• Journal of Convergence for Information Technology
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• v.9 no.10
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• pp.94-100
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• 2019

This study presents the superiority of his calligraphy by analyzing the use, meaning, and calligraphy of nickname three dragon-man(yong-jeong) written by Kim Junghee before and after exile in Jeju Island. Based on the basic structure of the three dragon-man, the relationship between the times, the context, and the characters was studied. Through this change process, the difference of art engineering with other works was analyzed. Kim Junghee intentionally went through a difficult situation by using a nickname with a dragon. He wrote different meanings, uses, and typefaces of the nickname three dragon-man, depending on the circumstances. Finally, Kim Junghee used 'three dragon-man' to King Heonjong and Monk Choui to express his feelings and intentions. His writing was excellent in art engineering and unique in the world. All were found to be supported by his epigraphy insights. The results of this study will be a new methodology for analyzing the meaning of nicknames of ordinary artists.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.67 no.2
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• pp.88-100
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• 2017

This study is for the textiles of at Sun Am Temple and characteristic of embroidery. Tak Ui was composed of orange body and green upper cover, and had no strings. The body plate was covered with embroidery, with Gauze base, and upper part was appliqued, by cutting dragon pattern, cloud pattern on satin damask. The thread for embroidery was silk floss, silk twisted thread, rapped gold thread, and rapped silk thread. For padding, it was used cotton thread in the part of dragon's scales. It was used satin stitch, outline stitch, split stitch, couching, and counted stitch, etc. as method of embroidery. In particular, it embroidered counted stitch of diamond shape consecutively on the whole of Tak Ui, it does so with counted stitch of same effect of weaving Brocade in the part of cloud. Besides, it is one of the characteristic for couching rapped silk thread. Such lead embroidery is the popular method in the Ming dynasty of China, in the 16~17 century. The design of Tak Ui is dragon, cloud, and wave in the theme. In the center, 'Seong-su-man-nyeon' was placed on the heads of dragon. This is similar to Dragon Robe of Four-petalled medallion patterns, period of Ming dynasty in China. Therefore, it confirmed that Tak Ui was remodeled the embroidered textiles, made for royal robe, originally, with Tak Ui at temple.

• 중국학논총
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• no.61
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• pp.97-125
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• 2019

龍是中華民族發祥和文化肇端的象徵. 有人說, 龍是中國各族人民大融合的歷史見證更多的人把自己稱為龍的傳人. 龍故事在一般情況下均被列為地方傳說. 但它並不是從地方特定風物生髮出來, 採取特定敘說方式構成的故事, 而是在故事落地生根後, 以附會手法同當地某風物相結合推演出有關情, 它的主幹故事由女人感應懷孕生龍子, 龍子孝敬生母以及龍子遭人歧視斷尾離家等幾個母題構成. 由於龍的形象為廣大民眾所熟知而又具有豐厚的文化內涵, 人們可以沿用上述母題或情節單元編織成五光十色的動人故事, 用以概括反映複雜豐富的現實生活, 表達自己的深沉意願, 從而獲得了貫通古今, 流布南北的藝術生命力, 成為中國民間口頭敘事文學的珍品之一. 龍女不僅能創立幸福生活, 而且能夠捍衛自己的家園. 可以說, 自從小伙子遇上龍女, 便心想事成, 萬事如願了. 我們不難發現龍女故事所反映的女強男弱的狀況, 儘管故事是以一位勇敢善良的小伙子, 主動救助化身為魚或龍女來開始敍述. 其中既充溢着人們對個人幸福理想的美好憧憬, 又將它與社會政治理想聯繫在一起, 反映了普通民眾官逼民反抗爭意識的覺醒和對自我力量的肯定, 從而使龍女故事獲得了深刻的社會現實意義.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.35
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• pp.471-498
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• 2009

The aim of this study is to see how bamboo paintings developed and what is the iconographical meaning of them through bamboo Ti-hua-shi(poems on paintings) found in Sheng-Hua-Ji, a leading compilation of Ti-hua-shi(poems on paintings) of Song Dynasty. Bamboo paintings give shapes in a simpler and more direct way in drawing, which means bamboo paintings reveal concretely more characteristics of Ti-hua-shi (poems on paintings). Bamboo paintings, which flourished during Northern Song Dynasty, often had the image of the dragon, specially a lying dragon or a winding dragon, which suggests a great man in obscurity. Snow-laden bamboos were also a symbol of a great man, very wise man in Confucian tradition. This shows Confucian ideal examples were embodied through bamboo paintings. Another aspect of bamboo paintings is that bamboo paintings were regarded as a means of self-expression, which identified Confucian sadaebu (scholar-officials) who advocated simplicity and austerity in their life. Contrary to professional painters, who added color and decoration to their paintings, Confucian scholars of Song Dynasty reduced color and embellishment in their bamboo paintings in black-and-white to reveal their own identity, focusing on spirituality rather than the image itself. Therefore, drawing and appreciating bamboo paintings were highly respectable pastime among the literati of Song Dynasty. In short, Bamboo paintings in Song Dynasty were not only a Confucian symbol of a wise and virtuous man but also reflected the taste of Song sadaebu class who thought of bamboo as a symbol for moral and cultural responsibility of Confucian society.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.57 no.3 s.112
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• pp.1-13
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• 2007

