• 제목/요약/키워드: Defense sufficiency

검색결과 6건 처리시간 0.009초

미래 한국육군 작전지원을 위한 적정 정비병력 산정 시스템 다이나믹스 모형 (A System Dynamics Model of Rational ROKA Maintenance Personnel Level for Future Operation Support)

  • 김병재;이승률;이문걸;이용복
    • 산업경영시스템학회지
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    • 제47권3호
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    • pp.39-50
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    • 2024
  • As the number of enlistees decreases due to social changes like declining birth rates, it is necessary to conduct research on the appropriate recalculation of the force that considers the future defense sufficiency and sustainability of the Army. However, existing research has primarily focused on qualitative studies based on comprehensive evaluations and expert opinions, lacking consideration of sustained support activities. Due to these limitations, there is a high possibility of differing opinions depending on perspectives and changes over time. In this study, we propose a quantitative method to calculate the proper personnel by applying system dynamics. For this purpose, we consider a standing army that can ensure the sufficiency of defense between battles over time as an adequate force and use battle damage calculated by wargame simulation as input data. The output data is the number of troops required to support activities, taking into account maintenance time, complexity, and difficulty. This study is the first quantitative attempt to calculate the appropriate standing army to keep the defense sufficiency of the ROK Army in 2040, and it is expected to serve as a cornerstone for adding logical and rational diversity to the qualitative force calculation studies that have been conducted so far.

에이전트 기반 모의를 이용한 방위충분성 기동전단 전력판단 연구 (A Study on War Potential Judgement of Defense Sufficiency Task Group Using Agent-Based Modeling and Simulation)

  • 김영진;이재영
    • 한국경영과학회:학술대회논문집
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    • 한국경영과학회 2007년도 추계학술대회 및 정기총회
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    • pp.397-407
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    • 2007
  • 본 연구는 에이전트 기반 모의(ABMS:Agent Based Modeling and Simulation)을 이용하여 미래 주변국과의 불확실한 분쟁상황을 모의하고, 상황의 이해(Understandering)와 결과를 예측하여 주변국에 대한 방위충분성(Defense Sufficiency)이 고려된 기동전단의 전력수준을 판단하고 발전방향을 제시하는데 있다. 모의에 앞서 기존문헌과 관련자료, 연구사례를 통하여 ABMS의 이해를 증진하였으며, 방위충분성의 개념을 통하여 연구의 당위성을 제고하였고, 한국과 주변국의 해군력 현황을 살펴 보았다. 그리고 한국 기동전대와 주변국 전력의 분쟁상황을 ABS 모델 MANA(Map Aware Non-uniform Automata)로 모의하였다. 연구결과로 방위충분성 기동전단의 전력수준은 최소한 광개토-III급 4척과 충무공이순신급 $16p{\sim}20$척으로 구성된 $20{\sim}24$척으로 되어야 한다. 한국해군의 발전방향은 현재의 전력증강 계획과 더불어 광개토-III급 1척을 추가 계획하여야 하며 차기 호위함의 전력을 $10{\sim}14$척 규모로 추진해야할 것이다. 또한 차기호위함의 전투체계 능력은 충무공이순신급 이상의 수준으로 개발하여 기동전단 전력으로 활용하는 것이 타당할 것이다.

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국내 구매사업 시험평가에 미치는 영향요인 분석 (The Analysis of Factors Affecting Test and Evaluation in Domestic Purchase Program)

  • 박종완
    • 한국신뢰성학회지:신뢰성응용연구
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    • 제15권4호
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    • pp.222-232
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    • 2015
  • Purpose : The purpose of this study is to analyse affecting factors of Test and Evaluation and to improve the institution of Test and Evaluation in the Domestic purchase program. Methods : The domestic acquisition program is currently small in terms of size, but it is gradually increasing every year. Still, the domestic purchase program has insufficient regulations and procedures compared to the other procurement methods including research & development. Various problems are likely to occur between test and evaluation group, and defense industries regarding the regulations during Test & Evaluation. Therefore, the regulations and methods need to be amended to upgrade the current domestic purchase program into an effective and flawless one. In this paper, six variables have been chosen by the help of experts working in Ministry of National Defense (MND), Joint Chiefs of Staff (JCS), Army Headquarters and DAPA. Results : The six variables are effectiveness of proposal evaluation, fairness of test and evaluation, sufficiency of operational capabilities, seasonal period of test and evaluation, fulfillment in Integrated Logistics Support (ILS) of the industries, and guaranteeing appropriate environment for related enterprises' participation. Conclusion : This paper can help defense industries to enhance their development capabilities, and to perform tests more fairly and effectively considering the key factors identified in this research.

