• Title/Summary/Keyword: Donald Trump

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Donald Trump Presidency and the Transformation of Sino-American Relations: Does Asymmetric Economic Interdependence Matter?

  • Grabowski, Marcin;Duggan, Niall
    • Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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    • v.20 no.2
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    • pp.174-196
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    • 2021
  • Even though Sino-American relations of the Donald Trump era were perceived as predominately confrontational, with a symbolic trade war between the two, the scale of economic interdependencies between the United States and China results in either a need for collaboration or in serious losses on both sides in the case of lack of cooperation. The paper aims at analyzing economic relations between the United States of America and the People's Republic of China at the time of the Trump presidency. Analysis is based on the complex interdependence theory of Robert Keohane and Joseph Nye. The main hypothesis analyzed in the paper states: Asymmetric interdependence between the People's Republic of China and the United States of America limits the scope, intensity and length of a trade war. For the sake of the paper, economic interdependence will be analyzed. Apart from the reference to the state of the art, the document analysis and descriptive statistics are to be applied in the paper.

Language Games between Donald Trump and Gloria Anzaldúa (도널드 트럼프와 글로리아 안살두아의 '언어' 게임)

  • Park, Jungwon
    • Cross-Cultural Studies
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    • v.46
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    • pp.85-112
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    • 2017
  • Donald Trump, the $45^{th}$ president of the United States, has revived the 'English Only' policy since the beginning of his presidential campaign. The monolingualism not only underscores his extremely conservative ideas, but it also reflects the nativist tendency that prevents the demographic and cultural transformation of the US, which is accelerated by globalization and transnational migration. In particular, Donald Trump tries to reconfirm the mainstream American culture that is now thought to have been threatened by Hispanization and the growing number of Spanish speakers. This paper examines the effects of "code-switching" and the possibility of a bilingual community by contrasting Donald Trump with Gloria $Anzald{\acute{u}}a$, one of the representative Latina writers who created a "border language." Borderlands/La Frontera (1987) includes Spanish glossaries and expressions to represent her bilingual realities, while attempting to translate from English to Spanish, and vice versa. However, the text occasionally demonstrates the impossibility of translation. In doing so, $Anzald{\acute{u}}a$ indirectly states that it is indispensable to present both languages at the stage; she also invites monolingual readers to make more efforts to learn and better understand the Other's language. A "border language" she attempts to embody throughout the text is created in the process of encounters, conflicts, and negotiations among languages of different ethnicities, classes and generations. It does not signify an established form: rather it appears as a constantly transforming language, which can provide us with new perspectives and an alternative way of communication beyond monolingualism.

Ideological Discrepancies in News Media: Focusing on the 2016 U.S. Presidential Election (뉴스미디어에서의 이데올로기 차이: 2016년 미국 대선을 중심으로)

  • Noh, Bokyung;Ban, Hyun
    • The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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    • v.3 no.4
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    • pp.101-106
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    • 2017
  • This paper investigates how news media frame news editorials to deliver their subjective ideological stance through news discourse related with two candidates in 2016 U.S presidential election. For this purpose, 13 editorials were chosen and analyzed which appeared on the New York Time for the period from Sept. 1 to Sept. 30, almost two months prior to the election, giving special attention to the headlines of those editorials and the expressive linguistic forms in the selected two articles, based on the two theoretical frameworks-van Dijk' (1996)'s ideological square and Martin and White (2005)'s Appraisal Theory. The results are as follows: (1) editorials clearly supported Hillary Clinton; (2) following the appraisal theory, the category of 'feeling' was applied in expressing the preference for Hillary, whereas the strategy of judgment for Trump, where the strategy of 'emphasis' from the ideological framework were used for both candidates.

Research on John School as a policy to prevent recidivism of online sex trafficking

  • Park, Jong-Ryeol;Noe, Sang-Ouk
    • Journal of the Korea Society of Computer and Information
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    • v.23 no.8
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    • pp.143-149
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    • 2018
  • Recently, President Donald Trump signed FOSTA (Fight Online Sex Trafficking Act) in April 11, 2018, which makes online service no more immune from civil liability for the action of third party facilitating sex trafficking content. Although it is also important to enhance security regulations and cognition on law, but it will be economically more effective to put more energy on preventing recidivism. For John School in Korea, it should increase implementation rate by putting core manpower and budget for preventing needs of sex purchase and then, check operation method and efficacy to improve the actual program. One way is first, empirical analysis and data is required on efficacy of John School program. Second, should have clear definition in Special Sex Trade Law. Third, more strick regulation for selecting participant is required. Fourth, more manpower and budget is required. Fifth, charging the participant for educational fee shall be reviewed. Sixth, educational program should be reviewed. The most important point of education is to make those criminals feel guilty about financially purchasing the sex, basically making them to recognize that it is ethically wrong. However, the current education system contains no clear explanation about the ethical issue of such problem but focusing more on other factors such as sexual disease and structural problem of sexual business. Therefore, this failed to deliver the right psychological training to those criminals without any ethical control. Knowing why women feel hurt when having unwanted sexual relationship by being paid is required part in terms of education for preventing sex trafficking.