The Purpose of this study is to analyze the kinds and positions of tattoo patterns on the body in tattoo-related internet communities and professional web sites. for this purpose, 1,892 tattoo patterns were analyzed by sex(man and woman). The results were as fellows; First, animal patterns(30.2%) occupied most, followed by character patterns(24.1%), geometric patterns(13.0%), natural patterns(10.3%), plant patterns(4.7%), mixed patterns(2.5%), and artificial patterns(2.2%). In patterns, dragon(10.3%) occupied most, followed by star(8.7%), trival(8.6%), woman(7.6%), skeleton(4.9%), and letter(4.8%). Second, men's preference to pattern groups included animal patterns(30.8%), character patterns (28.3%), geometric patterns (14.6%), and natural patterns(6.0%). Among patterns, dragon(13.4%) was the most frequent, followed by trival(10.9%), woman(10.7%), and skeleton(7.1%). Women's preference to patterns groups included animal patterns(31.4%), natural patterns(17.3%), character patterns(17.2%), geometric patterns(10.5%), and plant patterns(10.0%). Among patterns, star(15.3%) was the most frequent, followed by butter- fly(10.5%), elf(9.2%), and dragon(9.2%). Third, the positions of tattoos on the body included upper arm(26.6%), shoulder(10.8%), back(10.5%), the wrist(10.0%), the calf(7.5%), back bottom(7.0%) and the breast(6.3%). While men's preference to pattern positions included upper arm(38.2%), the wrist(13.7%), back(10.5%), the calf(9.4%), and shoulder(8.0%), women's preference to positions included back bottom(17.7%), shoulder(15.5%), back(10.5%), front bottom(8.2%), and the breast(7.8%).

• Journal of The Geomorphological Association of Korea
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• v.24 no.3
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• pp.119-131
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• 2017

Typical weathering landforms and phenomena including tafoni and gnamma are usually interpreted as man-made alteo (praying water bowl) or dragon-alteo by folklore researchers. Despite some terminological ambiguity, they are certainly natural weathering pits and are introduced in our discipline for fifty years, however, unfortunately most of them are interpreted as petroglyphs used and prepared for ritual ceremony. Several seemingly artificially-made rock holes are also found in many places, but most of them are weathered landforms by salt weathering. Author believes that communication effort to use common language and publish more researches in interdisciplinary journals are very essential to propagate scientific achievements made by geomorphologists to other discipline. Also geomorphologists specialized in weathering processes are encouraged to participate in preservation of stone artifacts and archaeological remains.

• Korean Journal of Plant Resources
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• v.28 no.4
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• pp.382-390
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• 2015

