• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.56
• /
• pp.219-236
• /
• 2011

Since the end of the $19^{th}$ century, Korean English-language newspapers have been published in Korea to inform readers about Korea and Korean people's point of view concerning world problems. Among them was the Korean Republic (KR), the former name of the Korea Herald, founded on August $15^{th}$, 1953 (Korean Liberation Day from Japanese colonial rule). This newspaper was started especially to report on international affairs, just after the Armistice agreement was signed on July $27^{th}$, 1953, at the initiative of the first president of the Republic of Korea, Syngman Rhee. He vehemently expressed his and the Korean people's opinion about Korean problems in world politics where big powers were dominating and deciding small countries' destinies. This paper is written to show that Korean English-language newspapers were used as tool of public diplomacy not only for the readers of target countries but also for Korean readers, well before the media diplomacy theory became popular several decades later. In the deplorable world situation where Korea was colonized and divided into halves by the wills of the super powers, the Korean media participated actively via dialogue in English to solve the Korean problem. This paper studies the editorials of the KR for one year, the year just after its foundation. Vis-a-vis the United States, the KR defended its political system of free democracy by insisting on the Korean people's hopes, the reunification of the peninsula and acquiring American assistance in economic and military areas. Regarding Japan, Korea had doubt about its expansionist policy by way of rearmament. First, the Korean government tried to defend its territorial waters, including Dokdo Island. As for multi-lateral relationships, Korea was concerned about the spread of communism to its territory in the world where socialism was dominating.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.56
• /
• pp.86-116
• /
• 2011

Recently, media diplomacy takes on a substantial role in information war not only in setting global agenda but also in delivering their favored views and frames. Focusing on its crucial impact, this study attempts to investigate empirically the relationship between national prestigious media's news coverage and it's own foreign policy particularly about the 2011 Libya conflict. The total of 530 news articles in such 24 hour English news channels as BBC World, Cnn International, Russia Today, France24, Al Jazeera English and Deusche Welle were analyzed for this study. The analyses reveal that Libya coverages of those news channels are entirely constructed in the context of the foreign policy. To put it concretely, there was the undeniable level of differences in terms of quoting relevant sources, viewpoints, attitudes and frames for the pursuit of media diplomacy helped by high quality journalism. The authors argue in this regard that protecting information sovereignty should be urgently discussed even in the time of digital revolution. To launch 24-hour English news channel like 'Korea 24' would be a possible strategy for influencing global agenda and perspective in way of supporting national interests.

• The Southeast Asian review
• /
• v.27 no.3
• /
• pp.93-135
• /
• 2017

Due to their geographic proximity to Beijing, the Southeast Asian states under the fallout of the China's growing power are struggling to seek the art of diplomacy to promote their national interests. This study explores why Cambodia previously taking a pro-US strategy after the end of the Cold War has switched to a pro-China one in the context of the rise of G-2 system, the ASEAN regionalism, the country's national interest and Hun Sen's regime legitimation. Theoretically, this study takes a realist constructivist approach and tries to find how realist interests and norms have affected the Hun Sen's regime legitimation. The relationship between China and Cambodia has been deepened by mutual economic interdependence and increasingly stronger Chinese power. Especially, the Chinese massive economic aids and investment have enormously supported the regime legitimation of Hun Sen. On the other hand, The US value diplomacy promoting democracy and human rights has undermined the Hun Sen's legitimacy and strained the two nations' relationship. However, the Hun Sen's pro-China strategy is not to check and balance against US strategic interests and not to recognize the Chinese hegemonic position in Southeast Asia. It is a hedging against the US value diplomacy while maximizing economic and other gains from China. ASEAN has been playing a coordinating role to limit the scope of power politics among big powers and to mitigate its ramifications. Yet, since the US and Chinese interests are so keenly criss-crossing, Cambodia may continue to react to the G-2 system through bilateral relations with them.

• Journal of Space Technology and Applications
• /
• v.2 no.3
• /
• pp.195-205
• /
• 2022

Space exploration is an area where international cooperation takes place more actively than any other space activities such as Earth observation, communication and navigation. This is because a country cannot afford a huge budget to have full infrastructure for deep space exploration, such as a heavy launch vehicle, communication and energy infrastructure, and human habitats, and has learned that it is not sustainable. Korea expressed its willingness to join humanity's epic exploration journey by signing the Artemis Accords in 2021 and launching Danuri lunar orbiter in 2022. The beginning of space exploration means that Korea's space activities have expanded beyond the stage of focusing only on technology development to set norms necessary to accompany other countries and cooperate diplomatically to solve exposed problems. This paper analyzed European space policy and space exploration, which are most actively participating in the Artemis Program and exerting diplomatic power in the space field, from the perspective of science and technology diplomacy. The suggestions for Korea's space exploration strategy from the perspective of science and technology diplomacy were drawn by examining the international cooperation strategies in Europe's space activities ranging from space policy, space strategy, and space exploration program to project units.

