• Archives of design research
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.63-97
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• 1989

There is nothing more important than the form and function in design, because every design product can be done on the basis of them. Form and Function are already existed before the word of design has been appeared and all the natural and man-made things' basic organization is based on their organic relations. The organic relations is the source of vitality which identifies the subsistance of all the objects and the evolution of living creatures has been changed their appearances by the natural law and order. Design is no exception. Design is a man-made organic thing which is developed its own way according to the purposed aim and given situations. If so, what is the ultimate goal of design. It is without saying that the goal is to make every effort to contribute to the -human beings most desirable life by the designer who is devoting himself to their convenience and well-being. Therefore, the designer can be called the man of rich life practitioner. This word implies a lot of meanings since the essence of design is improving the guality of life by the man-made things which are created by the designer. Also, the things are existed through the relations between form and function, and the things can keep their value when they are answered to the right purpose. In design, thus, it is to be a main concern how to create valuable things and to use them in the right way, and the subject of study is focused on the designer's outlook of value and uk relations between form and function. Christopher Alexander mentioned the importance of form as follows. The ultimate object of design is form. Every design problem begins with an effort to achieve fittness between the form and its context. The form is the solution to the problem: the context defmes the problem. In other words, when we speak of design, the real object of discussion is not form alone, but the ensemble comprising the form and its context. Good fit is a desirable property of this ensemble which relates to some particular division of the ensemble into form and context. Max Bill mainatined how important form is in design. Form represents a self-contained concept, and its embodiment in an object results in that object becoming a work of art. Futhermore, this explains why we use form so freguently in a comparative sense for determining whether one thing is less or more beautiful than another, and why the ideal of absolute beauty is always the standard by which we appraise form, and through form, art itself. Hence form has became synonymous with beauty. On the other hand, Laszlo Moholy-Nagy stated the importance of function as follows. Function means the task an object is designed to fulfill the task instrument is shaping the form. Unfortunately, this principle was not appreciated at the same time but through the endeavors of Frank Lloyd Wright and of the Bauhaus group and its many collegues in Europe, the idea of functionalism became the keynote of the twenites. Functionalism soon became a cheap slogan, however, and its original meaning blurred. It is neccessary to reexamine it in the light of present circumstances. Charles William Eliot expressed his idea on the relations between function and beauty. Beauty often results chiefly from fittness: indeed it is easy to manitain that nothing is fair except what is fit its uses or functions. If the function of the product of a machine be useful and valuable, an the machine be eminently fit for its function, it conspicuously has the beauty of fittness. A locomotive or a steamship has the same sort of beauty, derived from the supreme fittness for its function. As functions vary, so will those beauty..vary. However, it is impossible to study form and function in separate beings. Function can't be existed without form, and without function, form is nothing. In other words, form is a function's container, and function is content in form. It can be said that, therefore, the form and function are indispensable and commensal individuals which have coetemal relations. From the different point of view, sometimes, one is more emphasized than the other, but in this case, the logic is only accepted on the assumption of recognizing the