• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.17 no.1
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• pp.27-49
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• 2018

Public Diplomacy (PD) is the third pillar of South Korean foreign policy. According to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, PD aims to attract foreign audiences by means of art, knowledge transmission, media, language and foreign aid. When it comes to the Korean language, its global profile has seen an especially marked increase in recent years (Kim, 2009). Thus, this paper's objective is to explain the relevance of the Korean language in the generation of South Korea's soft power. I draw from $C{\acute{e}}sar$ Villanueva's reflections in order to problematize how language promotion can be translated into soft power at five different levels: the empathetic, the sympathetic, the geopolitical, the diplomatic and the utilitarian. I observe that in the case of the Korean language in Mexico City, soft power has the potential to be generated on three levels: it helps to increase knowledge of Korean culture (empathetic); it exercises symbolic persuasion (geopolitical), since the products of cultural industries are mostly in Korean; and it is used as a tool for economic transactions in Mexico City (utilitarian).

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.21 no.1
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• pp.1-32
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• 2022

Through the Global Korea Scholarship (GKS) program, the government of the Republic of Korea annually invites over a thousand international students to learn the Korean language and obtain a higher education degree from Korean universities. One of the program's goals is positioned within the public diplomacy framework. Korea seeks to cultivate Korea-friendly networks and transform GKS students and alumni into ambassadors to contribute to Korea's promotion abroad. However, there is no clarity on whether this mechanism works as expected. This study examines GKS students' relationship-building experiences with South Koreans during and after the exchange program. Analysis of twenty in-depth interviews with the program's alumni reveals both what facilitates and what obstructs personal and professional relationship-building between scholarship recipients and South Koreans at different stages (language year and degree years) of the program and after graduation. The paper concludes with practical recommendations for universities, GKS administrators, and the South Korean government regarding their policies for scholarship holders.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.149-173
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• 2022

Vaccine nationalism and its implications to vaccine supply were a huge concern globally when COVID-19 vaccines first became available in 2021. At the time, vaccine supply was limited and it was difficult for many countries around the world to get adequate supply of the COVID-19 vaccine to inoculate their people. At its most benign, vaccine nationalism delayed the access of poorer countries to vaccines that are widely considered as the long-term solution to the COVID-19 pandemic. Poorer countries needed to resort to diplomacy to wrangle early access to vaccine supply from vaccine-producing countries like the United States, the United Kingdom and others. In particular, Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte leveraged his country's Visiting Forces Agreement (VFA) with the United States and the need for Filipino nurses by countries like the United Kingdom and Germany to secure early access to COVID-19 vaccines. It all seems trivial now (in 2022) because of better global vaccine supply, but in 2021 when countries scrambled for access to scarce COVID-19 vaccines, Rodrigo Duterte leveraged the Philippines' assets to gain early access to vaccine supply.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.73
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• pp.91-117
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• 2018

In the tribute system controlling international relations of pre-modern East Asia, conciliation diplomacy between royal authorities was a principle of diplomatic relations among each nation. Therefore, capitals where royal authorities really existed were political centers and diplomatic stages at the same time. Notably, diplomatic relations between United Silla and Japan were maintained dually by conciliation diplomacy between royal authorities and practical diplomacy through Dazaihu located in Tsukushi. Tsukushi located at the northwestern tip of Kyushu was a gateway to foreign nations and stronghold in terms of national defense. Amidst an East Asian war named Baek River Battle in 663, the royal court of Daehwa established Dazaihu here because it was necessary for diplomatic and military responses. Dazaihu established as part of diplomatic negotiation not only took diplomatic functions as an official residence since the latter half of the 7thcentury. and but also was used as a stage of official diplomacy between Silla and Japan. Diplomatic negotiation between Silla and Japan through Dazaihu was made in practical methods and such a situation could be confirmed through diplomatic documents exchanged between Silla and Dazaihu in the middle of the 8thcentury. At that time, protocols became an importan tissue.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.23 no.3
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• pp.312-333
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• 2020

Korea-Africa relations date back to the period of independence of African countries. During this time, the ties between Korea and Africa has passed through stagnation, inconsistencies and weak diplomatic exchanges. Recently, Korea began to refocus its efforts towards Africa in order to revitalize their relations. This paper examines Korea's public diplomacy strategies towards Africa and how its various strategies are working in the interest of Korea as well as Africa. The study shows that Korea's renewed interest in Africa is primarily driven by the security threat from North Korea and the need to diversify its market for industrial goods as well as energy sources. The latter motives override Korea's interest in the continent. These motives are not at variance with those pursued by large powers like the US and China in Africa. Furthermore, the paper shows that Korea is employing a mixture of public diplomacy instruments in Africa with varied outcomes. Economic linkages between Korea and Africa are on an upward trajectory since the late 2000s. In order to build sustainable relations, the paper provides a number suggestions with far-reaching implications on Korea's public diplomacy towards Africa in the future.