The Efficiency of ROK-U.S. Alliance in Order to Overcome North Korea's Nuclear Threats: Evaluations & Measures (북한 핵위협 극복을 위한 한미동맹 효용성: 평가와 대책)

  • Kim, Yeon Jun
    • Convergence Security Journal
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    • v.17 no.2
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    • pp.89-100
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    • 2017
  • Last January 2017, Donald Trump was inaugurated as the 45th president of the United States. He actively claimed a priority for the United States, which is referred as America First, during his presidential campaign. However, his political assertions turned out to be as Isolationist in terms of foreign policy. It becomes a serious problem for South Korea because South Korea is solely dependent on the U.S. "Extended Deterrence" of North Korea's nuclear threats. In other words, there will be a higher likelihood for North Korea to misinterpret the relationship between South Korea and the U.S. Due to his foreign policy, there is a possible provocation by North Korea. Therefore, ROK-U.S. Alliance, the model of Asymmetry Alliance in order to prepare for North Korea's nuclear provocation, will be evaluated through America's perspective based on "Autonomy-Security Trade-off Model". For this purpose, this research will evaluate ROK-U.S. Alliance with regards to a threat perception, policy coordination, and a value as an ally. Based on the evaluation, it will deduce tactical implications of South Korea's alliance.

An Analysis of Macro Aspects Caused by Protectionism in Korea

  • Kim, Yuri;Kim, Kyunghun
    • Journal of Korea Trade
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    • v.25 no.1
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    • pp.1-17
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    • 2021
  • Purpose - The global trend of protectionism has expanded since the onset of US President Donald Trump's administration in 2017. This global phenomenon has led to a significant reduction in world trade volume and a negative impact on economic development in some countries where the external sector accounts for a large proportion of GDP. Although Korea is a country vulnerable to this deteriorating trade environment, few studies have examined the relationship between protectionism and its business cycles based on Korean data. Thus, this paper investigates the impact of protectionism on Korea's business cycle. Design/methodology - To identify future implications, we conduct a structural vector autoregression (VAR) analysis using monthly Korean data from 1994 to 2015. Macroeconomic variables in the model include the industrial production index, inflation rates, exports (or net exports), interest rates, and exchange rates. For the identification of the shock reflecting the expansion of protectionism, we use an antidumping investigation (ADI) data. Since ADIs are followed generally by the imposition of antidumping tariffs, they have no contemporaneous impact on tariffs and are also contemporaneously exogenous to other endogenous variables in the VAR model. We examine two kinds of ADI shocks i) shocks on Korean exports imposed by Korea's trading partners (ADI-imposed shocks) and ii) shocks on imports imposed by the Korean government (ADI-imposing shocks). Findings - We find that Korea's exports decline sharply due to ADI-imposed shocks; the lowest point at the third month after the initial shock; and do not recover until 24 months later. Simultaneously, the inflation rate decreases. Therefore, the ADI-imposed shock can be regarded as a negative shock on the demand curve where both production and price decrease. In contrast, the ADI-imposing shock generates a different response. The net exports decline, but the inflation rate increases. These can be seen as standard responses with respect to the negative shock on the supply curve. Originality/value - We shed light on the relationship between protectionism and Korea's economic fluctuations, which is rarely addressed in previous studies. We also consider the effects of both protective policy measures on imports to Korea imposed by the Korean government and on policy measures imposed by Korea's trading partner countries on its exports.

A Study on the Analysis of Trump Administration Cybersecurity Policy: Focusing on Critical Infrastructure (트럼프 행정부의 주요기반시설 사이버보안 정책분석에 관한 연구)

  • Kim, Geunhye
    • Journal of the Korea Institute of Information Security & Cryptology
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    • v.29 no.4
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    • pp.907-918
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    • 2019
  • The purpose of this study is to understand the cybersecurity policies and critical infrastructure protection of the United States through analyzing Donald Trump's administration executive orders, the national cyber strategy, and the legislation. The analysis has three findings. First, the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) became a main agent in the cybersecurity while the role of the White House was reduced. Second, Trump's administration expanded its role and mission in the policy area by extending the meaning of critical infrastructure. Third, in the case of cyber threats, the government can be involved in the operation of critical infrastructures in the private sector. The opinions of the professional bureaucrats and DHS were more reflected in the direction of the cybersecurity policy than those of the White House. In contrast to Barack Obama's administration, the Trump administration's cybersecurity strategies were not much studied. This study provides insights for improving cybersecurity policies and critical infrastructure protection.