importance of the other's entity. The fact can be proved what Frank Hoyd wright said that form and function are one. In spite of that, the form and function should be considered as independent indivisuals, because they are too important to be treated just as the simple single one. Form and function have flexible properties to the context. In other words, the context plays a role as the barometer to define the form and function, also which implies every meaning of surroun'||'&'||'not;dings. Thus, design is formed under the influence of situations. Situations are dynamic, like the design process itself, in which fixed focus can be cripping. Moreover, situations control over making the good design. Judging from the respect, I defined the good design in my thesis An Analytic Research on Desigh Ethic, "good design is to solve the problem by the most proper way in the situations." Situations are changeable, and so is design. There is no progress without change, but change is not neccessarily progress. It is highly desirable that there changes be beneficial to mankind. Our main problem is to be able to discriminate between that which should be discarded and that which should be kept, built upon, and improved. Form and Function are no exception. The practical function gives birth to the inevitable form and the $$\mu$ti-classified function is delivered to the varieties of form. All of these are depended upon changeable situations. That is precisely the situations of "situation de'||'&'||'not;sign", the concept of moving from the design of things to the design of the circumstances in which things are used. From this point of view, the core of form and function is depended upon how the designer can manage it efficiently in given situations. That is to say that the creativity designer plays an important role to fulfill the purpose. Generally speaking, creativity is the organization of a concept in response to a human need-a solution that is both satisfying and innovative. In order to meet human needs, creative design activities require a special intuitive insight which is set into motion by purposeful imagination. Therefore, creativity is the most essential quality of every designer. In addition, designers share with other creative people a compulsive ingenuity and a passion for imaginative solutions which will meet their criteria for excellence. Ultimately, it is said that the form and function is the matter which belongs to the desire of creative designers who constantly try to bring new thing into being to create new things. In accordance with that the main puppose of this thesis is to catch every meaning of the form and function and to close analyze their relations for the promotion of understanding and devising practical application to gradual progression in design. The thesis is composed of four parts: Introduction, Form, Function and Conclusion. Introduction, the purpose and background of the research are presented. In Chapter I, orgin of form, perception of form, and classification of form are studied. In Chapter II, generation of function, development of function, and diversification of function are considered. Conclusion, some concluding words are mentioned.ioned.

• Journal of Haehwa Medicine
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.513-545
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• 2000

I. Introduction Bi(痺) means blocking. It can reach at the joints or muscles or whole body and make pains. Numbness and movement disorders. BiJeung can be devided into SilBi and HeoBi. In SilBi there are PungHanSeupBi, YeolBi and WanBi. In HeoBi, there are GiHyeolHeoBi, EumHeoBi and YangHeoBi. The common principle for the treatment of BiJeung is devision of the chronic stage and the acute stage. In the acute stage, BiJeung is usually cured easily but in the chronic stage, it is difficult. In the terminal stage, BiJeung can reach at the internal organs. BiJeung is one kind of symptoms making muscles, bones and jonts feel pain, numbness or edema. For example it can be gout or SLE etc. Many famous doctors studied medical science by their fathers or teachers. So the history of medical science is long. So I studied ${\ll}Bijeungjujip{\gg}$. II. Final Decision 1. BanSuMun(斑秀文) thought that BiJeung can be cured by blocking of blood stream. So he insisted that the important thing to cure BiJeung is to improve the blood stream. He usually used DangGuiSaYeokTang(當歸四逆湯), DangGuiJakYakSanHapORyeongSan, DoHong-SaMulTang(桃紅四物湯), SaMyoSanHapHeuiDongTang and HwangGiGyeJiOMulTang. 