan, and other rulers supported trade, adopted policies of toleration toward foreign religions, and served as patrons of the arts, architecture, and the theater. Eurasian history starts with the Mongols. Exhibitions at the Metropolitan Museum of Art and the Los Angeles County Museum of Art confirmed that the Mongol era witnessed extraordinary developments in painting, ceramics, manuscript illustration, and textiles. To be sure, specialists did not ignore the destruction and killings that the Mongols engendered. This reevaluation has prompted both sophisticated analyses of the Mongols' legacy in Eurasian history. The Ming dynasty, the Mongols' successor in China, adopted some of the principles of Mongol military organization and tactics and were exposed to Tibetan Buddhism and Persian astronomy and medicine. The Mongols introduced agricultural techniques, porcelain, and artistic motifs to the Middle East, and supported the writing of histories. They also promoted Sufism in the Islamic world and influenced Russian government, trade, and art, among other impacts. Europeans became aware, via Marco Polo who traveled through the Mongols' domains, of Asian products, as well as technological, scientific, and philosophical innovations in the East and were motivated to find sea routes to South and East Asia.
Soek(Xi) was the highest ranked shoe that was worn with the primary formal dress in East Asian countries including ancient Korea and China. This article examined Joseon's Seok as discussed in previous studies, and it explored factors such as the wearers' status, wearing situations, its morphology, its materials, and its colors in the Great Han Empire period (1897~1910), and then extracted three morphological characteristics of the Korean Seok to examine its origin. The results of the study are as follows. For women, the Seok in the Great Han Empire period was worn with Won-sam(圓衫) and No-eui(露衣) as well as Jeok-eui(翟衣), and hence its range of wearing was extensive. Also, red Seok was worn with deep red colored Dae-sam(大衫)-styled Jeok-eui in the Joseon period(1392~1897), and blue Seok with deep blue Jeok-eui in the Great Han Empire period. This suggests the possibility that wearing of deep blue Jeok-eui occurred after 1906 in terms of the use of blue Seok. As for its morphology, its leg-less form was maintained into the late Joseon period, and there were no great changes in its name. The characteristics of the Korean Seok's morphological structure consisted of a shoe leg, the wood-less bottom and pearl ornament. As a result of the examination of the origin of those characteristics, it has been clarified that the form in which Gu, Eok, Jun(純), are attached in the structure with a shoe leg originated from the combination of Hwa(靴) and Li(履) after the two types of shoes were alternately worn in the Song (宋) period. Also, it was confirmed that the woodless bottom appeared between the periods from Wei Jin Northern and Southern Dynasties(魏晉南北朝) to Sui(隋), and the pearl ornament occurred in the Jin(金) period.
Yuan Shi Kai, the first President of the Republic of China, established a ceremonial uniform system based on ancient styles in 1914 just before the national polity was changed to the Empire of China in 1915. This system is Jisiguanfuzhi (a system on costumes for memorial services), and figures included in the system are Jisiguanfutu (figures showing costumes for memorial services). This study is the first to examine Jisiguanfuzhi and Jisiguanfutu and to approach the background idea of the establishment of the system with a focus on the meaning of 'unity.' Jisiguanfuzhi regulates the ceremonial uniform system of all classes from the President along with the 1st-class to the 5th-class people. The uniform consists of a crown, robe, belt, the mid-section cloth, and boots. In addition, the uniforms of ritual musicians and dancers are included. The basic principles in establishing the system were the restoration of ancient systems, the adoption of convenience, the acceptance of current practices, and the implication of symbolism. Jisiguanfuzhi clarifies that the pattern of the ceremonial uniforms was modeled on Juebianfu, for religious services. The reason for choosing Juebianfu for religious services was to achieve 'unity' and Juebianfu was associated with 'unity' because it was common to all, from the emperor to the gentlemen class, in ancient times. Yuan Shi Kai tried to show flexibility to the gentlemen class who represented the intellectuals at that time by adopting Juebianfu for religious services, fearing that the gentlemen class might oppose the attempt to restore the imperial system. Therefore, although Jisiguanfuzhi adopted mostly Mianfu and royal sacrificial robes, it also emphasized 'unity' by professing that the uniforms were based on Juebianfu for religious services.
This paper presents a case study of the Muslim diaspora through comparative analysis of Islamic tombstones from the Southeast Coast of China under Mongol rule. The locations of the nisbas in the Islamic tombstones are widely dispersed, covering Xinjiang, Transoxiana, Iran, Khorasan, Khwarazm, Armenia, Syria, Palestine, and Arabia. Unexpectedly, we did not find a single named location from India or Southeast Asia. It is well known that notable descendants of distinguished families traditionally produced officials, intellectuals, and wealthy merchants, and surrendered to the Mongols during the war against the Qara Khitai Khanate and the Khwarazm Empire. There were a great number of appointed officials with Muslim names in the Jianghuai (around Lower Yangtze) and Fujian regions. This is consistent with the concentration of epitaphs written in Arabic on the southeast coast of China. The frequent use of the specific tradition of the prophet Muhammad associating the death of the exile with martyrdom in Islamic tombstones in Quanzhou, Hangzhou, and Yangzhou indicates that the Muslims in these port cities eventually established an interregional or diasporic identity of Muslim foreighners whoimmigrated into the region.
The Silk Road usually implies a network of trade and communications that stretched from east to west and connected China and the countries of the Far East via Central Asia and the Middle East to the eastern Mediterranean, or through the northern coast of the Caspian Sea and the Volga basin to the Black Sea coast. However, at certain historical stages, a network of maritime and overland routes stretching from north to south, commonly called the Volga-Caspian trade route, also played a significant role in international trade and cultural contacts. The geopolitical realities of the early Middle Ages relating to the relationship of Byzantium, the Sassanid Empire, and the West Turkic Khaganate, the advance of the Arab Caliphate to the north, the spread of Islam in the Volga region, the glories and fall of the Khazar State, and the Scandinavian campaigns in the Caucasus, closely intertwined with the history of transport and communications connecting the north and south through the Volga-Caspian route. In a later era, the interests of the Mongolian Uluses, and then the political and economic aspirations of the Ottoman Empire, the Safavid State, and Russia, collided or combined on these routes. The article discusses trade contacts existing between the north and the south in the 15th and first half of the 17th century along the routes on the western coast of the Caspian Sea.
The dragon of the East was an object of worship and an authority to make rain, unlike the West. The dragon image, one of the positively accepted Chinese motifs with the blue-and-white porcelain of the Ming dynasty by the Ottoman Empire in the 16th century, was combined with gigantic saw-edged leaves to create a genre in Saz style. By combining Eastern dragons with plant motifs instead of clouds, dragons were no longer accepted as authority and nobility but as symbols of life and longevity. Unlike Iran and other countries, the image of dragons in Turkish miniature paintings has evolved into a unique style using Turkish calligraphy. The stylistic feature is that a thick black line that gives the impression of calligraphy forms the dragon's back or a huge saz leaf stalk and forms the axis of the screen. Most of the work was black ink drawing, not painting, and partly lightly painted. In the development stage, the dragon appears as a protagonist on the screen of the early works, but the dragon retreats to the latter half and the saz leaves play a leading role on the screen. A common feature in all paintings, whether early or late, is that they have a militant character and create tension on the screen. From the viewpoint of comparative culture, Turkish dragon miniature drawings of the 16thcentury Ottoman period and the Joseon dynasty are somewhat similar in that they are based on calligraphic character and desire for longevity and loyalty, and are drawn according to certain iconic principles.
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