통일 한국의 적정 군사력에 관한 연구 - 분쟁 시나리오와 상대적 균형전략을 중심으로 - (A Study on Appropriate Military Strength of Unified Korea (Focused on relative balance strategy and conflict scenario))

  • 홍봉기
    • 안보군사학연구
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    • 통권13호
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    • pp.687-738
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    • 2016
  • To prepare for the complicated international relationship regarding Korean Peninsula after reunification, this thesis started off with the awareness that Unified Korea should build its international posture and national security at an early stage by determining its appropriate military strength for independent defense and military strategies that Unified Korea should aim. The main theme of this thesis is 'The research on appropriate military strength of the Unified Korean military'. To derive appropriate military strength of Unified Korea, this research focuses on conflict scenario and relative balance strategy based on potential threats posed by neighboring countries, and this is the part that differentiates this research from other researches. First of all, the main objective of the research is to decide appropriate military strength for Unified Korea to secure defense sufficiency. For this, this research will decide efficient military strategy that Unified Korea should aim. Than by presuming the most possible military conflict scenario, this research will judge the most appropriate military strength for Unified Korea to overcome the dispute. Second, after deciding appropriate military strength, this research will suggest how to operate presumed military strength in each armed force. The result of this thesis is as in the following. First, Unified Korea should aim 'relative balance strategy'. 'Relative balance strategy' is a military strategy which Unified Korea can independently secure defense sufficiency by maintaining relative balance when conflicts occur between neighboring countries. This strategy deters conflicts in advance by relative balance of power in certain time and place. Even if conflict occurs inevitably, this strategy secures initiative. Second, when analyzing neighboring countries interest and strategic environment after unification, the possibility of all-out war will be low in the Korean Peninsula because no other nation wants the Korean Peninsula to be subordinated to one single country. Therefore appropriate military strength of the Unified Korean military would be enough when Unified Korea can achieve relative balance in regional war or limited war. Third, Northeast Asia is a region where economic power and military strength is concentrated. Despite increasing mutual cooperation in the region, conflicts and competition to expand each countries influence is inherent. Japan is constantly enhancing their military strength as they aim for normal statehood. China is modernizing their military strength as they aspire to become global central nation. Russia is also enhancing their military strength in order to hold on to their past glory of Soviet Union as a world power. As a result, both in quality and quantity, the gap between military strength of Unified Korea and each neighboring countries is enlarged at an alarming rate. Especially in the field of air-sea power, arms race is occurring between each nation. Therefore Unified Korea should be equipped with appropriate military strength in order to achieve relative balance with each threats posed by neighboring countries. Fourth, the most possible conflicts between Unified Korea and neighboring countries could be summarized into four, which are Dokdo territorial dispute with Japan, Leodo jurisdictional dispute with China, territorial dispute concerning northern part of the Korea Peninsula with China and disputes regarding marine resources and sea routes with Russia. Based on those conflict scenarios, appropriate military strength for Unified Korea is as in the following. When conflict occurs with Japan regarding Dokdo, Japan is expected to put JMSDF Escort Flotilla 3, one out of four of its Japan Maritime Self-Defense Force Escort Fleet, which is based in Maizuru and JMSDF Maizuru District. To counterbalance this military