2. JangGeonBu(張健夫) focused on soothing muscles and improving blood seam. So he used many herbs like WiRyeongSeon(威靈仙), GangHwal(羌活), DokHwal(獨活), WooSeul(牛膝), etc. Especially he pasted wastes of the boiled herbs. 3. OSeongNong(吳聖農) introduced four rules to treat arthritis. So he usually used SeoGak-SanGaGam(犀角散加減), BoYanHwanOTang(補陽還五湯), ODuTang(烏頭湯), HwangGiGyeJiOMulTang. 4. GongJiSin thought disk hernia as one kind of BiJeung. And he said that Pung can hurt upper limbs and Seup can hurt lower limbs. He used to use GyeJiJakYakJiMoTang(桂枝芍藥知母湯). 5. LoJiJeong(路志正) introduced four principles to treat BiJeung. He used BangPungTang(防風湯), DaeJinGuTang) for PungBi(風痺), OPaeTang(烏貝湯) for HanBi(寒痺), YukGunJaTang(六君子湯) for SeupBi(濕痺) and SaMyoTang(四妙湯), SeonBiTang(宣痺湯), BaekHoGaGyeTang(白虎加桂湯) for YeolBi(熱痺). 6. GangChunHwa(姜春華) discussed herbs. He said SaengJiHwang(生地黃) is effective for PungSeupBi and WiRyungSun(威靈仙) is effective for the joints pain. He usually used SipJeonDaeBoTang(十全大補湯), DangGuiDaeBoTang(當歸大補湯), YoukGunJaTang(六君子湯) and YukMiJiHwanTang(六味地黃湯). 7. DongGeonHwa(董建華) said that the most important thing to treat BiJeung is how to use herbs. He usually used CheonO(川烏), MaHwang(麻黃) for HanBi, SeoGak(犀角) for YeolBi, BiHae) or JamSa(蠶沙) for SeupBi, SukJiHwang(熟地黃) or Vertebrae of Pigs for improving the function of kidney and liver, deer horn or DuChung(杜沖) for improving strength of body and HwangGi(黃?) or OGaPi(五加皮) for improving the function of heart. 8. YiSuSan(李壽山) devided BiJeung into two types(PungHanSeupBi, PungYeolSeupBi). And he used GyeJiJakYakJiMoTang(桂枝芍藥知母湯) for the treatment of gout. And he liked to use HwanGiGyeJiOMulTangHapSinGiHwan 枝五物湯合腎氣丸) for the treat ment of WanBi(頑痺). 9. AnDukHyeong(顔德馨) made YongMaJeongTongDan(龍馬定痛丹)-(MaJeonJa(馬錢子) 30g, JiJaChung 3g, JiRyong(地龍) 3g, JeonGal(全蝎) 3g, JuSa(朱砂) 0.3g) 10. JangBaekYou(張伯臾) devided BiJeung into YeolBi and HanBi. And he focused on improving blood stream. 11. JinMuO(陳茂梧) introduced anti-wind and dampness prescription(HoJangGeun(虎杖根) 15g, CheonChoGeun 15g, SangGiSaeng(桑寄生) 15g, JamSa(蠶絲) 15g, JeMaJeonJa(制馬錢子) 3g). 12. YiChongBo(李總甫) explained basic prescriptions to treat BiJeung. He used SinJeongChuBiEum(新定推痺陰) for HaengBi(行痺), SinJeongHwaBiSan(新定化痺散) for TongBi(痛痺), SinJeongGaeBiTang(新定開痺湯) for ChakBi(着痺), SinJeongCheongBiEum(新定淸痺飮) for SeupYeolBi(濕熱痺), SinRyeokTang(腎瀝湯) for PoBi(胞痺), ORyeongSan for BuBi(腑痺), OBiTang(五痺湯) for JangBi(臟痺), SinChakTang(腎着湯) for SingChakByeong(腎着病). 13. HwangJeonGeuk(黃傳克) used SaMu1SaDeungHapJe(四物四藤合制) for the treatment of a acute arthritis, PalJinHpPalDeungTang(八珍合八藤湯) or BuGyeJiHwangTangHapTaDeungTang(附桂地黃湯合四藤湯) for the chronic stage and ByeolGapJeungAekTongRakEum(鱉甲增液通絡飮) for EumHeo(陰虛) 14. GaYeo(柯與參) used HwalRakJiTongTang(活絡止痛湯) for shoulder ache, SoJongJinTongHwalRakTank(消腫鎭痛活絡湯) for YeolBi(熱痺), LiGwanJeolTang(利關節湯) for ChakBi(着痺), SinBiTang(腎痺湯) for SinBi(腎痺) and SamGyoBoSinHwan(三膠補腎丸) for back ache. 15. JangGilJin(蔣길塵) liked to use hot-character herbs and insects. And he used SeoGeunLipAnTang(舒筋立安湯) as basic prescription. 16. RyuJangGeol(留章杰) used GuMiGangHwalTang(九味羌活湯) and BangPungTang(防風湯) at the acute stage, ODuTang(烏頭湯) or GyeJiJakYakJiMoTang(桂枝芍藥知母湯) for HanBi of internal organs, YangHwaHaeEungTang(陽和解凝湯) for HanBi, DokHwalGiSaengTang(獨活寄生湯), EuiYiInTang(薏苡仁湯) for SeupBi, YukGunJaTang(六君子湯) for GiHeoBi(氣虛痺) and SeongYouTang(聖兪湯) for HyeolHeoBi(血虛痺). 17. YangYuHak(楊有鶴) liked to use SoGyeongHwalHyelTang(疏經活血湯) and he would rather use DoIn(桃仁), HongHwa(紅花), DangGui(當歸), CheonGung(川芎) than insects. 18. SaHongDo(史鴻濤) made RyuPungSeupTang(類風濕湯)-((HwangGi 200g, JinGu 20g, BangGi(防己) 15g, HongHwa(紅花) 15g, DoIn(桃仁) 15g, CheongPungDeung(靑風藤) 20g, JiRyong(地龍) 15g, GyeJi(桂枝) 15g, WoSeul(牛膝) 15g, CheonSanGap(穿山甲) 15g, BaekJi(白芷) 15g, BaekSeonPi(白鮮皮) 15g, GamCho(甘草) 15g).

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.36 no.3
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• pp.26-36
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• 2018