Momordica charantia L. is a valuable food and medicinal plant of the gourd family (Cucurbitaceae) that is cultivated in tropical and subtropical regions of the world. Physicochemical properties of M. charantia based on cultivars, parts and growing stage were investigated. Crude protein contents of leaf were 27.5%, 26.9%, and 23.6% in native leaf (NL), cv. Erabu leaf (EL), and cv. Dragon leaf (DL), respectively. In particular, the crude protein content was the highest in leaves. The crude fat content was in the order of developmental stage 1 of cv. Erabu fruit (EF1) and developmental stage 1 of native fruit (NF1) with values of 4.0%, and 3.9%, respectively. There was also high amount of crude fiber in stem of all three cultivars. The crude ash content was in the order of cv. Erabu leaf, cv. Dragon leaf, and developmental stage 3 of native fruit (NF3) with values of 23.2%, 17.4%, and 13.6%, respectively. The major minerals found in M. charantia were K, Ca, and Mg. The potassium contents of developmental stage 3 of native fruit (NF3), developmental stage 3 of cv. Dragon fruit (DF3), cv. Dragon stem (DS), and developmental stage 2 of native fruit (NF2) were 498.37, 339.21, 314.30, and 307.34 ㎎ /100g, respectively, while the calcium contents were decreased of EL, DL, and NL with values of 513.45, 371.69, and 209.43 ㎎/100g, respectively. The calcium content was higher in leaves and stems than fruits. On the otherhand, the highest magnesium content was measured in EL (69.92 ㎎/100g). The highest contents of chlorophyll a, chlorophyll b, and total chlorophyll were found in NL (442.9 ㎎/100g dw), EL (759.6 ㎎/100g dw), and EL (1164.9 ㎎/100g dw), respectively. The vitamin C contents from developmental stage 2 of cv. Erabu fruit (EF2), NF3, developmental stage 3 of cv. Erabu on fruit (EF3), and NF2 were found with values of 2849.9, 2330.5, 1985.1, and 1844.5 ㎎/㎏, respectively, and found to be higher in Korean cultivar and Erabu fruit than in Dragon. The charantin contents of leaf were higher than the fruit found to be 547.71, 506.04 and 395.62 ㎍/g dw in DL, EL and EF2, respectively. According to the results, mineral contents, total chlorophyll and charantin contents of M. charantia were higher in the leaves (EL and DL) than the fruits. And, vitamin C content was the highest in the fruit (EF2 and EF3). Therefore, much more research needs to be undertaken to use of the leaves as well as fruits. The data showed that M. charantia can be considered a good source of nutrient for application in food system.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.36
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• pp.185-221
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• 2018

This study examined the process of the formation of Deoneum, Sugungga(水宮歌), and its tendency of the change through the trace of the Pansori masters who worked in 19th century. The time that the main group of the Sugungga masters appeared in the Pansory history is estimated in early 19th century. The Sugungga masters in this time could be divided in two groups, one is the early days masters who worked in early 19th century and the other is the latter days masters who worked in middle and late 19th century. Kwon Sam-deuk(權三得), Song Heung-lok(宋興祿), Yeom Gyeo-dal(廉季達), and Shin Man-yeob(申萬葉) are the Sugungga masters who worked in early 19th century. By the records they left, I could confirm that they used the description about the dramatic characteristics in the work and Soritjo(Pansori master's tonality), like the appearance of 'Bangge(crab)' and 'Tiger', and particularly they developed which has the scene of the Rabbit's deceiving the Dragon King and Rabbit's return, 'Goandaejangja(寬大長者)', 'Gaja-Eoseoga', 'Sojinowha(笑指蘆花)', 'Apnae-Beodeuleun' and the scene of 'Rabbit's curse(the part that Rabbit curses Byeljubu)' etc. I could understand that the interest of the early days Pansori masters about Sugungga is on the characters and the latter part of the work. The separation of Dongpyeonje(東便制) and Seopyeonje(西便制) of Pansori was done in the middle and late 19th century. As the Dongpyeonje master, Song Wu-ryong(宋雨龍), Park Man-sun(朴萬順), Song Man-gab(宋萬甲), Shin Hak-jun(申鶴俊) and Yu Seong-jun(劉成俊) worked. As the Seopyeonje masters, Park Yu-jeon(朴裕全), Kim geo-bok(金巨福), Kim Su-yeong(金壽永) and Baek Gyeong-jun(白慶順) etc. sang Sugungga. The Dongpyeonje masters developed the 'Toggigibyeon(토끼奇變)' related Deoneum paying attention on the latter part of Sugungga same as the early days masters. Meanwhile it looks like that they had interest in developing the parts which belong to the middle and early parts of Sugungga like 'Toggiwhasang(토끼畵像)', 'Gogocheonbyeon(皐皐天邊)' and 'Tobyeolmundab(兎鱉問答)'. The Seopyeonje masters developed the parts belong to the early part of Sugungga, which are related to Dragon King and the courtiers in Sugung palace, like 'YongwangTansik(龍王歎息)'. And I could confirm that they developed the parts influenced by Shin Jaehyo's editorials like 'Tosahobi(兎死狐悲)' and 'Goguksancheon(故國山川)' etc. In short, I could confirm the trend that the Pansori masters in 19th century had interest in from the latter part to the early part of Sugungga. If taking a look focusing on main characters, they moved their interest in from Rabbit to the courtiers including Byeoljubu(鱉主簿) and Dragon King in Sugung palace, and it could say that, in this trend, Sori part and Deoneum were developed.

• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.8 no.3
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• pp.493-511
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• 2000

The objective of this study was to trace and to examine costume terminologies recorded in Pak Tong Sa Eun Hae. Names of costumes and costume related terms were collected from P마 Tong Sa Eun Hae. Books and various references from China and Korea were used for this study. Costume terms were examined from the Chinese and Korean. Classifications of costume terminologies from the data were made for the analysis : man and woman's costume, accessories, names of fabrics, colors, and decorative motifs used, professional costume, special occasion dresses and so on. Conclusions and summary of results and findings can be summerized as follows : It revealed that manes of man's costume and other costume related words were a large in number compared with those of woman. Only one name of woman's costume appeared in the text : It was kind of long vests. However, names of accessories such as a hat, a hat decorated with jewels and phoenix design, a hair pin, earings, bracelets, finger rings, a soft belt were shown in the text. While many costume names of man included in the text were of garments such as a kind of long vest, a short vest, an outer robe, a kind of long coat with pleated skirt, leg coverings, outer jacket and so on. Also names of undergarments such as an under skirt, a belly covering, and drawers were found in the text. Fabric names were mostly silks such as brocade, twill, sarcenet, damasks and plain silks. Blue was the most widely appeared fabric color in the text and red was the second. Design motifs of fabric design were of dragon, flowers, eight precious things, clouds which were characteristic design motifs of the Chinese. It was found that some of the Chinese costume terminologies were translated into the Korean although many Chinese costume terms were used as the original Chinese.

• Sim-seong Yeon-gu
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• v.37 no.2
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• pp.99-148
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• 2022

This study aims at the psychological elucidation of some conscious aspects of the personality of Yi Sun-sin (1545-1598), the Korean national hero, and the unconscious teleologic meanings of his dreams mentioned in Nanjung Ilgi (Diary in War Time) from the viewpoint of analytical psychology of C.G. Jung. Yi Sun-sin was a man of discipline, incorporated with the spirit of Confucian filial piety, hyo (hsiao) and royalty, chung. He was a stern man but with a warm heart. In his diary, Yi Sun-sin poured forth his feelings of suffering, despair, and extreme solicitude caused by slanders of his political opponents, his grief for the loss of mother and son, and his worries about the fate of his country, which the Japanese invaders now plundered. The moon night offered him the opportunity to touch with his inner soul, by reciting poems, playing Korean string, 'Keomungo', and flute. Further, he widened his scope by asking for the answers from the 'Heaven' through divination and dream. Yi Sun-sin's attitude toward his mother who raised the future hero and maternal principles were considered in concern with the Jungian term 'mother complex'. Won Gyun, Yi Sun-sin's rival admiral, who persistently accused Yi Sun-sin of 'slanders,' certainly represents the unconscious shadow image of Yi Sun-sin. The reciprocal 'shadow' projection has intervened in the conflicting relationship between Yi and Won. In concern to the argument for the suicidal death of Yi Sun-sin, the author found no evidence supporting such an argument, No trace of latent suicidal wish was found in his dreams. For Yi Sun-sin, the determination of the life and death depends on Heaven. 32 dreams from the diary and 3 from other historical references were reviewed and analyzed in the Jungian way. Symbols of anima, Self, and individuation process were found. His dream repeatedly suggests that Yi Sun-sin is an extraordinary man chosen by the divine man (神人). In the dream, Yi Sun-sin was a disciple of the divine man receiving instructions on various strategies, and he alone could see the great thing or events. The dream of a beautiful blue and red dragon, whom he was friendly touching, indicates Yi Sun-sin's eligibility for the kingship. Yi Sun-sin seemingly did not aware of this message of the unconscious. Perhaps he sensed something special but did not identify with 'the disciple of gods' and 'royal dragon' in his dream. His modest attitude toward the dream has prevented him from falling into ego inflation. There were warning signals in two dreams that suggested disorders in the dreamer's instinctive feminine drive. Spirits of the dead father and brothers appear in the dream, giving advice or mourning for the death of Sun-sin's mother. Though Yi Sun-sin was a genuine Confucian gentleman, a dream revealed his unconscious drive to destroy the Confucian authoritative 'Persona' by trampling down the cylindrical traditional Korean hat. To the dreams of synchronicity phenomena Yi Sun-sin immediately solves the problem in concrete reality. He understood dreams as valuable messages from the superior entity, for example, the Confucian Heaven (天) or Heaven's Decree (天命). Furthermore, the 'Heaven' presumably arranged for him the way to the national hero and imposed necessary trials upon him. Both his persecutors and advocates of him guided him in the way of a hero. Yi Sun-sin followed his destiny and completed the living myth of the hero. His mother, King Seon-jo, and prime minister Liu Seong Yong, all have contributed to embodying the myth of the hero. Yi Sun-sin died and became god, the divine healer of the nation.