• 제목/요약/키워드: Dong's acupuncture

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배유혈(背兪穴) 안진(按診)에 관(關)한 고찰(考察) (A study on Palpation of the back-shu points)

  • 홍문엽;박원환
    • 동국한의학연구소논문집
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    • 제8권2호
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    • pp.155-173
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    • 2000
  • 한의학의 진단(診斷)에는 망(望) 문(聞) 문(問) 절(切)의 사진법(四診法)과 여러 가지의 변증체계(辨證體系), 즉 기혈진액변증(氣血津液辨證) 장부변증(臟腑辨證), 육경변증(六經辨證), 위기영혈변증(衛氣營血辨證), 삼초변증(三焦辨證), 사상체질변증(四象體質辨證) 등이 응용되어 지고 있으며, 또한 그와 더불어 병상(症狀) 증후감병진단법(證候鑑別診斷法)등이 선택적으로 활용되어 지고 있다. 이러한 광범위(廣範位)한 진단방법(診斷方法)가운데 절진(切診)은 손가락 및 손바닥의 감각(感覺)을 운용(運用)해서 일정부위(一定部位)를 촉지(觸指), 접압(接壓)하는 검사방법(檢査方法)으로써 절맥진(切脈診)과 접진(接診)으로 크게 나눌 수 있다. 이중 안진(按診)이란 손을 사용하여 직접 환부에 촉모(觸摸) 안압(按壓)하여 이상변화를 알아내고 나아가서는 질병(疾病)의 부위(部位)와 성질(性質)과 병정(病情)의 경중(輕重) 등의 내부(內部)의 변화(變化)와 체표(體表)의 반응(反應)을 관찰(觀察)하여 중요(重要)한 변증자료(辨證資料)를 얻는 진단방법(診斷方法)의 한 종류(種類)를 말한다. 또한 접진(接診)에는 안기표(按肌表), 접수족(接手足), 안흉복(按胸腹), 접유혈진법(接兪穴診法)등을 들 수 있다. 배유혈(背兪穴)의 진단법(診斷法)은 경기(經綺)이라는 반응로(反應路)를 통(通)하여 체표(體表)에 발현(發現)되는 압통(壓痛), 자발통(自發痛), 긴장(緊張), 이완(弛緩), 경결(硬結) 및 조색상물(條索狀物) 등의 현상(現象)으로 부터 내부장기(內部臟器)의 병변(病變)을 진단(診斷)하는 방법(方法)이다. 이에 저자(著者)는 접진(接診)의 내용(內容)과 방법(方法)을 연구하면서 십이경맥(十二經脈)의 시동병(始動病) 소생병(所生病)을 알아보고 혈위진단(穴位診斷)의 방법(方法) 및 주의점(注意點)등을 아울러 정리하므로써 다음과 같은 결론(結論)을 얻었다. 1. 유혈(兪穴)은 각(各) 장부(臟腑)의 사기(邪氣)가 주입(注入)하는 곳으로 장병(臟病) 한증(寒症) 허증(虛症)의 의미를 내포한 음성병증(陰性病症) 치료(治療)에 중요(重要)한 곳이다. 2. 유차(兪次)의 촉진(觸診) 즉(卽) 모지(母指)로서 척추극돌기(脊椎棘突起) 좌우측(左右側)을 접압(接壓)하여서 상향(上向)이나 하향(下向)으로 추압지(推壓指)하면 극돌기(棘突起)의 돌(突), 함요(陷凹), 긴장(緊張), 이완(弛緩) 및 압통(壓痛)의 출현부위(出現部位)에 따라 계통별(系統別) 질환(疾患)을 판단(判斷)할 수 있다. 3. 실제(實際) 임상(臨床)에서 환자(患者)의 진단(診斷) 치료(治療)에 있어서 배부접진(背部接診)은 중요(重要)한 진단(診斷)의 한 영역(領域)으로 빠뜨리지 말고 꼭 참고(參考)하여야 할 것으로 사료(思料)된다. 4. 장부질환(臟腑疾患)에 대한 진단방법(診斷方法)의 다양화(多樣化)와 치료영역(治療領域)의 확대(擴大) 및 치료율(治療率)의 상승(上昇)을 위해 배부유혈(背部兪穴)의 정확(正確)한 인식(認識)과 유혈접진(兪穴接診)을 통하여 정확(正確)한 진단(診斷)이 되었으면 한다.

