International journal of advanced smart convergence
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v.13
no.1
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pp.185-193
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2024
This study aimed to investigate the immediate physiological responses, including heart rate, blood pressure, and rate pressure product (RPP), following squat exercises performed at three water depths (ground, knee depth, waist depth) and two speed conditions (60bpm speed, Max speed). The participants consisted of 10 men in their 20s with over 6 months of resistance exercise experience. For the 60bpm speed squats, participants performed 30 repetitions in 1 minute at a rate of 2 seconds per repetition, while for Max speed squats, they performed at Max speed without a set limit on the number of repetitions for 1 minute. All experiments were conducted with a random assignment. The study results showed that immediately after the aquatic squat exercise, the average heart rate, blood pressure, and cardiac load were higher in the order of knee depth, ground level, and waist depth at both 60bpm speed and Max Speed. At 60bpm speed, the heart rate was higher in the order of ground level, knee depth, and waist depth. Overall, exercise in an aquatic environment was considered to impose relatively lower physical burden compared to land-based exercise. Therefore, it is suggested that depending on individual fitness levels and exercise goals, appropriately combining aquatic exercise, which imposes lower immediate physiological burden, and land-based exercise may lead to safer and more effective exercise methods.
Sino-Japanese relations suffered a great setback during the premiership of Koizumi $Jun'ichir{\bar{o}}$ (2001-2006). Although many factors, such as dispute over the resources of the East China Sea or Japan's anxiety about China's growing military expenditures, are accountable for this situation, it was Koizumi's visits to the Yasukuni Shrine that became a symbol of the controversies between the two countries. The Yasukuni issue triggered a real eruption of profound anti-Japanese feelings among the Chinese people. While commentators in China accused Koizumi of glorifying militarism and whitewashing the atrocities committed by Japanese soldiers during the Second World War, the Japanese public started perceiving China's "exaggerated" reaction as a convenient diplomatic tool used by China to apply pressure on Japan in other bilateral disputes. On the one hand, spontaneous protests against Koizumi's visits to the Yasukuni Shrine constituted a great constraint in China's diplomacy towards Japan, but on the other, they also became an ideal pretext for adopting a tougher stance in Chinese foreign policy. In this paper, I examine different points of view on the Yasukuni issue. After describing the Japanese background of the visits to the controversial shrine, I analyze various interpretations of China's reaction to the problem. Although emotions dominated discourse on the Yasukuni issue both in Japan and China, some pragmatic attempts to use this problem can still be seen. Besides being a side-effect of Koizumi's strong personality, the Yasukuni issue could be used either as a tool of factional struggle in the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) or as an instrument of Chinese foreign policy towards Japan.
Journal of Korean Society of Archives and Records Management
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v.13
no.1
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pp.159-179
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2013
This study traces the evolution of the compilation of foreign relations of the United States series and analyzes its archival issues from its historical development. The study examines the purposes of publishing the compilations of the diplomatic documents, an issue of making a balance between secrecy for national security and accountability of diplomacy, neutrality in compiling historical materials, and methods and principles of the compilation. To analyze these records issues, the study examines the contents and contexts of the compilation, historical evolution of the compilation, and the political and records issues of the compilation in the U.S. political history. The declassification issue for the historical compilation was also examined because the issue was a major obstacle to the timely publication of FRUS.
Since the profess of the reformation and opening Policy in 1978, China has been outstandingly developed its economy and increased the real scale of its economy 4 times as big as before, and is expected to rise as a superpower holding in check U.S.A even in economy as well as politics, military affairs and diplomacy in the 21st century. In this position, China has constantly tried to join WTO since 1986, as an effort to gain a status in the international society. It hsa been making various economic reformations to provoke a crustal movement in its own economy such as tariffs lowering measurement for the almost whole items, remove of restriction of import items, lowering the refunding rate of over deposit tax and annihilation of the special treatments for the foreign investment. In short, recently Chinese government is cutting down the special treatments for the foreign capital enterprises and changing the policy to the direction of gradually reinforcing the control, so it requires that our enterprises trying to advance and invest in China have to consider these carefully. Investment in China of our enterprises become serious since 1990 is focused on such labor intensive industries as textiles, sewing and shoes which lost the competitive power due to the wage increase. Particularly, Pusan economy having played the role of locomotive for Korean economy in the past developing period has been weakened in the competitiveness and not yet activated in 1990s. In terms of this, the enterprises engaged in such typical industries of Pusan as shoes, textiles and sewing have borne much fruit from the investment in China with abundant and cheap labors. However, from a few years the enterprises in Pusan invested in China due to the cheap labors and rich resources and invested in China have suffered much troubles and failures more and more resulted from the advancement without sufficient previous knowledge and information related to the investment including investment environment. Therefore, at the time of advancement in China, Korean enterprises should make their decision related to the investment, after taking these investment environment into account previously to a full extent and making an investment strategy.
