• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.43
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• pp.171-202
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• 2014

The purpose of this study was to explore the changes of right people for society on the period from liberation in 1945 to democracy in the late 1990s. Those periods classified into 'Transitional Era', Industrial Era and 'Democracy Era' based on historical events significantly influenced the changes of value system of Korean people or Korean society. In this study, not only main values and right people for society but also the way of changing value system in those periods were suggested by investigating factors of politics, economy and society. The results are as follows : Main values and right people for society on each period were as follows : In Transitional Era, main values were manners and social norms, and right people for this period were practical intellectuals pursuing the principle of action-oriented truth-and- knowledge-seeking. In Industrial Era, main values were sincerity, diligence, self-help and collaboration, and right people for this period were skilled man having occupational ability which was essential for economic development. In Democracy Era, main values were sincerity, participation, equality and coexistence, and right people for this period were scientific talented man who can make the survival of the country and prosperity in the crisis of the slowdown in economic growth A discussion of right people for each era, proposed that emphasis on the pragmatic and practical type of person in those days required, On the other hand, emphasized that were considered important of Community value.

• 중국학논총
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• no.65
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• pp.215-234
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• 2020

This paper aims to analyze the recent consolidation of Xi Jinping's power in the context of political reform of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), and reason out its implications. After Reform and Opening Up, the CCP needed to adapt to the changing society, secure its legitimacy and reinforce its ruling power. Therefore, the CCP has practiced political reform focused on intra-democracy since 16th Party Congress in 2002. Intra-democracy in the CCP's collective leadership consists of two parts: a stable power succession, based on term limits and age limits, and a democratic management system, based on checks and compromises between political factions. Those mechanisms of intra-democracy are still functioning in the Xi Jinping era, which explains that the consolidation of Xi's power is the result of the agreement in the CCP. In other words, it is a short-term change to efficiently deal with challenges the CCP is facing.

• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.29 no.4
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• pp.488-504
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• 2021

This article examined the historical evolution of changes in the democratization of fashion, identified its characteristics, and defined 'fashionocracy - fashion democracy'- by analyzing various phenomena in the global fashion industry. This research will expand the field of fashion research and spark academic debates about fashion democracy. The democratization of fashion can be summarized in five periods; birth, introduction, early growth, growth, and maturity. The characteristics of the democratization of fashion include individual autonomy, accessibility that many people can access and enjoy, and diversity. According to the principles of democracy- "of the people, for the people, by the people" - which are based on freedom and equality, we have achieved fashion of the people and for the people so far. Furthermore, social media has shifted the balance of power to influencers and bloggers; as such, the masses who have consumed and enjoyed fashion democratization are becoming producers and promoters by actively participating in the process of making fashion, creating a new era of fashion democracy (fashionocracy): - by the people. Ultimately, fashionocracy consists of the '6P's' ; people (active and productive consumers), planet (society and environmental sustainability), products (genderless, ageless, inclusive), price (reasonable), place (multi-channel distribution, virtual spaces), and promotion (horizontal).

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.6 no.2
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• pp.19-36
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• 2014

This paper attempts to explore the multifaceted Islamic culture and ideology was shaped in different historical periods in Indonesia, particularly focusing on the revival of Islamic extremism and liberalism as well as the surging conflict among Islamic communities in the post-Suharto era. The paper asserts that in the post-Suharto era, progressive Muslim/Islamic liberalist is upholding pluralism, and pancasila is emerging as a positive force for Indonesia's peaceful transition to democracy, solidly defending national unity.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.30
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• pp.89-119
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• 2005

The purpose of this essay is to converge the theory of communicative action Into the new paradigm of 'public relations democracy.' The notions of communicative action rationality, the public sphere, and deliberative democracy led new public relations paradigm approaches including meaning sharing, media access enlargement, and theoretical ramifications for the powerless. As Habermas prospected the power of comprehensive rationality to solve post-capitalist problems, the paradigm of public relations democracy visions the new era of public relations equipped with rhetorical and critical approaches. The new paradigm tries to overcome functional fallacy and embraces the concept of public interest. The paradigm of public relations democracy aims at integrating all three levels of public relations activities such as individual, organizational, and social levels, and pursues to enlarge the public sphere through increasing communicative actions and resolving social conflicts. Habermas's critical theory exhibits an opportunity for public relations theory building.

• Informatization Policy
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• v.17 no.4
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• pp.61-79
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• 2010

This study focuses on the emergence of collective intelligence and its impact on the democracy in the information era. Scholars have posed very different-optimistic and pessimistic-views on the possibility of collective knowledge produced by the public. Focusing on the cases of a free online encylopedia known as wikipedia and 2008 Candlelight Demonstration against the imports of US beef in Korea, this paper analyzes the mechanism of collective intelligence and its political implications on the democracy. Specifically, this article approaches changes in new knowledge paradigm with two different variables: the degree of connectivity and the quality of deliberation. Applying two different sets of variables helps us to distinguish the possibilities of collective intelligence and anti-intelligence, which would suggest social and political implications for the democracy in a country. This study finds a critical difference in terms of the quality of deliberation, measured by the indicators such as diversity, independence, and integration mechanism for online deliberation.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.3
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• pp.65-89
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• 2001