This study aims to examine the characteristics of landscape through the analysis of location and the landscape of Gugok while also conducting the empirical study through the literature review, field study, and digital analysis of the Okgung Gugok. Oksan Gugok is a set of songs set in Ogsan Creek(玉山川)or Jagyese Creek(紫溪川, 紫玉山), which flows in front of the Oksan Memorial Hall(李彦迪), which is dedicated to the Lee Eong-jeok (李彦迪). We first ascertained the location and configuration of Oksan Gogok. Second, we confirmed the accurate location of Oksan Gogok by utilizing the digital topographic map of Oksan Gogok which was submitted by Google Earth Pro and Geographic Information Center as well as the length of the longitude of the gravel measured by the Trimble Juno SB GPS. Through the study of the literature and the field investigation, The results of the study are as follows. First, Yi Eonjeok was not a direct composer of Oksan Gugok, nor did he produce "Oksan Gugokha(Music)". Lee Ia-sung(李野淳), the ninth Youngest Son of Tweo-Kye, Hwang Lee, visited the "Oksan Gugokha" in the spring of 1823(Sunjo 23), which was the 270th years after the reign of Yi Eonjeok. At this time, receiving the proposal of Ian Sung, Lee Jung-eom(李鼎儼), Lee Jung-gi(李鼎基), and Lee Jung-byeong(李鼎秉), the descendants of Ian Sung set up a song and created Oksan Gugok Music. And the Essay of Oksan Travel Companions writted by Lee Jung-gi turns out being a crucial data to describe the situation when setting up the Ok-San Gugok. Second, In the majority of cases, Gogok Forest is a forest managed by a Confucian Scholar, not run by ordinary people. The creation of "Oksan Bugok Music" can be regarded as an expression of pride that the descendants of Yi Eonjeok and Lee Hwang, and next generation of several Confucian scholars had inherited traditional Neo-Confucian. Third, Lee Jung-eom's "Oksan Donghaengki" contains a detailed description of the "Oksan Gugokha" process and the process of creating a song. Fourth, We examined the location of one to nine Oksan songs again. In particular, eight songs and nine songs were located at irregular intervals, and eight songs were identified as $36^{\circ}01^{\prime}08.60^{{\prime}{\prime}}N$, $129^{\circ}09^{\prime}31.20^{{\prime}{\prime}}E$. Referring to the ancient kingdom of Taojam, the nine-stringed Sainam was unbiased as a lower rock where the two valleys of the East West congregate. The location was estimated at $36^{\circ}01^{\prime}19.79^{{\prime}{\prime}}N$, $129^{\circ}09^{\prime}30.26^{{\prime}{\prime}}E$. Fifth, The landscape elements and landscapes presented in Lee Jung-eom's "Oksan Gugokha" were divided into form, semantic and climatic elements. As a result, Lee Jung-eom's Cho Young-gwan was able to see the ideal of mountain water and the feeling of being idle in nature as well as the sense of freedom. Sixth, After examining the appearance of the elements and the frequency of the appearance of the landscape, 'water' and 'mountain' were the absolute factors that emphasized the original curved environment at the mouth of Lee Jung-eom. Therefore, there was gugokga can gauge the fresh ideas(神仙思想)and retreat ever(隱居思想). This inherent harmony between the landscape as well as through the mulah any ideas that one with nature and meditation, Confucian tube.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.49 no.1
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• pp.4-21
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• 2016

The purpose of this study is to investigate changes of Jinju Sword Dance, characteristics of the changes, and the current condition of its preservation and succession after the designation as the important intangible cultural property no. 12 in January 16th, 1967. In other words, this study understands the situation which has established the present state of after changes over generations. As of now. the year of 2015, the 3 generation holders have been approved since 1967. In 1967, 8 members of $1^{st}$ generation holders were selected from gisaengs of Gwonbeon. However, the succession training was incomplete due to conflicts among the holders, the deaths of some holders, and economic activities of the individuals. As the need of a pivot for succession training and activities was rising, Seong, Gye-Ok was additionally approved as the $2^{nd}$ generation holder on June $21^{st}$, 1978. Seong, Gye-Ok who had never been a gisaeng had dramatically changed with a lot of new attempts. After the death of Seong, Gye-Ok in 2009, Kim, Tae-Yeon and Yu, Yeong-Hee were approved as the $3^{rd}$ generation holders in February, 2010. Based on the resources including the "Cultural Research Reports of Important Intangible Cultural Properties" in 1966 and videos up to 2014, the changes of the dance and surroundings are as follow. 