The study has applied the four stage "Model of State Behavior in Crisis" to trace the post 9/11 crisis foreign policy decision making process in Pakistan. It argues that ominous attacks on the United States by al-Qaeda and subsequent declaration of President Bush to fight against terrorism transformed the global and regional politico-security dimensions at t1 stage. Being a neighboring country, Pakistan's support was inevitable in the war on terror and Washington applied coercive diplomacy to win the cooperation from Islamabad. Consequently, in case of decline to accept American demands, Pakistan perceived threat to basic values/objectives of the country and simultaneous time pressure amplified the psychological stress in decision makers at t2 stage. Therefore, the decisional forum was setup at t3 stage and Pakistan decided to join the United States at t4 stage, which defused the foreign policy crisis.
The rising of east-north economic bloc is notable in world economy due to the rapidly growth of china economy. The China's economic standing is gradually higher and higher because the joining of the WTO at 2001, development of the exterior open-door policy and the expansion of the trade between chain and several nations. Since Korea and China normalized diplomatic ties in 1992, the two have made remarkable progress in bilateral relations in the fields of economy and diplomacy in particular. The amount of Korea's trade with China has increased by over 20% a year on the average because of the development of the economic cooperation of Korea and China. That is to say, China was sixth trade partner by the end of 1993, based on the amount of trade. But China became third partner at 1993, second partner at 2003 and first partner at the first half of 2004, based on the amount of trade. Korea can not trade with China from the Korea's port opening period to Cold War period after second world war. But historically, the two countries have shared a active and long history of trade relations from the ancient times up to now. This is because two countries get near geographically and two countries have a implication of history and culture. Not only had Korea trade with China at prehistoric age, but also at BC 7. We knew that Korea had traded with China very actively at ancient times through the Paekje(Korea's ancient country) people's village at Santung province and Changbogo's trade works. Korea-china trade relation has played an important role for the development of world economy. Therefor, based on reviewing the korea-china trade, I study the historical meaning of the trade at the region of east-north asia.
Journal of Nuclear Fuel Cycle and Waste Technology(JNFCWT)
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v.5
no.4
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pp.351-357
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2007
The Japanese Government selected Mutsu, Aomori Prefecture as a provisional spent-fuel repository site. This comes as a result of the prefecture's five-year campaign to host the site since 2000. Korea stores spent nuclear fuel within sites of nuclear power plants, and expects the storage capacity to reach its limit by the year 2016. This compels Korea to learn the cases of Japan. Having successfully hosted Gyeongju as a site for low-to-intermediate-level nuclear waste repository, Korea has already learned the potential process of hosting spent fuel storage site. The striking difference between the two countries in the process of hosting the site is that the Korean government had to offer the local city a large amount of subsidy for hosting through competitive citizens' referendum among candidate cities while it was the leadership of the local municipality that enabled the controversial decision in Japan. It is also a distinguishable characteristics of Japan that not a huge subsidy is provided to the local host city. I hope this study offers an idea to Korea's future effort to select a spent-fuel host site.
