• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.108-128
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• 2021

Research on the news coverage of North Korea has been paying less attention to social media platforms than to legacy media. An increasing number of social media users post, retweet, share, interpret, and set agendas on North Korea. The accessibility of international users and North Korea's publicity purposes make social media a venue for expression, news diversity, and framing about the nation. This study examined the sentiment of Twitter posts on North Korea from a framing perspective and the relationship between network strengths and sentiment from a social network perspective. Data were collected using two tools: Jupyter Notebook with Python 3.6 for preliminary analysis and NodeXL for main analysis. A total of 11,957 tweets, 10,000 of which were collected using Python and 1,957 tweets using NodeXL, about North Korea between June 20-21, 2020 were collected. Results demonstrated that there was more negative sentiment than positive sentiment about North Korea in the sampled Twitter posts. Some users belonging to small network sizes reached out to others on Twitter to build networks and spread positive information about North Korea. Influential users tended to be impartial to sentiment about North Korea, while some Twitter users with a small network exhibited high percentages of positive words about North Korea. Overall, marginalized populations with network bonding were more likely to express positive sentiment about North Korea than were influencers at the center of networks.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.157-173
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• 2021

In the transition to a multipolar international system, the literature has focused on great power competition while little attention has been given to the strategic possibilities of smaller states. However, as a result of globalization, states are so closely interconnected that the primary strategies of even major powers are not to achieve zero-sum solutions but to create asymmetric dependency through which they can influence the behavior of other states and non-state actors. States are assisted in this effort by a variety of tools, including setting up institutions, direct economic influence and through building different forms of infrastructure connectivity networks. By discussing asymmetric dependency situations from the perspective of the great powers, the literature presents smaller states primarily as passive actors, paralyzed by their dependence on great powers. Our paper argues that interdependence allows smaller states to effectively influence larger actors and examines strategies from which smaller states can choose in order to influence the behavior of larger states. Despite an extremely asymmetric relationship between Myanmar and China, actors in Myanmar have sought to influence China's Myanmar policy. We examine a case study of the Myitsone Dam, including Myanmar's strategic aims, chosen strategy and limitations in maneuvering space. Semi-structured interviews with local decision-makers and stakeholders are conducted in order to portray the full picture. Our study concludes that further research on the influencing strategies of small states in response to asymmetric dependence can contribute to a better understanding of the interdependence of states.

• Korean Journal of Pharmacognosy
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• v.52 no.4
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• pp.212-218
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• 2021

Fatsia japonica is grown wild to Eastern Asia, including Korea, Japan, and Taiwan and it is known as ornamental plant, and it is also known that pharmacological action. In this study, we have selected the stem of F. japonica with consideration about biological activities and amount of yield. In addition, four compounds (1-4) were isolated from the stem of F. japonica. Extensive spectroscopic and chemical studies established the structures of these compounds as maltose (1), begoniifolide A (2), leiyemudanoside B (3), leonticin F (4). All of the compounds were investigated for their anti-inflammatory, anti-neuroinflammatory, and neuro-protective effects on RAW264.7, BV2, and HT22 cells. However, among four compounds, there were no effects by maltose (1), begoniifolide A (2), leiyemudanoside B (3), leonticin F (4) on the anti-inflammatory, anti-neuroinflammatory, and neuro-protective action. This is the first report on the isolation of maltose (1), begoniifolide A (2), leiyemudanoside B (3), leonticin F (4) from the stem of F. japonica. Begoniifolide A (2), leiyemudanoside B (3), leonticin F (4) were isolated for the first time from this plant. It might be necessary to continue the further studies to find the biological active compounds isolated from the stem of F. japonica.

• Acta Via Serica
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.23-48
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• 2018

The Silk Road usually implies a network of trade and communications that stretched from east to west and connected China and the countries of the Far East via Central Asia and the Middle East to the eastern Mediterranean, or through the northern coast of the Caspian Sea and the Volga basin to the Black Sea coast. However, at certain historical stages, a network of maritime and overland routes stretching from north to south, commonly called the Volga-Caspian trade route, also played a significant role in international trade and cultural contacts. The geopolitical realities of the early Middle Ages relating to the relationship of Byzantium, the Sassanid Empire, and the West Turkic Khaganate, the advance of the Arab Caliphate to the north, the spread of Islam in the Volga region, the glories and fall of the Khazar State, and the Scandinavian campaigns in the Caucasus, closely intertwined with the history of transport and communications connecting the north and south through the Volga-Caspian route. In a later era, the interests of the Mongolian Uluses, and then the political and economic aspirations of the Ottoman Empire, the Safavid State, and Russia, collided or combined on these routes. The article discusses trade contacts existing between the north and the south in the 15th and first half of the 17th century along the routes on the western coast of the Caspian Sea.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.18 no.1
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• pp.189-216
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• 2019

The frequent occurrence of overwhelming disasters necessitates risk communication systems capable of operating effectively in disaster contexts. Few studies have examined risk communication networks during disasters through social networking services (SNS). This study therefore investigates the patterns of risk communication by comparing Korean and international networks based on the social amplification of risk communication in the context of the Sewol ferry disaster (SFD). In addition, differences in language use and patterns between Korean and international contexts are identified through a semantic analysis using KrKwick, NodeXL, and UCINET. The SFD refers to the sinking of the ferry while carrying 476 people, mostly secondary school students. The results for interpersonal risk communication reveal that the structure of the Korean risk communication network differed from that of the international network. The Korean network was more fragmented, and its clustering was more sparsely knitted based on the impact and physical proximity of the disaster. Semantic networks imply that the physical distance from the disaster affected the content of risk communication, as well as the network pattern.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.18 no.1
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• pp.30-48
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• 2019