1. The formation of musical accompaniment has been changed during the 3 generations. In the video of the $1^{st}$ generation(in 1970), the performance lasted about 15 minutes, whereas the performance lasted 25 minutes in the video of the $2^{nd}$ generation. Yumbuldoduri rhythm was considered as Ginyumbul(Sangryeongsan) and played more slowly. The original dance requiring only 15 rhythms was extended to 39 rhythms to provide longer performance time. In the $3^{rd}$ generation, the dance recovered 15 rhythms using the term Ginyumbul. The facts that Yumbul was played for 3 minutes in the $1^{st}$ generation but for 5 minutes in the 3rd generation shows that there was tendency pursuing the slowness from the $2^{nd}$ generation. 2. For the composition of the Dance, the performance included additional 20 rhythms of Ginyumbul and Ah(亞)-shaped formation from the $2^{nd}$ generation. From the $3^{rd}$ generation, the performance excluded the formation which had no traditional base. For the movement of the Dance, the bridge poses of Ggakjittegi and Bangsukdoli have been visibly inflexible. Also, the extention of time value in 1 beat led the Dance less vibrant. 3. At the designation as an important intangible cultural property (in 1967), the swords with rotatable necks were used, whereas the dancers had been using the swords with non-rotatable necks since late 1970s when the $2^{nd}$ generation holder began to used them. The swords in the "Research Reports" (in 1966) was pointy and semilunar, whereas the straight swords are being used currently. The use of the straight swords can be confirmed from the videos after 1970. 4. There is no change in wearing Jeonlib, Jeonbok, and Hansam, whereas the arrangement of Saekdong of Hansam was different from the arrangement shown in the "Research Reports". Also, dancers were considered to begin wearing the navy skirts when the swords with non-rotatable necks began to be used. Those results showed that has been actively changed for 50 years after the designation. The $2^{nd}$ generation holder, Seong, Gye-Ok, was the pivot of the changes. However, , which was already designated as an important intangible cultural property, is considered to be only a victim of the change experiment from the project to restore Gyobang culture in Jinju, and it is a priority to conduct studies with historical legitimacy. First of all, the slowing beat should be emphasized as the main fact to reduce both the liveliness and dynamic beauty of the Dance.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.32
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• pp.215-249
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• 2011

This essay reflects on the modernity of Korea by examining the transformation of the traditional knowledge system from a historico-semantic perspective with its focus on the opposition and collision of the old and the new conception occurred in the early period(1890~1910) of the acceptance of the Western modern civilization. With scientific success, trick of reason, Christianity and evolutionary view of history, the Western modernity regarded itself as a peak of civilization and forced the non-Western societies into the world system in which they came to be considered as 'barbarism(野蠻)' or 'half-enlightened(半開).' The East Asian civilization, which had its own history for several centuries, became degraded as kind of delusion and old-fashioned customs from which it ought to free itself. The Western civilization presented itself as exemplary future which East Asian people should achieve, while East Asian past traditions came to be conceived as just unnecessary vestiges which it was better to wipe out. It can be said that East Asian modernization was established through the propagation and acceptance of the modern products of the Western civilization rather than through the preservation of its past experience and pursuit of the new at the same time. Accordingly, it is difficult