We, at The Korea Democracy Movement Archives opened temporarily at SungKongHoe University(SKHU), have currently collected about 100,000 recorded materials of democratization movement related with labor, farmer, civilian, human rights, peace, unification, young people, student and women's movements by investigating, collecting and receiving donations from civil organizations and individuals, and about 70,000 data out of this 100,000 data were converted into computer files. The Korea Democracy Movement Archives(temp) at SKHU has a significance in that it is the first archive opened by an organization. Furthermore, the opening of this Archive means the expansion of awareness on recording culture and accumulation of the achievements of the democratization movement in Korea. However, many obstacles still remain in the establishment of this Archive in a full-scale. This article examined many theoretical and realistic obstacles posed to the archivists, who are the professionals responsible for record management, in process of establishing the Archive, and the role and future perspectives of the archivists at The Korea Democracy Movement Archives(temp). The first obstacles in the process of organizing and separating the recorded materials at the Archive is a difficulty in the description of classifying the different movement organizations. The second obstacle is a difficulty in specifically applying the international standard, ISAD(G), of record description in the process of establishing the description items. Through many trials and errors, we need to try to confirm the description befitting. The Korea Democracy Movement Archives through continuous adjustment and complementary measures. The third obstacle is a difficulty in estimating the range and physical and quantitative amount of the recorded materials since the collection of recorded materials is complete. Thus, the answers to these problems lie in continuous efforts to establish a creative classification system befitting the democratization movement in Korea in the process of many trials and errors and endeavor. The evaluation classification done by archivists is a creative act forming record heritage, and archivists need to form record heritage reflecting the evaluation system of a certain period. Moreover, they transmit the shape of the current era in a maximum scale to the future by using the minimum amount of records. An archivist is responsible for two tasks, i.e., preserving a record and making other people to utilize the record by working with record. However, We, at The Korea Democracy Movement Archives(temp), have an additional task of contributing to the democratization movement in korea that has not ended by collecting, preserving and making people to utilize the fragments of memory in the recent history of Korea by establishing the Archives.

• Journal of Urban Science
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.75-90
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• 2020

Günter Behnisch is one of the architects who played a major role as a pioneer of German modern architecture after World War II. After experiencing the era of the oppression of the Nazi right-wing national socialist, he tried to break away from the high-pressure and arrogant architecture to control everything in the building and to create a building that was born in a democratic way of thinking. He thought that architecture showed us the way we treat ourselves and the world, and that architecture formed our world view backwards. In this way, architects can express their way of thinking about their society through their works. Behnisch judged that the educational facility was the most appropriate use for implementing his democratic mindset. He hoped that this would give students the characteristics of democracy through architecture. Schools are a place where small society is experienced, and it is thought to be a medium for him to implement democratic thinking in school architecture. This study analyzed the educational facilities of Behnisch by deriving the analysis elements through the educational space organization reflecting Prakash Nair's educational facilities and educational theory and his architectural philosophy. The various plans, sections and spaces, which are characteristics of the his school facilities analyzed in this study, are expected to be helpful as data for presenting variety to many educational facilities in Korea.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.173-218
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• 2009

Bring this analysis down to people-centered development perspective and looking through democratization in the Philippines, Thailand and Indonesia, we find similarities and differences among them related with the intensity of conflicts between development and human rights in the process of democratization in line with global transformation. Civil society in the Philippines criticized the developmental path in the Philippines which failed to implement land reform and eradication of poverty under the transition from 'patrimonial oligarchy' to democracy. In Thailand the coalition of military and the royalists had consolidated its power since Sarit military regime, which later paved the way 'hybrid oligarchy' era. Most Thai civil society organizations has regarded their developmental experience rather as 'maldevelopment' which disregarded economic and social rights. It has been especially believed by Thai localists that the stimulation of local markets and the building of autonomic community society will form the alternative economy without going against the conservative banner of nation, religion and king. Thaksin as a populist successfully took advantage of Thai localist ethos in favour of taking the seat of power. He projected himself as a modernizer focused on economic growth and cleaner politics. However Thaksin's procedural legitimacy was overthrown by counterattacking from military-royalist alliance, pretexting that Thaksin caused internal conflicts and lacked morality. Soeharto's New Order regime which can be called 'administrative oligarchy' had an antipathy towards notions of economic and social rights as well as civil and political rights. In spite of the fact that the fall of Soeharto opened the political space for democratic civil society organizations which had long struggled with development aggression and human rights abuses, there have been continuously a strong political and military reaction against human rights activists, NGOs and ethnic minorities such as Aceh and Papua. Nevertheless, Indonesian democracy is more promising than Philippine's and Thai democracy in terms of comparatively less pre-modern legacies.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.53
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• pp.25-49
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• 2018

This study describes how Mishima Yukio applied various classical motifs in his novel, Spring Snow, to reproduce the world of "Miyabi" of the Heian era. First of all, the author's perception of Japanese culture, focusing on his various critiques and essays was studied. Based on Mishima's cultural theory, analysis revealed that Spring Snow was not based on specific works of the Heian era, but rather on the use of the story form from that era. The background of this novel was the early Taisho era. This period coincided with Japan's political transformation from military power to democracy, and miyabi, or elegance. Finally, the title of this work, "Spring Snow" is an expression found in Kinotsurayuki' Waka in Kokinshu. It represents not only the vanity possessed by the "Spring Snow" reflected in the novel, but also fascination with the beauty of Tsurayuki' Waka.