China has initiated a series of "economic sanctions" against South Korea, affecting Korean pop stars visiting China and Korean investments in China. Sanctions were imposed on South Korea in response to the decision of South Korea to deploy Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) in 2016. Furthermore, the Global Daily assembled local population to boycott Korean products and investments in China. However, the Chinese Foreign Ministry has never positively confirmed these activities as economic sanctions to South Korea related to the THAAD installation. In other words, the Chinese government singled a relatively weak message via these sanctions to South Korea. As a result, the THADD implementation continued in South Korea. In the paper, I interpret China's rationale to impost puzzling economic sanctions, which have a weak resolution, to South Korea and Taiwan. As signaling theory argues, economic sanctions with insufficient resolution, which are more likely to fail, is a more provocative foreign policy. By reviewing China's sanctions usage to South Korea and Taiwan, I propose arguments of bureaucratic competition to answer why China launched such sanctions to other countries: those are caused by domestic institutions who are seeking reward from the Communist Party of China. By comparing shifts of leadership between domestic agencies, the paper provides evidence to support the proposed argument. I also include two alternative explanations to strengthen the proposed argument, albeit connecting the paper with other two larger streams of research, which address analyses of China's aggressive foreign policies as well as the domestic politics of economic sanctions.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.18 no.1
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• pp.124-152
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• 2019

Smart city, which employs information and communication technology (ICT) to resolve urban problems, is gaining more research attention in the innovation research. However, most previous studies regard citizens as merely passive accepters of the smart city services, focusing on individual private values. The present study aims to expand existing limited perspectives by applying public value management theory. Drawing from the literature review, we developed a dual perspective that a smart city service should encompass: private and public value. Then we set up a causal relationship between the value recognitions and intention to adopt smart city services. We further related antecedent variables to the dual value recognition in terms of citizens' characteristics: prior knowledge, personal innovativeness, and citizenship. Two case subjects among currently operating smart city services in South Korea were selected to empirically investigate our hypothesis. Results confirm the recognition of both public and private value is significantly related to the citizens' personal characteristics and resultant attitude towards acceptance and support for diffusion of the smart city services. This study is expected to provide useful implications for a new angle for the recipient of the smart city services, value orientation of the services, citizen's participation, and method selection for promotion.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.17 no.2
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• pp.200-221
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• 2018

Open Science is an umbrella term that involves various movements aiming to remove the barriers to sharing any kind of output, resources, methods or tools at any stage of the research process. While the study of open science is relatively advanced in Western countries, we know of no scholarship that attempts to understand open science in Hong Kong. This paper provides a broad-based background on the major research data management organisations, policies and institutions with the intention of laying a foundation for more rigorous future research that quantifies the benefits of open access and open data policies. We explore the status and prospects for open science (open access and open data) in the context of Hong Kong and how open science can contribute to innovation in Hong Kong. Surveying Hong Kong's policies and players, we identify both lost research potential and provide positive examples of Hong Kong's contribution to scientific research. Finally, we offer suggestions regarding what changes can be made to address the gaps we identify.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.17 no.2
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• pp.147-175
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• 2018

Under authoritarian regimes, citizen-led NGOs such as environmental NGOs (ENGOs) often operate under close scrutiny of the government. While this presents a challenge to a single ENGO, we propose here - in line with existing research on network effects - that there are opportunities for multiple ENGOs to coordinate and thus work in ways that supersede government controls, affect public opinion, and contribute to policy revision and/or creation. In this paper, we specifically examine the possibility that the gamut of citizen-based ENGOs in China are coordinating. Based on network analysis of ENGOs web pages as well as interviews with more than a dozen ENGO leaders between 2014 and 2016, we find that ENGOs have few direct and public connections to each other, but social media sites and personal connections offline provide a crucial function in creating bridges. A closer examination of these bridges reveals, however, that they can be substantive to the environmental discussion or functional to the dissemination of web page information but typically not both. In short, ENGOs in China are not directly connected but rather are connected in a way that responds to the available social media and the government's censorship practices.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.21 no.2
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• pp.27-46
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• 2022

The purpose of this study is two-fold: first, to discuss the concept of health diplomacy and the Korean government's response to contain the COVID-19 pandemic; second, to assess and compare assumptions of variances about foreigners' perceptions of how Korea is leveraging digital technology in battling the coronavirus spread, and its vaccine campaign; through the lenses of Chinese, Filipino, and Pakistani foreign nationals who are currently living in Korea. A total of 219 foreigners responded to the survey. The collected data were analyzed as percentages, mean averages, t-test, and ANOVA for statistical analysis. Results show that Korea is utilizing its digital technology practices and vaccine campaign in battling the pandemic through efforts of health diplomacy. ANOVA indicated significant results and assumptions of variance across three ethnic groups showing the Pakistani population had higher mean scores than the Chinese and Filipino about Korea's health diplomacy during the pandemic. This study contributes to the literature on Korea's digital technology practices and vaccine campaigns amidst the COVID-19 pandemic by promoting its image through health diplomacy efforts. It projects the country's soft image on a global scale, to save the lives of locals and foreign nationals, by providing insights into health diplomacy in Korea.