• 한국철학논집
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• 제43호
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• pp.171-202
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• 2014

본 연구는 해방 이후 현대 교육의 이상적 인간상을 살펴보기 위하여 우선 해방 이후에서 90년대에 이르는 시기를 광복 이후 분단까지의 '전환기'와, 경제성장을 통한 현대 국가 발전의 기반이 된 '산업화 시기', 그리고 다양한 계층의 사람들이 정치?경제?사회 참여를 요구하는 '민주화 시기'의 세 시기로 구분하고, 각 시기의 특성에 대해 정치 경제 사회 문화 등 다양한 측면에서의 접근을 시도하였다. 특히, 교육적 인간상의 추출을 위하여 이들 각 시기의 주요 가치를 탐색함으로써 이와 관련한 각 시기별 인간상을 고찰하였다. 시기별로 나타나는 주요가치와 인재상은 다음과 같다. 전환기의 주요가치로는 예의와 규범을 제시할 수 있으며, 추구하는 인재상은 무실역행(務實力行)하는 자세가 강조되는 실천적 지식이었다. 산업화 시기의 주요가치로는 성실, 근면, 자조, 협동을 제시할 수 있으며, 추구하는 인재상은 경제발전에 필수적이고 강력한 직업능력을 갖춘 기능인이었다. 민주화의 주요가치로는 참여, 평등, 공존을 제시할 수 있으며, 추구하는 인재상은 경제성장의 둔화라는 위기감 속에서 국가의 생존과 번영을 위하여 이바지하는 우수한 과학인재상이었다. 각 시기별 인재상은 실용적이면서도 실천적인 유형의 인간상이 드러나고 있으며 공동체적 덕성을 중시하고 있는데, 이는 전통적인 가치관의 연속선상에서 시기별 특징을 보여주고 있는 대목이기도 하다.

• 중국학논총
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• 제65호
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• pp.215-234
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• 2020

This paper aims to analyze the recent consolidation of Xi Jinping's power in the context of political reform of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), and reason out its implications. After Reform and Opening Up, the CCP needed to adapt to the changing society, secure its legitimacy and reinforce its ruling power. Therefore, the CCP has practiced political reform focused on intra-democracy since 16th Party Congress in 2002. Intra-democracy in the CCP's collective leadership consists of two parts: a stable power succession, based on term limits and age limits, and a democratic management system, based on checks and compromises between political factions. Those mechanisms of intra-democracy are still functioning in the Xi Jinping era, which explains that the consolidation of Xi's power is the result of the agreement in the CCP. In other words, it is a short-term change to efficiently deal with challenges the CCP is facing.

• 복식문화연구
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• 제29권4호
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• pp.488-504
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• 2021

This article examined the historical evolution of changes in the democratization of fashion, identified its characteristics, and defined 'fashionocracy - fashion democracy'- by analyzing various phenomena in the global fashion industry. This research will expand the field of fashion research and spark academic debates about fashion democracy. The democratization of fashion can be summarized in five periods; birth, introduction, early growth, growth, and maturity. The characteristics of the democratization of fashion include individual autonomy, accessibility that many people can access and enjoy, and diversity. According to the principles of democracy- "of the people, for the people, by the people" - which are based on freedom and equality, we have achieved fashion of the people and for the people so far. Furthermore, social media has shifted the balance of power to influencers and bloggers; as such, the masses who have consumed and enjoyed fashion democratization are becoming producers and promoters by actively participating in the process of making fashion, creating a new era of fashion democracy (fashionocracy): - by the people. Ultimately, fashionocracy consists of the '6P's' ; people (active and productive consumers), planet (society and environmental sustainability), products (genderless, ageless, inclusive), price (reasonable), place (multi-channel distribution, virtual spaces), and promotion (horizontal).

• 수완나부미
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• 제6권2호
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• pp.19-36
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• 2014

This paper attempts to explore the multifaceted Islamic culture and ideology was shaped in different historical periods in Indonesia, particularly focusing on the revival of Islamic extremism and liberalism as well as the surging conflict among Islamic communities in the post-Suharto era. The paper asserts that in the post-Suharto era, progressive Muslim/Islamic liberalist is upholding pluralism, and pancasila is emerging as a positive force for Indonesia's peaceful transition to democracy, solidly defending national unity.