• Iberoamérica
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.93-134
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• 2021

With the inauguration of the Bolsonaro administration in 2019, Brazil experienced a noticeable transformation in its policy lines at home and abroad. Limiting this change to diplomacy, it can be pointed out that pro-U.S. and anti-China diplomacy, which is clearly distinguished from the previous regimes, has begun in earnest. Nevertheless, the existing literature on this topic is limited, and it is mainly poetic reporting through the media. This paper aims to derive the main determinant of Bolsonaru's pro-U.S. and anti-China diplomatic lines by postulating the individual level of the political leader as a key variable. This study argues that his personal experience and beliefs and world views formed by his life history, and Bolsonaro's political calculation that would strengthen his domestic political support through linking between his domestic politics and diplomatic lines, ultimately influenced the dependent variable. This study is thought to be meaningful in that it enhanced the theoretical implications of not only the theory of foreign policy determinants but also the understanding of Brazil's foreign policy by explaining the factors of Brazil's pro-U.S. and anti-China diplomacy through focusing on an individual level.

• Journal of Public Diplomacy
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• v.2 no.2
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• pp.27-52
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• 2022

Objectives: The neighboring countries of South Korea and Japan in Northeast Asia have interacted in both positive and negative ways, at times as close partners and other times adversaries, throughout their long and thorny history of extensive dynamics. The controversial dispute over Dokdo is one of the most critical issues evoking harsh tensions and arguments asserting wholly opposite claims. Dokdo is a small island between two coastal states, but significant in terms of territorial, botanical, and marine resources, and thus ownership of the island has become a point of conflict accompanied by a troubled history. But why has Dokdo been a source of conflicts and how should the controversial Dokdo issue be addressed in a way that fosters positive influence and co-prosperity? Methods: This study provides comprehensive and critical insights from a wealth of previous research and strategic suggestions for the Korean government. It utilizes the three perspectives of historical documents and political context, international regulations and legal frames, and public diplomacy. Furthermore, it applies these resources to negotiation theories and strategies to propose reasonable solutions. Results: This study suggests that it is important for Korea and Japan to try to build mutual trust through more active communication and interaction in order to understand each other before attempting to create a formal resolution via negotiation. In addition to these efforts, Korea needs to be ready for the inevitable need to take decisive action in terms of negotiation, using analytic and efficient strategies. The study proposes three solutions: 1) Strong Action Strategy, 2) International Legal Strategy, and 3) Public Diplomacy Strategy. Conclusions: From the perspective of public diplomacy, the Dokdo issue needs to be converted from a symbol of conflicts between Korea and Japan into a symbol of peace and co-prosperity. In addition to promoting a positive relationship between the two states, it can also contribute to the security environment of the Northeast Asian region and global peace.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.17 no.1
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• pp.1-4
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• 2018

• Journal of National Security and Military Science
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• s.1
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• pp.35-70
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• 2003

President Lee, Syngman was ROK supreme commander at the Korean war. But, it is doubt that he executed his authority and responsibility by the ROK constitution and law. At the phase of the Korean War conduct, his role may be divided into 'military operation execution one' and 'political-diplomacy one'. He appointed unqualified person to the important position of the national defence, didn't make war execution system, and was not make to meet the war. And, after transferring the ROK force operation commanding authority to the Commander in Chief, UN Command, his role was extremely trivial at the military operation execution phase. Any way, he intended to recover the inferior national strength and military capacity with USA aid, and concentrated his effort toward diplomacy with USA. At last, he succeeded in making a mutual defence treaty and gained a big result to harden Korea national security after war. In sum, president Lee was shrewd politician and diplomat than military leader. And, it can be evaluated that he supplemented the lost part of military affairs side with diplomat one.

• Informatization Policy
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• v.22 no.1
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• pp.3-27
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• 2015

The purpose of this research is to analyze research trend of 400 north korea information studies from 2010 to 2014 in korea. The research has narrowed the scope of analysis in five fields : political diplomacy, economy, the military, social culture, human rights in north korea. The result of this research shows that each field evenly counts for 20% of the entire research. According to the types of publications, not only research papers but also graduate theses and books comprise a large proportion of the north korea information study. In the past, the north korea information study focused on political diplomacy and the military, but this research revealed different outcome. Now the study of north korea information has wide variety of subject, but it requires a qualitative growth. It remains still the problem of credibility in research data.