• MALSORI
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• no.19_20
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• pp.58-87
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• 1990

According to Government Phonology, at 1 phonological positions save the domain's head must be licensed in order to appear in the syllable structure. A non-nuclear head is licensed by the following nucleus, and the nuclei with phonetic content are licensed through government by the nuclear head of the domain at the level of the nuclear projection. Therefore, in the theory of Government Phonology it is claimed that words always end with a nucleus. With regard to the licensing of empty nuclei, Kaye(1990a) proposes the 'Empty Category Principle' and its sub-theory of 'Projection Government'. Government Phonology claims that a nucleus which dominates a vowel that regularly undergoes elision in certain contexts is underlyingly empty. This underlying empty nucleus is not manifested phonetically when it is properly governed by an unlicensed(i, e, a nucleus filled with a full vowel). It is when proper government fails to apply, that the empty nucleus is phonetically Interpreted. The purpose of this paper is to present a principled account of the process of $[i]{\Leftrightarrow}{\emptyset}$ alternation in Korean. Following Kaye's proposal, we assume that [i] of Korean is underlyingly empty. This position is pronounced as [i] if it is unlicensed, and is not phonetically realized if is licensed. Empty nuclei ape devided into two categories: domain-internal and domain-final. Firstly, we consider the question why Korean has little word ending with [i]. As for this, ECP states that domain-final empty nuclei are not pronounced if the language licenses domain-final empty nuclei. Whether a final empty nucleus may occur in the structure is parametric variation. This property is seen from the fact that words may appear to end in consonants in this language. Since Korean abounds with words ending in a consonant, it licenses domain-final empty nuclei. Therefore, it is quite natural that Korean has little word ending with [i]. Secondly, word-internal empty nuclei of Korean respect proper government and inter-onset government. That is, an empty nucleus in word-internal position will be pronounced with the vowel [i] if either proper government or inter-onset government fail to apply. Inter-onset government refers to the government established between two onsets across an empty nucleus. Thirdly, we consider words ending with [i], which seems to be exceptional to the final licensing. Host of them are. either mono-syllabic verbs(for instance, [s'i-] 'to write') or derived adjectives ending with [p'i] (for instance, [kip'i-] 'be happy'). As for the former, the 'inaccessibility for proper government' is applied because the empty nucleus appears in the first syllable. In latter case, domain-final empty nuclei are pronounced as [i] because of government-licensing. That is, final empty nucleus is pronounced to license the preceding onset dominating negatively charmed segments which empty nucleus of Korean cannot license.

• Clinical and Experimental Pediatrics
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• v.51 no.3
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• pp.323-328
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• 2008

Purpose : Asthma is defined as chronic inflammation of the lower small airways, and bronchial hyperreactivity (BHR) is a pathophysiologic feature of asthma. It has been proposed that although there is no direct variable capable of assessing the small airways, a forced expiratory flow of between 25 and 75 percent ($FEF_{25-75}$) might be considered a more sensitive early marker of small airway obstruction than the forced expiratory volume in 1 second ($FEV_1$). Thus, we proposed that the presence and degree of positive responses to bronchial methacholine testing were related to the difference (DFF) and ratio (RFF) between $FEV_1$ and $FEF_{25-75}$ in asthmatic children. Methods : The subjects were 583 symptomatic children, including 324 children with BHR and 259 controls. Pulmonary function tests, methacholine challenge tests, and skin prick tests were performed, and the total eosinophil count, total serum IgE, and serum eosinophil cationic protein level were measured in all subjects. From a concentration-response curve, the methacholine concentration required to produce a decrease of 20% from post-saline $FEV_1$ was calculated ($PC_{20}$). Results : The median DFF and RFF values decreased in controls compared to subjects with bronchial hyperresponsiveness, and this trend was found in groups ranked by its severity. $PC_{20}$ had a negative correlation with DFF and RFF. Cutoff values of 0.5 for DFF and 1.042 for RFF were identified, and sensitivity and specificity were calculated. Conclusion : This study revealed that DFF and RFF might be predictive of bronchial hyperresponsiveness in the context of normal $FEV_1$ in children.