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Study on the Changes in the Blood Lipid Profile Levels of Patients with Metabolic Syndrome while Receiving Oriental Medicine Treatments for Various Diseases

  • Kim, Dong-Woung
    • 동의생리병리학회지
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    • 제23권2호
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    • pp.512-519
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    • 2009
  • Among patients who visited each clinical department for oriental medical treatments, anthropometric measurement, blood pressure, fasting blood glucose and blood lipid profile level were measured at their first initial visit. 55 subject patients who were diagnosed as having metabolic syndrome and 150 mg/dL or more of triglyceride were selected as subjects whose fasting blood glucose, triglyceride, total cholesterol, HDL cholesterol and LDL cholesterol were measured after fasting. According to each patient's disease, the subject received treatments such as herb medicine, acupuncture, moxibustion, cupping therapy, physical therapy and rehabilitation therapy from each clinical department, and after an average of 4.10${\pm}$0.31 weeks, another test was performed yielding the following results. Serum triglyceride was 243.72${\pm}$13.05 mg/dL before the oriental medical treatment and 188.11${\pm}$12.17 mg/dL after the treatment where although it continued to show an abnormal value even after the treatment, there was statistically significant decrease compared to pre treatment(P<0.05). Serum total cholesterol was 207.50${\pm}$5.89 mg/dL before the oriental medical treatment and 192.37${\pm}$5.53 mg/dL after the treatment which was statistically insignificant compared to pre treatment(P>0.05). Serum HDL cholesterol was 51.19${\pm}$3.95 mg/dL before the oriental medical treatment and increased to 52.53${\pm}$1.49 mg/dL after the treatment although it was statistically insignificant compared to pre treatment(P>0.05). Serum LDL cholesterol was 110.66${\pm}$5.86 mg/dL before the oriental medical treatment and decreased to 106.12${\pm}$4.82 mg/dL after the treatment although it was statistically insignificant compared to pre treatment(P>0.05). In regards to the change of triglyceride for each sex, it was 221.84${\pm}$14.01 mg/dL before the treatment and 187.00${\pm}$15.47 mg/dL after the treatment for men, and it was 271.50${\pm}$22.78 mg/dL and 189.53${\pm}$19.76 mg/dL respectively for women where even though men and women showed the decrease of 34.84${\pm}$12.79 mg/dL and 81.96${\pm}$20.01 mg/dL respectively, both men and women continue to show abnormal values after the treatments. However, there was statistically significant decrease compared to pre treatment(P<0.05). In regards to the change of total cholesterol for each sex, with 198.24${\pm}$7.60 mg/dL for men before the treatment and 188.93${\pm}$7.45 mg/dL after the treatment, values for both before and after the treatment were within the normal range where the change value was 9.30${\pm}$5.86 mg/dL and statistically insignificant(P>0.05). For women, it was 219.26${\pm}$8.87 mg/dL and 196.73${\pm}$8.43 mg/dL respectively for women where with 22.53${\pm}$7.60 mg/dL, it decreased to the normal level after the treatment, and there was a statistically significant decrease compared to pre treatment(P<0.05). With such results, serum triglyceride and cholesterol levels of patients who have been diagnosed as having metabolic syndrome were observed to decrease after the oriental medical treatment. Especially, for both men and women, abnormally high triglyceride level decreased while the effect of lipid profile improvement for women was more significant compared to men.

뇌경색(腦硬塞)에 대(對)한 He-Ne laser 정맥혈관내(靜脈血管內) 조사(照射)의 효과(效果) (Effect of He-Ne laser intravascular irradiation in treatment of cerebral infarction)

