• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.174-196
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• 2021

Even though Sino-American relations of the Donald Trump era were perceived as predominately confrontational, with a symbolic trade war between the two, the scale of economic interdependencies between the United States and China results in either a need for collaboration or in serious losses on both sides in the case of lack of cooperation. The paper aims at analyzing economic relations between the United States of America and the People's Republic of China at the time of the Trump presidency. Analysis is based on the complex interdependence theory of Robert Keohane and Joseph Nye. The main hypothesis analyzed in the paper states: Asymmetric interdependence between the People's Republic of China and the United States of America limits the scope, intensity and length of a trade war. For the sake of the paper, economic interdependence will be analyzed. Apart from the reference to the state of the art, the document analysis and descriptive statistics are to be applied in the paper.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.46
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• pp.85-112
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• 2017

Donald Trump, the $45^{th}$ president of the United States, has revived the 'English Only' policy since the beginning of his presidential campaign. The monolingualism not only underscores his extremely conservative ideas, but it also reflects the nativist tendency that prevents the demographic and cultural transformation of the US, which is accelerated by globalization and transnational migration. In particular, Donald Trump tries to reconfirm the mainstream American culture that is now thought to have been threatened by Hispanization and the growing number of Spanish speakers. This paper examines the effects of "code-switching" and the possibility of a bilingual community by contrasting Donald Trump with Gloria $Anzald{\acute{u}}a$, one of the representative Latina writers who created a "border language." Borderlands/La Frontera (1987) includes Spanish glossaries and expressions to represent her bilingual realities, while attempting to translate from English to Spanish, and vice versa. However, the text occasionally demonstrates the impossibility of translation. In doing so, $Anzald{\acute{u}}a$ indirectly states that it is indispensable to present both languages at the stage; she also invites monolingual readers to make more efforts to learn and better understand the Other's language. A "border language" she attempts to embody throughout the text is created in the process of encounters, conflicts, and negotiations among languages of different ethnicities, classes and generations. It does not signify an established form: rather it appears as a constantly transforming language, which can provide us with new perspectives and an alternative way of communication beyond monolingualism.

• Journal of the Korea Institute of Information Security & Cryptology
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• v.29 no.4
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• pp.907-918
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• 2019

The purpose of this study is to understand the cybersecurity policies and critical infrastructure protection of the United States through analyzing Donald Trump's administration executive orders, the national cyber strategy, and the legislation. The analysis has three findings. First, the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) became a main agent in the cybersecurity while the role of the White House was reduced. Second, Trump's administration expanded its role and mission in the policy area by extending the meaning of critical infrastructure. Third, in the case of cyber threats, the government can be involved in the operation of critical infrastructures in the private sector. The opinions of the professional bureaucrats and DHS were more reflected in the direction of the cybersecurity policy than those of the White House. In contrast to Barack Obama's administration, the Trump administration's cybersecurity strategies were not much studied. This study provides insights for improving cybersecurity policies and critical infrastructure protection.

• Journal of the Korea Society of Computer and Information
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• v.23 no.10
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• pp.181-188
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• 2018

In this paper, we tried to investigate whether the influence of 'I' in a heterogeneous network of physical network and virtual network can be quantitatively measurable. To do this, we used Networked Community(NC) methodology to devise a concrete model of influence assessment in heterogeneous network. In order to test the model, we conducted an experiment with Donald J. Trump and his surroundings to evaluate the effectiveness of this influence assessment model. Experimentation included the measurement of impacts on the physical and virtual networks, and the impact on the networked community. Using Trump's case, we found that analyzing only one of the two networks can not accurately analyze the impact on others.

• American Studies
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• v.42 no.2
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• pp.1-29
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• 2019

The recent census project that non-Hispanic White will be minority in thirty years has been accepted by the conservative media and politicians as the factor that threatens the authentic American national identity. The concerns about the majority-minority population chance influenced the election of Donald Trump who explicitly claimed the restriction of immigration, promising strong controls over the entry of undocumented immigrants. In the process, 'white-nationalism' based on the connection of racial whites and authentic American identity has been central issues in American society. In this sense, this paper examines who has been included/excluded from 'racial Whites' throughout the American history relating to the American identity politics and how these processes have shown the covert strategies of the whites for maintaining their privileges.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.3 no.4
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• pp.101-106
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• 2017

This paper investigates how news media frame news editorials to deliver their subjective ideological stance through news discourse related with two candidates in 2016 U.S presidential election. For this purpose, 13 editorials were chosen and analyzed which appeared on the New York Time for the period from Sept. 1 to Sept. 30, almost two months prior to the election, giving special attention to the headlines of those editorials and the expressive linguistic forms in the selected two articles, based on the two theoretical frameworks-van Dijk' (1996)'s ideological square and Martin and White (2005)'s Appraisal Theory. The results are as follows: (1) editorials clearly supported Hillary Clinton; (2) following the appraisal theory, the category of 'feeling' was applied in expressing the preference for Hillary, whereas the strategy of judgment for Trump, where the strategy of 'emphasis' from the ideological framework were used for both candidates.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.11 no.4
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• pp.327-357
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• 2023