• 한국언론정보학보
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• 제30권
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• pp.89-119
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• 2005

PR커뮤니케이션이 기능주의적인 시각에서 벗어나서 다양한 패러다임 접근을 받아들이는 것은 하버마스의 사회비판이론이 도구적인 이성에서 벗어나 광범위한 의사소통 합리성을 추구하는 것과 유사한 맥락에서 이해될 수 있다. 기능주의 함정으로부터 하버마스가 광범위한 합리성 통합을 통해 해답을 찾는 것과 다양한 패러다임의 통합을 통한 'PR커뮤니케이션 민주주의'의 추구는 많은 유사성을 가지고 있다. 이 연구의 목적은 도구적 이성의 왜곡화로 인해 발생하는 현대사회의 병폐를 치유하기 위한 하버마스의 의사소통합리성 기획이 어떤 면에서 PR커뮤니케이션 이론의 패러다임 변화와 맞닿아 있는가를 밝히고, 그러한 두 분야의 유사성으로부터 새로운 PR커뮤니케이션 이론화의 가능성을 모색해 보는 것이다. 또한, PR커뮤니케이션을 통해서 하버마스 사회비판이론의 실천적인 측면을 탐색해 볼 수 있으며, 개인, 조직, 국가차원의 다양한 관계 속에서 대화의 진작, 사회 합의의 도출, 갈등의 해결, 공론 장의 확대와 같은 포괄적인 커뮤니케이션 합리성을 적용해 보는 계기를 마련해 볼 수 있다.

• 정보화정책
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• 제17권4호
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• pp.61-79
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• 2010

본 연구는 정보화시대의 지식패러다임 변화에 주목하면서 사례분석을 통해 집단지성의 내부적인 메커니즘에 대한 이론적인 접근을 시도하였다. 이 글의 분석대상은 세계 최대의 온라인 백과사전인 위키피디아와 한국사회에서 집단지성에 관한 사회적 관심을 촉발시킨 2008년의 촛불시위이다. 두 사례를 통해 과거의 시스템과 같이 전문가가 지식을 생산하는 것이 아니라, 일반 시민이 집단적이고 수평적으로 지식을 생산 공유하며 다양한 활동을 증대하고 있다는 사실에 주목하면서 집단지성의 유형과 그 메커니즘에 대한 시론적 분석을 시도해 보고자 한다. 본 연구는 지식패러다임을 정보와 지식의 양적인 변화를 의미하는 접속의 정도(Connectivity)와 질적인 변화를 의미하는 숙의의 정도(Quality of deliberation)를 기준으로 유형화하고 사례를 분석하였다. 위키피디아와 2008 촛불집회는 높은 접속성을 공유하지만 다양성과 독립성, 통합 메커니즘이라는 지표로 평가할 수 있는 숙의의 측면에서 결정적인 차이를 보이고 있다.

• 기록학연구
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• 제3호
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• pp.65-89
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• 2001

We, at The Korea Democracy Movement Archives opened temporarily at SungKongHoe University(SKHU), have currently collected about 100,000 recorded materials of democratization movement related with labor, farmer, civilian, human rights, peace, unification, young people, student and women's movements by investigating, collecting and receiving donations from civil organizations and individuals, and about 70,000 data out of this 100,000 data were converted into computer files. The Korea Democracy Movement Archives(temp) at SKHU has a significance in that it is the first archive opened by an organization. Furthermore, the opening of this Archive means the expansion of awareness on recording culture and accumulation of the achievements of the democratization movement in Korea. However, many obstacles still remain in the establishment of this Archive in a full-scale. This article examined many theoretical and realistic obstacles posed to the archivists, who are the professionals responsible for record management, in process of establishing the Archive, and the role and future perspectives of the archivists at The Korea Democracy Movement Archives(temp). The first obstacles in the process of organizing and separating the recorded materials at the Archive is a difficulty in the description of classifying the different movement organizations. The second obstacle is a difficulty in specifically applying the international standard, ISAD(G), of record description in the process of establishing the description items. Through many trials and errors, we need to try to confirm the description befitting. The Korea Democracy Movement Archives through continuous adjustment and complementary measures. The third obstacle is a difficulty in estimating the range and physical and quantitative amount of the recorded materials since the collection of recorded materials is complete. Thus, the answers to these problems lie in continuous efforts to establish a creative classification system befitting the democratization movement in Korea in the process of many trials and errors and endeavor. The evaluation classification done by archivists is a creative act forming record heritage, and archivists need to form record heritage reflecting the evaluation system of a certain period. Moreover, they transmit the shape of the current era in a maximum scale to the future by using the minimum amount of records. An archivist is responsible for two tasks, i.e., preserving a record and making other people to utilize the record by working with record. However, We, at The Korea Democracy Movement Archives(temp), have an additional task of contributing to the democratization movement in korea that has not ended by collecting, preserving and making people to utilize the fragments of memory in the recent history of Korea by establishing the Archives.