  • 박양춘;안탁원;김동희;김병탁
    • 혜화의학회지
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    • 제9권1호
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    • pp.387-397
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    • 2000
  • 연구배경(硏究背景): He-Ne laser 정맥혈관내(靜脈血管內) 조사(照射) (Intravascular Laser Irradiation of Blood : ILIB)가 말초(末梢) 및 뇌혈관순환장애(腦血管循環障碍), 뇌기능장애(腦機能障碍), 동맥경화(動脈硬化) 등의 예방(豫防)과 치료(治療) 목적(目的)으로 사용(使用)되고 있으나 이에 대한 한의학(韓醫學)에서의 연구(硏究)는 찾아보기 힘들다. 이에 저자(著者)는 발병(發病) 48시간(時間) 이내(以內)에 내원(來院)하여 뇌전산화단층촬영(腦電算化斷層撮影)으로 진단(診斷)된 초기(初期) 뇌경색(腦梗塞) 환자(患者)에서 ILIB의 효과(效果)를 평가(評價)하고자 본(本) 연구(硏究)를 시행(施行)하였다. 아울러 흰쥐의 국소(局所) 뇌허혈(腦虛血)에 미치는 영향(影響)을 측정(測定)하였다. 방법(方法) : 대상(對象) 환자(患者) 40명(名)을 UC-SHJGS(우황청심환(牛黃淸心丸)-성향정기산(星香正氣散))만을 투여(投與)한 대조군(對照群)과 UC-SHJGS 투여(投與)와 ILIB를 병용(倂用)한 치료군(治療群)으로 나누어 시행(施行)하였다. 대상환자(對象患者)는 모두 변증(辨證)과 무관(無關)하게 UC, SHJGS만을 투여(投與)하고 침치료(鍼治療)는 중풍칠처혈(中風七處穴)로 한정(限定)하였으며 5일간(日間)의 치료기간(治療期間) 동안 치료군(治療群)에서는 출력(出力) 1.8-2.5mW의 He-Ne laser를 1일(日) 1회(回) 50분(分) 동안 조사(照射)하였다. 동물실험(動物實驗)은 흰쥐를 대상(對象)으로 중대뇌동맥(中大腦動脈)을 결찰(結紮)하여 국소(局所) 뇌허혈(腦虛血)을 유발(誘發)하고 대조군(對照群)과 ILIB를 실시(實施)한 실험군(實驗群)으로 나누어 그 허혈면적(虛血面積)과 부종율(浮腫率)을 측정(測定)하였다. 결과(結果) : 1. 증상호전지수(症狀好轉指數)는 대조군(對照群)과 치료군(治療群) 사이에 유의(有意)한 차이(差異)가 없었다. 2. 치료전후(治療前後) 측정(測定)한 내경동맥(內頸動脈) siphon부(部)의 혈관반응성(血管反應性)은 대조군(對照群)과 치료군(治療群)에서 모두 유의성(有意性)있는 변화(變化)가 없었다. 3. 치료전후(治療前後) 측정(測定)한 요골동맥(橈骨動脈)의 혈관반응성(血管反應性)은 대조군(對照群)과 치료군(治療群)에서 모두 유의성(有意性) 있는 변화(變化)가 없었다. 4. 치료전후(治療前後) 측정(測定)한 PT, a-PTT은 대조군(對照群)과 치료군(治療群)에서 모두 유의성(有意性)있는 변화(變化)가 없었고, fibrinogen은 치료군(治療群)에서 치료전(治療前)보다 유의성(有意性) 있게 증가(增加)하였으나 평균값이 정상(正常) 범위(範圍)에서 벗어나지 않았다. 5. 국소(局所) 뇌허혈(腦虛血) 동물(動物) 실험(實驗)에서는 실험군(實驗群)에서 신경학적(神經學的) 결손(缺損), 허혈(虛血) 면적율(面積率), 부종율(浮腫率)이 유의성(有意性)있게 감소(減少)하였다 결론(結論) : 이상(以上)의 연구(硏究) 결과(結果) 뇌경한(腦硬寒)의 초기(初期) 치료(治療)에서 기존(旣存)의 한의학(韓醫學) 치료(治療)에 ILIB를 추가(追加)하는 것이 치료(治療) 효과(效果)를 증가(增加)시킨다는 증거(證據)는 없었으며 동물(動物) 실험(實驗)에서는 뇌경색(腦梗塞)의 치료(治療)에 응용(應用)할 수 있는 가능성(可能性)을 보여주고 있으나 그 효과(效果)와 적응증(適應症)을 구체적(具體的)으로 증명(證明)하기 위한 체계적(體系的)이고 다양(多樣)한 임상실험(臨床實驗)이 지적(持績)되어야할 것으로 생각된다.

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일본 '고증파(考證派)' 의학에 관한 연구 (A Study on The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) of The Traditional Medicine of Japan)

  • 박현국;김기욱
    • 동국한의학연구소논문집
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    • 제10권
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    • pp.1-40
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    • 2008
  • 1.The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai(折衷派)' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金峨), Yoshida Koton(古田篁墩 $1745{\sim}1798$) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li'(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 $1739{\sim}1798$) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken(伊澤蘭軒) taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai(澀江抽齋), Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 $1749{\sim}1787$) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論") and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯). 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken(伊澤蘭軒) and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋詞"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue"("金匱要略"), "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Ritsi(森立之 $1807{\sim}1885$) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken(伊澤蘭軒) and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai(狩谷掖齋), a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"("神農本草經") and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"(枳園隨筆) that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"(說文解字) to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據), Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬, $1804{\sim}1876$) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai(安積艮齋), and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園), He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju"("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi"("金匱要略疏義") and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan"(老醫巵言) but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 $912{\sim}955$) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 $1755{\sim}1810$) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi"("傷寒論輯義") and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi"("金匱要略輯義") are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng"("醫勝") is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"(素問識), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan Ju Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"(難經疏證), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"(疾雅), "Ming Yi Gong An"(名醫公案), and "Yi Ji Kao"(醫籍考). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), Yuan Jian(元堅 $1795{\sim}1857$) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(禦匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素問紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"("傷寒廣要"), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("診腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(矢數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', the founding of Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

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