Adopting the Tools of Liberalism and Clash of Civilizations theories of international relations, this study examines the perceptions of 25,406 Arabs in 11 Arab countries as expressed in an Arab Barometer survey exploring their perceptions of violence against the United States (US), American citizens as "good," President Donald Trump's foreign policy in the Middle East, increasing economic relations with the US, and welcoming American foreign aid. As aspects of the Clash of Civilizations theory, this study examines religiosity, religious ritual practices, and political Islam and, as aspects of liberalism, this study explores the roles of online media as well as perceptions about US foreign aid in the prediction of the criterion variables. The findings suggest that religious indicators, and aspects of the Clash of Civilizations generally, were negative predictors of the perceptions, while social media and motivations for US foreign aid as aspects of liberalism, positively predicted the perceptions. The study discusses the results in relation to implications for policy makers.

• Journal of the Korea Society of Computer and Information
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• v.23 no.8
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• pp.143-149
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• 2018

Recently, President Donald Trump signed FOSTA (Fight Online Sex Trafficking Act) in April 11, 2018, which makes online service no more immune from civil liability for the action of third party facilitating sex trafficking content. Although it is also important to enhance security regulations and cognition on law, but it will be economically more effective to put more energy on preventing recidivism. For John School in Korea, it should increase implementation rate by putting core manpower and budget for preventing needs of sex purchase and then, check operation method and efficacy to improve the actual program. One way is first, empirical analysis and data is required on efficacy of John School program. Second, should have clear definition in Special Sex Trade Law. Third, more strick regulation for selecting participant is required. Fourth, more manpower and budget is required. Fifth, charging the participant for educational fee shall be reviewed. Sixth, educational program should be reviewed. The most important point of education is to make those criminals feel guilty about financially purchasing the sex, basically making them to recognize that it is ethically wrong. However, the current education system contains no clear explanation about the ethical issue of such problem but focusing more on other factors such as sexual disease and structural problem of sexual business. Therefore, this failed to deliver the right psychological training to those criminals without any ethical control. Knowing why women feel hurt when having unwanted sexual relationship by being paid is required part in terms of education for preventing sex trafficking.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.17 no.2
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• pp.89-100
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• 2017

Last January 2017, Donald Trump was inaugurated as the 45th president of the United States. He actively claimed a priority for the United States, which is referred as America First, during his presidential campaign. However, his political assertions turned out to be as Isolationist in terms of foreign policy. It becomes a serious problem for South Korea because South Korea is solely dependent on the U.S. "Extended Deterrence" of North Korea's nuclear threats. In other words, there will be a higher likelihood for North Korea to misinterpret the relationship between South Korea and the U.S. Due to his foreign policy, there is a possible provocation by North Korea. Therefore, ROK-U.S. Alliance, the model of Asymmetry Alliance in order to prepare for North Korea's nuclear provocation, will be evaluated through America's perspective based on "Autonomy-Security Trade-off Model". For this purpose, this research will evaluate ROK-U.S. Alliance with regards to a threat perception, policy coordination, and a value as an ally. Based on the evaluation, it will deduce tactical implications of South Korea's alliance.

• Journal of Korea Trade
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.1-17
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• 2021

Purpose - The global trend of protectionism has expanded since the onset of US President Donald Trump's administration in 2017. This global phenomenon has led to a significant reduction in world trade volume and a negative impact on economic development in some countries where the external sector accounts for a large proportion of GDP. Although Korea is a country vulnerable to this deteriorating trade environment, few studies have examined the relationship between protectionism and its business cycles based on Korean data. Thus, this paper investigates the impact of protectionism on Korea's business cycle. Design/methodology - To identify future implications, we conduct a structural vector autoregression (VAR) analysis using monthly Korean data from 1994 to 2015. Macroeconomic variables in the model include the industrial production index, inflation rates, exports (or net exports), interest rates, and exchange rates. For the identification of the shock reflecting the expansion of protectionism, we use an antidumping investigation (ADI) data. Since ADIs are followed generally by the imposition of antidumping tariffs, they have no contemporaneous impact on tariffs and are also contemporaneously exogenous to other endogenous variables in the VAR model. We examine two kinds of ADI shocks i) shocks on Korean exports imposed by Korea's trading partners (ADI-imposed shocks) and ii) shocks on imports imposed by the Korean government (ADI-imposing shocks). Findings - We find that Korea's exports decline sharply due to ADI-imposed shocks; the lowest point at the third month after the initial shock; and do not recover until 24 months later. Simultaneously, the inflation rate decreases. Therefore, the ADI-imposed shock can be regarded as a negative shock on the demand curve where both production and price decrease. In contrast, the ADI-imposing shock generates a different response. The net exports decline, but the inflation rate increases. These can be seen as standard responses with respect to the negative shock on the supply curve. Originality/value - We shed light on the relationship between protectionism and Korea's economic fluctuations, which is rarely addressed in previous studies. We also consider the effects of both protective policy measures on imports to Korea imposed by the Korean government and on policy measures imposed by Korea's trading partner countries on its exports.