to apply directly to East Asian societies Koselleck's hypothesis; while mapping out his Basic Concept of History, he assumed that, in the so-called 'age of saddle,' semantic struggle over concepts becomes active between the past experience and the horizon of expectation on the future, and concepts undergoes 'temporalization', 'democratization', 'ideologization', 'politicization.'The struggle over the old and new conceptions in Korea was most noticeable in the opposition of the Neo-Confucian scholars of Hwangseongsinmun and the theorists of civilization of Doknipsinmun. The opposition and struggle demanded the change of understanding in every field, but there was difference of opinion over the conception of the past traditional knowledge system. For the theorists of civilization, 'the old(舊)' was not just 'past' and 'old-fashioned' things, but rather an obstacle to the building of new civilization. On the other hand, it contained the possibility of regeneration(新) for the Neo-Confucian scholars; that is, they suggested finding a guide into tomorrow by taking lessons from the past. The traditional knowledge system lost their holy status of learning(聖學) in the process of its change into a 'new learning(新學),' and religion and religious tradition also weakened. The traditional knowledge system could change itself into modern learning by accepting scientific methodology which pursues objectivity and rationality. This transformation of the traditional knowledge system and 'the formation of the new learning from the old learning' was accompanied by the intersection between the old and new conceptions. It is necessary to pay attention to the role played by the concept of Sil(hak)(實學) or Practical Learning in the intersection of the old and new conceptions. Various modern media published before and after the 20th century show clearly the multi-layered development of the old and new conceptions, and it is noticeable that 'Sil(hak)' as conceptual frame of reference contributed to the transformation of the traditional knowledge system into the new learning. Although Silhak often designated, or was even considered equivalent to, the Western learning, Neo-Confucian scholars reinterpreted the concept of 'Silhak' which the theorists of civilization had monopolized until then, and opened the way to change the traditional knowledge system into the new learning. They re-appropriated the concept of Silhak, and enabled it to be invested with values, which were losing their own status due to the overwhelming scientific technology. With Japanese occupation of Korea by force, the attempt to transform the traditional knowledge system independently was obliged to reach its own limit, but its theory of 'making new learning from old one' can be considered to get over both the contradiction of Dondoseogi(東道西器: principle of preserving Eastern philosophy while accepting Western technology) and the de-subjectivity of the theory of civilization. While developing its own logic, the theory of Dongdoseogi was compelled to bring in the contradiction of considering the indivisible(道and 器) as divisible, though it tried to cope with the reality where the principle of morality and that of competition were opposed each other and the ideologies of 'evolution' and 'progress' prevailed. On the other hand, the theory of civilization was not free from the criticism that it brought about a crack in subjectivity due to its internalization of the West, cutting itself off from the traditional knowledge system.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.50
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• pp.55-88
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• 2013