strength, Unified Korea needs one task fleet, comprised with three task flotilla. In case of jurisdictional conflict with China concerning Leodo, China is expected to dispatch its North Sea fleet, one out of three of its naval fleet, which is in charge of the Yellow Sea. To response to this military action, Unified Korea needs one task fleet, comprised with three task flotilla. In case of territorial dispute concerning northern part of the Korean Peninsula with China, it is estimated that out of seven Military Region troops, China will dispatch two Military Region troops, including three Army Groups from Shenyang Military Region, where it faces boarder with the Korean Peninsula. To handle with this military strength, Unified Korea needs six corps size ground force strength, including three corps of ground forces, two operational reserve corps(maneuver corps), and one strategic reserve corps(maneuver corps). When conflict occurs with Russia regarding marine resources and sea routes, Russia is expected to send a warfare group of a size that includes two destroyers, which is part of the Pacific Fleet. In order to balance this strength, Unified Korea naval power requires one warfare group including two destroyers. Fifth, management direction for the Unified Korean military is as in the following. Regarding the ground force management, it would be most efficient to deploy troops in the border area with china for regional and counter-amphibious defense. For the defense except the border line with china, the most efficient form of force management would be maintaining strategic reserve corps. The naval force should achieve relative balance with neighboring countries when there is maritime dispute and build 'task fleet' which can independently handle long-range maritime mission. Of the three 'task fleet', one task fleet should be deployed at Jeju base to prepare for Dokdo territorial dispute and Leodo jurisdictional dispute. Also in case of regional conflict with china, one task fleet should be positioned at Yellow Sea and for regional conflict with Japan and Russia, one task fleet should be deployed at East Sea. Realistically, Unified Korea cannot possess an air force equal to neither Japan nor China in quantity. Therefore, although Unified Korea's air force might be inferior in quantity, they should possess the systematic level which Japan or China has. For this Unified Korea should build air base in island areas like Jeju Island or Ullenong Island to increase combat radius. Also to block off infiltration of enemy attack plane, air force needs to build and manage air bases near coastal areas. For landing operation forces, Marine Corps should be managed in the size of two divisions. For island defense force, which is in charge of Jeju Island, Ulleung Island, Dokdo Island and five northwestern boarder island defenses, it should be in the size of one brigade. Also for standing international peace keeping operation, it requires one brigade. Therefore Marine Corps should be organized into three divisions. The result of the research yields a few policy implications when building appropriate military strength for Unified Korea. First, Unified Korea requires lower number of ground troops compared to that of current ROK(Republic of Korea) force. Second, air-sea forces should be drastically reinforced. Third, appropriate military strength of the Unified Korean military should be based on current ROK military system. Forth, building appropriate military strength for Unified Korea should start from today, not after reunification. Because of this, South Korea should build a military power that can simultaneously prepare for current North Korea's provocations and future threats from neighboring countries after reunification. The core of this research is to decide appropriate military strength for Unified Korea to realize relative balance that will ensure defense sufficiency from neighboring countries threats. In other words, this research should precisely be aware of threats posed by neighboring countries and decide minimum level of military strength that could realize relative balance in conflict situation. Moreover this research will show the path for building appropriate military strength in each armed force.