• Proceedings of the Korean Environmental Sciences Society Conference
• /
• 1994.04a
• /
• pp.108-108
• /
• 1994

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
• /
• v.10 no.1
• /
• pp.25-42
• /
• 2011

• Proceedings of the Korean Environmental Sciences Society Conference
• /
• 1994.04a
• /
• pp.104-104
• /
• 1994

• Strategy21
• /
• s.36
• /
• pp.215-240
• /
• 2015

Jeong YagYong, who are the SilHak Scholar during 18^th to 19^th century, wrote the Sadaegore with his pupil Lee Cheong. This work is the guide of diplomacy, which are asked to write from King Jeongjo. Although this book was completed after King Jeongjo's death, it harbors the King's thoughts about diplomacy or the relationship with China. Haebanggo, one chapter of the book, is about marine policy and how to treat the castaways. In this chapter, Jeong YagYong provides various ways to deal with these problems in marine area and sea refugee I will examine the Jeong YagYong's thought about the problems and ways to address these problems. Futhermore, I will inquire Jeong's opinion on the boundary in marine area. He recognized that many border transgressions happened in marine area at that time and considered that as urgent political affairs. Haebanggo consists of two parts. First part of the book is about protect own island from other countries. The rest part is about cases of dealing with castaways and their transgression. I argue that Jeong YagYong intended to make distinct borderlines in marine area and empathized the necessity of protecting Joseon's islands from other countries.

• The Journal of Industrial Distribution & Business
• /
• v.12 no.2
• /
• pp.7-17
• /
• 2021

Purpose: Previous studies have rarely examined the role of higher education for human capital development in the case of Korea. The purpose of this study is to investigate effects of higher education for international students in globalized environment on job satisfaction, globalization, and hosting country. Research questions include the following: i) how do application and improvement on work, performance, self-confidence, and use of network affect job satisfaction; ii) how do leadership, policy improvement, public diplomacy, social responsibility and global competence affect globalization?; iii) how do affective, cognitive, and behavioral components affect attitude of hosting country? Research design, data, and methodology: Online survey and interviews were conducted. For quantitative research, this study applied factor and structural equational modeling, while for qualitative research, this study applied cognitive mapping and sentimental analysis. Results: This study found that most of proposed effects showed significant. The results showed consistent for quantitative and qualitative researches. Conclusions: The results implied that higher education in global environment plays a key role to enhance job satisfaction, globalization, and attitude toward the hosting country and contributes to foster international relations significantly. The results also implied that human capital development in globalized environment helps improve global network and public diplomacy.

• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
• /
• v.10 no.4
• /
• pp.39-66
• /
• 2022

Modern Bulgarian nationalists aspired towards incorporating the self-identified Bulgarian lands into the Bulgarian state. The Treaty of San Stefano ending the Russo-Turkish War of 1877-78 tantalizingly achieved these so-called national ideals. Great Power diplomacy quickly diminished Bulgaria's borders and international legal status with the 1878 Treaty of Berlin, exacerbating nationalist grievances. Bulgaria would expand vast resources to restore the San Stefano borders until Balkan Communist authoritarian regimes eventually suppressed the Macedonian issue as a foreign policy subject. Sofia's policy towards its neighbor has been overdetermined by the efforts of successive Bulgarian governments to institutionalize post-communist Bulgaria's own national identity. Bulgaria's integration into so-called Euro-Atlantic structures, i.e., NATO and the EU, had been the primary strategic objective of the Bulgarian authorities since the end of the Zhivkov regime. North Atlantic community security policy aims in response to the earliest post-Cold War foreign policy crises in the Western Balkans framed the parameters of Bulgarian diplomacy. The stabilization of FYROM in 2001, followed by Bulgaria's 2007 EU accession, led to Bulgarian nationalist values become more salient in Bulgarian politics and foreign policy. Sofia-Skopje relations are a test case for the effects of Europeanization on interdependent Balkan ethno-sectarian nationalisms and state territorial institutional development.