Gwonwu Hong Chan-yu is one of the modern and contemporary Korean scholars of Sino-Korean literature and one of the literati of his era, so is respected as a guiding light by academic descendants. Gwonwu was a teacher of his era, who experienced all the turbulence of Korean society, such as the Japanese occupation by force, the Korean War, the military dictatorship, and the struggle for democracy, and who educated and led young scholars of his time. However, academia has not payed attention to his life and achievements since his death. This paper is to examine the poetry of Gwonwu Hong Chan-yu, one of the representative modern and contemporary scholar of Sini-Korean literature, which has not yet been discussed by academia. The minimal meaning of this paper is that it is a first work based on his anthology, which has not been discussed by academia, and a first full-scale study on Gwonwu Hongchan-yu. For the reason, this paper aims at the detailed inspection of his poetic pieces recorded in his anthology. Nonetheless, despite such intentions, some limits cannot be avoided here and there in this paper for the insufficient knowledge and academic capability of this paper's writer and for the lack of academic sources. Gwonwu's poetry examined through his anthology shows the characteristic which is that his poems focus on exposing his own internal emotions. Such a characteristic says that his idea of poetic literature payed attention more to individuality, that is exposition of private emotions, than to social utility of poems. Gwonwu's such an idea of poetic literature can be generally affirmed throughout his poetry. Accordingly, Gwonwu preferred classical Chinese poems to archaistic poems, and single poems to serial poems; and avoided writing poems within social relations such as farewell-poems, bestowal-poems, and mourning-poems. When the characteristics of Gwonwu's poetic literature get summarized as such, however, some questions remain. The preferential question is whether the poems in his anthology are the whole poetry of him. Although Gwonwu's poetic pieces that the writer of this paper have checked out till now are all in his anthology, it is very much questionable whether Gwonwu's poetry can be summed up only with these poems. The next question is what is the writing method for taking joy(spice), sentiment, and full-heart into his poems if Gwonwu's poems focus on exposing his internal emotions, and if poems exposing joy and poems exposing sentiment and full-heart appear coherently in various different spaces and circumstances of writing. The final question is what are the meanings of Gwonwu's poems if his poetry checked out through his anthology directly shows either the reality carried in his poems or the reality of a time in his life. The questions listed above are thought to be resolved by the synchronizing process of stereoscopic searches both for Gwonwu as an individual and for the era of his life. Especially, spurring deeper researches toward a new direction regarding Gwonwu's poetry has an important meaning for construction of a complete modern and contemporary history of Sino-Korean literature and for procurement of continuous research on Sino-Korean literature and its history. For the reason, it is thought that more efforts of researchers are required.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.97
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• pp.87-104
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• 2020

Myogilsang on Diamond Mountain, signed and dated (2000) by Seon-u Yeong (1946-2009), is the first work by a North Korean artist to enter the collection of the National Museum of Korea (fig. 1a). The donor acquired the painting directly from the artist in Pyeongyang in 2006. In consequence, there are no issues with the painting's authenticity.This painting is the largest among all existing Korean paintings, whether contemporary or from the Joseon Dynasty, to depict this iconography (see chart 1. A Chronological List of Korean Myogilsang Paintings.) It is ink and color on paper, measures 130.2 × 56.2 centimeters, and is in a hanging scroll format. Since this essay is intended as a brief introduction of the painting and not in-depth research into it, I will simply examine the following four areas: 1. Seon-u Yeong's background; 2. The location and the traditional appellation of the rock-cut image known as Myogilsang; 3. The iconography of the image; and 4) A comparative analysis of Seon-u Yeong's painting in light of other paintings on the same theme. Finally, I will present two more of his works to broaden the understanding of Seon-u Yeong as a painter. 