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핵무기와 한·미 핵 확장억제 능력 (Nuclear Weapons and Extended Deterrence in the U.S.-ROK Alliance)

  • 웨이드 헌트리
    • Strategy21
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    • 통권34호
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    • pp.236-261
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    • 2014
  • 미래 한·미 안보동맹에 있어 핵 확장억제 능력은 중요한 현안이다. 북한의 핵무기 제조 능력이 증대되고 더욱 위협적으로 진화하는 가운데, 미국 국가안보정책 추진에 있어 오바마 대통령의 핵없는 세상 선언 등에 의해 핵무기에 의한 억제 능력이 점차 감소되고 있다. 이는 한·미 연합방위태세의 중요한 한 축인 한국에 대한 "핵우산(nuclear umbrella)" 능력이 과연 충분한가에 대한 새로운 의구심을 낳게 한다. 본 논문은 상기와 같은 상황 하에 핵 확장억제의 현재와 미래 역할에 대해 평가할 목적으로 작성되었다. 이를 위해 우선 전체적인 미국 핵무기 재고 감소 추세에 대해 평가를 하고, 다음으로 최근 북한의 국지 군사도발 양상과 미국 오바마 행정부의 핵정책 그리고 이에 대응해야 하는 한·미 핵 확장억제 전망에 관해 분석을 한다. 이를 통해 본 논문이 얻는 결과는 북한의 핵위협을 억제시키는 억제의 신뢰성과 동맹국에 대한 확실한 보증이 어렵고 장기적 이라는 것이다. 아울러 북한의 소규모 핵위협 또는 재래식 무기 위협에 대해 충분히 대응할 수 있는 정도의 핵무기 재고가 점차 축소되는 추세에 어떻게 한·미 양국이 대응해야 하는가를 과제로 제시하고 있다. 또한 본 논문은 한·미 간에 연합방위태세 유지를 위해 지속적이고도 전략적이며 정치적 상호협력을 강화하여 한·미 안보동맹의 신뢰도를 증진시켜야 한다는 과제를 제시하고 있다. 본 논문은 북한의 핵위협 또는 대규모 재래식 위협에 대응하기 위해 미국이 대규모 핵무기를 보유하는 것은 비효율적 전략인 바, 이를 극복하기 위해 강력한 한·미 연합방위태세를 지속적으로 유지 발전시켜야 한다는 것을 결론으로 제시한다. 특히 북한의 핵위협과 대규모 재래식 위협에 직면해 있는 한반도의 불확실성, 복잡성 그리고 위기상황에 대비하기 위해 한·미 간 핵 확장억제 능력을 계속적으로 협의하여 발전시켜야 할 것으로 판단되며, 이를 위해 한국 해군의 역할을 증대시켜야 한다는 것을 한·미 안보동맹의 중·장기 현안으로 제시하고 있다. 궁극적으로 본 논문은 한미 양국이 한반도 주변해역에서 발생하는 북한과의 해양분쟁이 전면전으로 확대되는 것을 최소화시키고 동시에 북한의 소규모 위협(smaller-scale threats)에 대응할 수 있는 한국 해군력 발전을 고려해야 한다고 주장하면서 이에 대한 심층적인 연구가 추가로 있어야 할 것이라고 제언하고 있다.

중국의 군사적 부상과 역내 해양안보 - 주변국의 전략적 대비 및 유사를 중심으로 - (China's Military Rise and Regional Maritime Security - Its Neighbors' Strategic Calculations and Various Contingencies -)

  • 김태호
    • Strategy21
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    • 통권33호
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    • pp.113-147
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    • 2014
  • While China's military rise is an issue of growing importance to regional security, it is worthwhile to note that it is not China's military modernization per se, but its capacity to project and sustain power along and beyond its borders--in particular, the possibility to resolve forcefully its outstanding maritime disputes and various contingencies. This essay argues that China's "anti-access capability"--a U.S.-coined term originally developed for a Taiwan contingency--is equally applicable to other major regional cases such as the Spratly disputes and a North Korean contingency. Furthermore, notwithstanding China's continuos efforts to develop and deploy various types and classes of weapons/platforms, it is the Russian systems and technologies that are most capable and thus likely assigned to the highest mission-critical areas. In assessing China's current and likely future military capability as well as their implications for the region, it is necessary to take note of the following: • There exists asymmetry of military capability between China and its weaker neighbors. While the PLAN is weak in several important aspects, for instance, many of its neighbors' navies are weaker still. • Some have argued that China's foreign policy behavior apparently became more "assertive" in 2009-2013, but it is wiser to keep in mind that China has almost always been assertive and aggressive when it comes to what China defines as "sovereignty and territorial issues" as well as its newest "core interests." • On the South China Sea disputes it is the function of U.S. presence in the theater--in the form of overseas bases and the freedom of navigation--and the PLA's own limitations to project and sustain power for an extended period of time that have largely prevented armed. • While Taiwan remains the idee fixe of China's diplomacy and military, it is and will be a tough nut to crack. China's recent creeping attempts for economic integration with Taiwan should be seen in this context. • China and Japan, the two regional heavyweights and traditional rivals, will likely have a bilateral relationship that is replete with difficulties and tension. China's unilateral announcement of its ADIZ in November 2013 as well as the occasional yet persistent disputes with Japan over the Senkaku/Diaoyudao/Diaoyutai islands are only the latest manifestation of this deeper and difficult relationship. • For Korean security it is imperative to take into account the geostrategic and historical factors. On top of the existing military threats from North Korea, the ROK should be able to employ a) hedging strategy, b) "limited defense sufficiency" strategy, and c) rock-solid relations with the United States.