• 도시과학
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• 제9권1호
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• pp.75-90
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• 2020

Günter Behnisch is one of the architects who played a major role as a pioneer of German modern architecture after World War II. After experiencing the era of the oppression of the Nazi right-wing national socialist, he tried to break away from the high-pressure and arrogant architecture to control everything in the building and to create a building that was born in a democratic way of thinking. He thought that architecture showed us the way we treat ourselves and the world, and that architecture formed our world view backwards. In this way, architects can express their way of thinking about their society through their works. Behnisch judged that the educational facility was the most appropriate use for implementing his democratic mindset. He hoped that this would give students the characteristics of democracy through architecture. Schools are a place where small society is experienced, and it is thought to be a medium for him to implement democratic thinking in school architecture. This study analyzed the educational facilities of Behnisch by deriving the analysis elements through the educational space organization reflecting Prakash Nair's educational facilities and educational theory and his architectural philosophy. The various plans, sections and spaces, which are characteristics of the his school facilities analyzed in this study, are expected to be helpful as data for presenting variety to many educational facilities in Korea.

• 동남아시아연구
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• 제19권2호
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• pp.173-218
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• 2009

Bring this analysis down to people-centered development perspective and looking through democratization in the Philippines, Thailand and Indonesia, we find similarities and differences among them related with the intensity of conflicts between development and human rights in the process of democratization in line with global transformation. Civil society in the Philippines criticized the developmental path in the Philippines which failed to implement land reform and eradication of poverty under the transition from 'patrimonial oligarchy' to democracy. In Thailand the coalition of military and the royalists had consolidated its power since Sarit military regime, which later paved the way 'hybrid oligarchy' era. Most Thai civil society organizations has regarded their developmental experience rather as 'maldevelopment' which disregarded economic and social rights. It has been especially believed by Thai localists that the stimulation of local markets and the building of autonomic community society will form the alternative economy without going against the conservative banner of nation, religion and king. Thaksin as a populist successfully took advantage of Thai localist ethos in favour of taking the seat of power. He projected himself as a modernizer focused on economic growth and cleaner politics. However Thaksin's procedural legitimacy was overthrown by counterattacking from military-royalist alliance, pretexting that Thaksin caused internal conflicts and lacked morality. Soeharto's New Order regime which can be called 'administrative oligarchy' had an antipathy towards notions of economic and social rights as well as civil and political rights. In spite of the fact that the fall of Soeharto opened the political space for democratic civil society organizations which had long struggled with development aggression and human rights abuses, there have been continuously a strong political and military reaction against human rights activists, NGOs and ethnic minorities such as Aceh and Papua. Nevertheless, Indonesian democracy is more promising than Philippine's and Thai democracy in terms of comparatively less pre-modern legacies.

• 비교문화연구
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• 제53권
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• pp.25-49
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• 2018

본고는 미시마 유키오(三島由紀夫)의 마지막 작품인 "풍요의 바다(豊饒の海)" 4부작 중 첫 번째 작품 "봄의 눈(春の雪)"이 헤이안 시대(平安時代)의 '미야비(みやび)'의 세계를 재현하기 위해서 다양한 고전의 모티브를 응용하고 있다는 점을 밝힌 것이다. 먼저 작자의 일본문화에 대한 인식을 그의 다양한 평론과 에세이를 중심으로 살펴보고, 이러한 그의 문화론을 기반으로 "봄의 눈"이 헤이안 시대의 특정한 작품만을 참고로 한 것이 아니라 그 시대에 형성된 화형(話型)을 활용하고 있다는 점을 분석하였다. 또한 이 소설의 배경은 다이쇼 시대(大正時代) 초기인데 이 시기는 일본의 역사적 흐름과 맥을 같이 하고 있다는 점에 주목하였다. 마지막으로 이 작품의 제목인 '봄의 눈'은 작자 미시마가 주목한 "고킨슈(古今集)"의 기노 쓰라유키(紀貫之)의 와카(和歌)에서 보이는 표현으로, '봄의 눈'이 가지고 있는 허무함뿐만 아니라 이 와카 특유의 미(美)에 대한 동경이 소설에 반영되고 있다는 것을 알 수 있다.