1. Seon-u Yeong: According to the donor, who met Seon-u at his workshop in the Cheollima Jejakso (Flying Horse Workshop) three years before the artist's death, he was an individual of few words but displayed a firm commitment to art. His preference for subjects such as Korean landscapes rather than motifs of socialist realism such as revolutionary leaders is demonstrated by the fact that, relative to his North Korean contemporaries, he seems to have produced more paintings of the former. In recent years, Seon-u Yeong has been well publicized in Korea through three special exhibitions (2012 through 2019). He graduated from Pyeongyang College of Fine Arts in 1969 and joined the Central Fine Arts Production Workshop focusing on oil painting. In 1973 he entered the Joseon Painting Production Workshop and began creating traditional Korean paintings in ink and color. His paintings are characterized by intense colors and fine details. The fact that his mother was an accomplished embroidery specialist may have influenced on Seon-u's choice to use intense colors in his paintings. By 1992, he had become a painter representing the Democratic People's Republic of Korea with several titles such as Artist of Merit, People's Artist, and more. About 60 of his paintings have been designated as National Treasures of the DPRK. 2. The Myogilsang rock-cut image is located in the Manpok-dong Valley in the inner Geumgangsan Mountain area. It is a high-relief image about 15 meters tall cut into a niche under 40 meters of a rock cliff. It is the largest of all the rock-cut images of the Goryeo period. This image is often known as "Mahayeon Myogilsang," Mahayeon (Mahayana) being the name of a small temple deep in the Manpokdong Valley (See fig. 3a & 3b). On the right side of the image, there is an intaglio inscription of three Chinese characters by the famous scholar-official and calligrapher Yun Sa-guk (1728-1709) reading "妙吉祥"myogilsang (fig. 4a, 4b). 3. The iconography: "Myogilsang" is another name for the Bhodhisattva Mañjuśrī. The Chinese pronunciation of Myogilsang is "miaojixiang," which is similar in pronunciation to Mañjuśrī. Therefore, we can suggest a 妙吉祥 ↔ Mañjuśrī formula for the translation and transliteration of the term. Even though the image was given a traditional name, the mudra presented by the two hands in the image calls for a closer examination. They show the making of a circle by joining the thumb with the ring finger (fig. 6). If the left land pointed downward, this mudra would conventionally be considered "lower class: lower life," one of the nine mudras of the Amitabha. However, in this image the left hand is placed across its abdomen at an almost 90-degree angle to the right hand (fig. 6). This can be interpreted as a combination of the "fear not" and the "preaching" mudras (see note 10, D. Saunders). I was also advised by the noted Buddhist art specialist Professor Kim Jeong-heui (of Won'gwang University) to presume that this is the "preaching" mudra. Therefore, I have tentatively concluded that this Myogilsang is an image of the Shakyamuni offering the preaching mudra. There is no such combination of hand gestures in any other Goryeo-period images. The closest I could identify is the Beopjusa Rock-cut Buddha (fig. 7) from around the same time. 4. Comparative analysis: As seen in , except for the two contemporary paintings, all others on this chart are in ink or ink and light color. Also, none of them included the fact that the image is under a 40-meter cliff. In addition, the Joseon-period paintings all depicted the rock-cut image as if it were a human figure, using soft brushstrokes and rounded forms. None of these paintings accurately rendered the mudra from the image as did Seon-u. Only his painting depicts the natural setting of the image under the cliff along with a realistic rendering of the image. However, by painting the tall cliff in dark green and by eliminating elements on either side of the rock-cut image, the artist was able to create an almost surreal atmosphere surrounding the image. Herein lies the uniqueness of Seon-u Yeong's version. The left side of Seon-u's 2007 work Mount Geumgang (fig. 8) lives up to his reputation as a painter who depicts forms (rocks in this case) in minute detail, but in the right half of the composition it also shows his skill at presenting a sense of space. In contrast, Wave (fig. 9), a work completed one year before his death, displays his faithfulness to the traditions of ink painting. Even based on only three paintings by Seon-u Yeong, it seems possible to assess his versatility in both traditional ink and color mediums.