Predicting Performance of Heavy Industry Firms in Korea with U.S. Trade Policy Data (미국 무역정책 변화가 국내 중공업 기업의 경영성과에 미치는 영향)

  • Park, Jinsoo;Kim, Kyoungho;Kim, Buomsoo;Suh, Jihae
    • The Journal of Society for e-Business Studies
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    • v.22 no.4
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    • pp.71-101
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    • 2017
  • Since late 2016, protectionism has been a major trend in world trade with the Great Britain exiting the European Union and the United States electing Donald Trump as the 45th president. Consequently, there has been a huge public outcry regarding the negative prospects of heavy industry firms in Korea, which are highly dependent upon international trade with Western countries including the United States. In light of such trend and concerns, we have tried to predict business performance of heavy industry firms in Korea with data regarding trade policy of the United States. United States International Trade Commission (USITC) levies countervailing duties and anti-dumping duties to firms that violate its fair-trade regulations. In this study, we have performed data analysis with past records of countervailing duties and anti-dumping duties. With results from clustering analysis, it could be concluded that trade policy trends of the Unites States significantly affects the business performance of heavy industry firms in Korea. Furthermore, we have attempted to quantify such effects by employing long short-term memory (LSTM), a popular neural networks model that is well-suited to deal with sequential data. Our major contribution is that we have succeeded in empirically validating the intuitive argument and also predicting the future trend with rigorous data mining techniques. With some improvements, our results are expected to be highly relevant to designing regulations regarding heavy industry in Korea.

Vietnam in 2016: The Situations and Prospects of Politics, Economy, and International Relations (베트남 2016: 정치, 경제, 대외관계의 현황과 전망)

  • LEE, Han Woo;CHAE, Su Hong
    • The Southeast Asian review
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    • v.27 no.1
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    • pp.163-191
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    • 2017
  • This article aims to review the recent, especially focusing on the year of 2016, situations and prospects of the Vietnamese politics, economy, and international relations. Politically, Vietnam completed the election of members for the National Assembly and organized new leadership at the 12th National Congress of the Vietnamese Communist Party in 2016. One characteristic of the new leadership is that the politicians, especially the members of politburo, from the North continue to occupy the position of majority. The other one is that the new leadership promised to carry out the restructuring of economy toward industries producing higher value-added commodities even though Vietnam industries admittedly need to accelerate present industrialization and modernization as a developing country under the seemingly contradictory slogan of "the development of market economy for socialism." The declared goals of the new leadership in Vietnam are inevitable in a sense since the development of Vietnamese economy has been heavily dependent upon Foreign Direct Investment(FDI) taking advantage of Vietnamese cheap labor and simultaneously it is evident that its future is unsecure if it maintains status quo. In fact, the Vietnamese economy has impressively showed high growth rate by the help of foreign capitals since 1990s despite the repetitive recessions of global economy but its growth is not likely to be sustainable anymore if it will not reduce foreign dependency and social economic inequality in a long term. In a short run, global economic recession, the financial and monetary policies of global powers, and recent protectionism and uncertainty of trade agreements will be three crucial variables to affect Vietnamese economy. In terms of international relations, Vietnam is continuously expected to practise the policy of checks and balances among the powerful countries. Vietnam has seriously disputed with China on islands sovereignty in the South China Sea and attempted to maintain close relationship with other powerful countries including especially America. However, mainly due to the new protectionism by the regime of American president Donald Trump, the Vietnamese government also need to keep close relationship with China increasingly for both economic and diplomatic security. Under the circumstances, Vietnam is expected to maintain more practical and balanced international relations.

Southeast Asia and ASEAN in 2016: Disappointing Records and Increasing Uncertainty (동남아와 아세안 2016: 기대와 혼돈 속에 커져가는 불확실성)

  • SHIN, Yoon Hwan
    • The Southeast Asian review
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    • v.27 no.1
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    • pp.95-129
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    • 2017
  • This study surveys and reviews political change, economic performance, and regional cooperation that were carried out in 2016 by Southeast Asian countries and ASEAN. This paper reports that what has followed the inauguration of new governments in Myanmar, the Philippines, Vietnam, and Laos fails to live up to the expectation and optimism that arose in the aftermath of elections and party congresses that took place in the first half of the year. In other countries such as Malaysia, Thailand, and Cambodia, where authoritarian regimes are faced with strong oppositions, the prospects for democratic change worsened to a substantial degree, as schisms and internal strives complicated the opposition camp as a result of instigation and intervention by the authoritarian leaders and their followers. In stable political systems, both democratic and authoritarian, no significant changes that may entail serious political implications were noticed. In 2016, the national economy of almost each and every country continued its slow but steady recovery that had started in 2014 and grew by 5% on the average. For 2017 onward, however, the earlier optimism that it would grow at least as fast dimmed down as uncertainty about the world economy looms larger due to the unexpected win by Donald Trump as U.S. president and the expected 'hard landing' of the Chinese economy around 2018. ASEAN declared the launch of the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) only one day before the New Year, but its track record looked already bad and unpromising by the end of 2016. ASEAN leaders were tied up by their domestic politics and affairs too tightly to take time off to work seriously to observe the schedule as laid out in the AEC Blueprint 2025. Korea's relationship with Southeast Asian countries and ASEAN was "as good as it gets" in 2016 as ever but could become subject to tough review in the near future, if the Ministry of Foreign Affairs is found out to have been implicated in the ongoing Choi Sun Sil scandal and if the opposition wins the next presidential election to be held by this year.