This introduction is both a statement of a research problem and an account of the first research results for its solution. As more historical databases come online and overlap in coverage, we need to discuss the two main issues that prevent 'big' results from emerging so far. Firstly, historical data are seen by computer science people as unstructured, that is, historical records cannot be easily decomposed into unambiguous fields, like in population (birth and death records) and taxation data. Secondly, machine-learning tools developed for structured data cannot be applied as they are for historical research. We propose a complex network, narrative-driven approach to mining historical databases. In such a time-integrated network obtained by overlaying records from historical databases, the nodes are actors, while thelinks are actions. In the case study that we present (the world as seen from Venice, 1205-1533), the actors are governments, while the actions are limited to war, trade, and treaty to keep the case study tractable. We then identify key periods, key events, and hence key actors, key locations through a time-resolved examination of the actions. This tool allows historians to deal with historical data issues (e.g., source provenance identification, event validation, trade-conflict-diplomacy relationships, etc.). On a higher level, this automatic extraction of key narratives from a historical database allows historians to formulate hypotheses on the courses of history, and also allow them to test these hypotheses in other actions or in additional data sets. Our vision is that this narrative-driven analysis of historical data can lead to the development of multiple scale agent-based models, which can be simulated on a computer to generate ensembles of counterfactual histories that would deepen our understanding of how our actual history developed the way it did. The generation of such narratives, automatically and in a scalable way, will revolutionize the practice of history as a discipline, because historical knowledge, that is the treasure of human experiences (i.e. the heritage of the world), will become what might be inherited by machine learning algorithms and used in smart cities to highlight and explain present ties and illustrate potential future scenarios and visionarios.
This research is to reveal an aspect of costume culture interchange in the relationship of the early Chosun Dynasty, by considering the imported goods from Japan, of the trading goods derived by the trade diplomacy between the two countries in the early Korea-Japan relationship in the medieval era. The research results are as follows. A good-neighbor Policy in the early Chosun Dynasty was established by a link of a barbarian ban policy to blockade the frequent intrusion by Japanese barbarians. The exchange was the form of presenting a return present in return for a tribute to the Chosun Dynasty from the Japanese envoy, which has a polycentric characteristic. Pusanpo, Naipo, and Yumpo were designated as the open ports, which played a pivotal role in the Korea-Japan exchange. In trading goods between Korean and Japan. the imported goods from Japan to Korea were a wide variety of items primarily such as dyes, mordant, medicines, steel, spicers, etc. In particular, Somok used as a red mordant, which were intermediate goods to Southeast Asia, was the most heavily-traded items of imported goods from Japan. It had been consumed primarily as a raw material making the costume suit of the royal family and the aristocracy. The increased import of Somok was derived from a thought of preferred red color by our people. As its inflow was increased. the costumes tended to be luxurious In early Chosun Dynasty and resulted in social issues. This active trading from the early Chosun Dynasty caused from the communication of the Japanese envoy. In addition the study of the trading provided an opportunity that can glance at an aspect of the costume culture, though It was fractionary.
The basic stance of the Republic of Korea Ministry of Foreign Affairs was 'quiet diplomacy'. However, there had been demands for specific plans for practical protection of Dokdo. In 2011, Prime Minister Kim Hwang Sik mentioned that they are reviewing measures of stationing marines on Dokdo, while on August 10th, 2012, former president Lee Myung Bak visited Dokdo. The visit itself was meaningful as he was the first supreme commander to visit Dokdo. This paper studies on the necessity of naval power on Dokdo to maintain its effective control. The effective control must be done by a national organization in a peaceful and unimpaired method. If so, can stationing naval power, whether directly or indirectly, on Dokdo be considered a violation of 'peaceful' method? A 'peaceful' effective of control meas the right of sovereignty over a territory without other country's protest. In such terms, protecting a territory falls under practicing the right of sovereignty, and therefore does not violate 'peaceful'. In addition, looking at international cases such as Ligitan/Sipadan Case and Pedra Blanca Case, evidences such as 'navy activity', 'flyng ensign', and 'military communication facility installation' was used. In ter case of Yemen-Eritrea dispute over Hanish, methods on effective control over island and sea was also ruled by the installation of military posts and military surveillance activities. Thus, stationing naval power on Dokdo can be a way of maintaining effective control per international law. To station naval poer on Dokdo, Presidential Instruction 24 integrated Defense Guideline Enforcement Ordinance, which is domestic law, must be revised. Reason being, the Enforcement Ordinance states that the navy area of responsibility excluded Ullundo, where Dokdo is under jurisdiction of Ullungdim thus excluding navy control. In addition, considering the diplomatic situation, it is more fut to install navy radar site on Dokdo rather than 'stationing marines'. In other words, enforcing surveillance in the vicinity of Dokdo and installing radar site instead of stationing direct combatants is one way of practicing effective control without stimulating diplomatic disputes.
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