• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.19
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• pp.99-124
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• 2005

The Korean Buddhism during the unified Silla era, was dominated by Huayen doctrine, which was developed by Uisang(義相) (625-702) and his disciples. During 8th century, many Korean monks visited China to study Chan Buddhism(禪). After they came back to Silla, they started to criticize Huayen philosophy as a doctrinal Buddhism (Jiao教). Their criticism depended on Chinese Chan Buddhist teachings. Korean Chan monk Sunji(順之), a 9th century, was different from other Chan monks in Silla who were trained in China. His teachings are found in the volume20 of "Zutangji"(祖堂集). Although it is based on Chan thought, it has many doctrinal explanations and interpretations. The conventional studies could not clearify the basis of his philosophy. As my research revealed, his teachings were based on the Huayen doctrine of Chinese Huayen monk Li Tongxuan(李通玄) who lived in 7th 8th century. One of his doctorine is "San shen yuan jung kwan"(三聖円融観). It means the unify of three Holies(三聖) Vairocana Buddha(毘盧遮那仏), Manjusri Bodhisattva(文殊菩薩), and Samantabhadra Bodhisattva(普賢菩薩). Monk Junshi used this theory in his teachings. As mentioned above, "Sunji Hwasan's teachings" included by the "Zutangji"(祖堂集) volume 20 is important as what offers a new viewpoint when exploring the relationship between the Chan and jiao in Silla in the 9th century.

• Journal of Daesoon Thought and the Religions of East Asia
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.57-85
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• 2023

The politico-economic waives of Western imperialism and colonialism, along with Christianity, affected East Asia's geopolitical landscape in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. While the Korean people (of the Joseon Dynasty) witnessed the incompetence of Buddhism, Confucianism, and folk religions in maintaining social cohesion with a sense of frustration, the new religious movements (NRMs) emerged to provide altrnative teachings of hope through historical figures like Choe Je-u, Kang Il-sun (or Kang Jeungsan), Na Cheol, and Pak Chungbin. In terms of popularity, colonial Korea (1910-1940) was impressed by the native groups of Cheondogyo (=Donghak), Bocheongyo, and Mugeukdo. Son Byong-hee (1861-1922) was the third leader of the first Korean NRM, but both Cha Gyeong-seok (1880-1936) and Jo Cheol-Je (= Jo Jeongsan) (1895-1958) participated in the post-Jeungsan grassroots movements. How, then, did both of these new religions originate? How did they conceptualise their deities and interpret their teachings differently? What was their policy for national independence? The article explores the socio-religious leaders, historical origin, organizational structure, deities, teaching and doctrines, patriotism, and conflicts of both NRMs in a comparative context. As such, this article argues that they both maintained patriotic characteristics, but that Cha's Bocheongyo community with its ' 60-executives' system (60 bang) failed to manage their internal conflicts effectively. Meanwhile, Jo Cheol-Je of Mugeukdo had the charismatic leadership needed to maintain Mugeukdo, despite being seen as a pseudoreligion under the colonial pressure of Shintoism.

• Journal of Daesoon Thought and the Religions of East Asia
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.129-151
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• 2023

The concept of interfaith harmony is one of the key issues for discussion in this contemporary world. It has multifaceted implications that range from pedagogical realms to global policy making. Here we focus on the basic concepts of interfaith harmony from Sikh and Cao Dai perspectives in order to address their viewpoints in regard to promoting culture of Peace and Understanding. Although these religions are new as compared to the existing living religions of the world, they found their new identity in the history of world religions for their unique concepts of interfaith harmony. In this article, the concept of interfaith harmony has been analyzed from two perspectives such as theological and socio-historical. For a systematic understanding of the subject matter, it has been categorized into three subpoints; unity of God, unity of religions and unity of humanity. Methodologically, the qualitative methodological framework of the proposed research is descriptive in nature. Thus, the present research has been primarily conducted by using secondary sources, although the crucial information is collected from primary sources such as the sacred texts of Sikhism and Caodaism. Since this study is done considering the social, political and religious contexts of India and Vietnam, it can contribute to the understanding of the nature of interfaith harmony in South and South-East Asia.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.43
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• pp.103-137
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• 2022

In religious symbology, an emblem is a symbolic mark, which differentiates a religion from other groups. In addition, it holds a symbolic or conceptual character that enables viewers to recognize a certain religion. Daesoon Jinrihoe, a representative order among Korean religious traditions, also has a symbolic mark; however, it has not been designated with an official name as symbol despite its usage dating back to May 11, 1978. At the time, that mark has served as an emblem. Afterwards, the emblem was printed and has been officially used as a flag (unofficially known as the Dao Flag, the Fellowship Flag, etc.) since October 20th of that same year. The emblem of Daesoon Jinrihoe which is not only printed in the flag but has been utilized as a symbolic mark representing the order. Nevertheless, it is hard to find research related to this symbol. Consequently, this study aims to apprehend the existing materials about the flag's emblem and its meaning, as well as attempt to interpret its various implications. Indeed, this work will suggest another point of view about the emblem given that it embraces ambiguity. This research suggests that the emblem symbolically depicts the Daesoon (Great Itineration), Samwon (三圓, Three Circles), Sadae (四大, Four Dae), and the Center, and that, all together, this can imply more profound meanings than were expressed in previously posited explanations. As such, this study draws further significance from Daesoon Thought and find: first, the circle in the center of the emblem signifies the pivot of Daesoon; not just the earthly circle (地圓) or the human circle (人圓). This opens up the possibility that the circle symbolizes Mugeuk (Limitlessness) and Taegeuk (Great Ultimate), which include the pivot of Heaven, Earth, and Humanity. Secondly, the symbol of soil (土) in the center is separated from the human circle and reveals the symbol of harmony and creation as the rod shape of Four Dae. Thirdly, the protuberances in the circle point to specific directions and this allows for additional layers of meaning.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.33
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• pp.351-379
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• 2019

In this paper, the approach to 'Place' and 'Experience' typically adopted by anthropogeographers will be reconsidered in light of the Taoist perspective to these phenomena. In order to develop the discussion more specifically, this exploration will be based on Jeff Malpas's philosophical theories rather than geography, and the Lao-Zhuang (Laozi and Zhuangzi) perspective will also come into pace as place and experience are examined. In this paper, I have divided place and space on the basis of their dictionary meanings and have reconsidered each via Malpas and Lao-Zhuang views. I then discuss place in terms of 'Place' and 'Place experience.' Experience is what Malpas emphasizes as having Place in regards to place. Through this, I check the placing of place and examined the characteristics of place, while comparing the views mentioned in Lao-Zhuang with those of Malpas and considered their meanings. In this study, I look at why a place should be a place, what experience in a place means, and what view and position Lao-Zhuang Thought has on this matters. Place is a meaningful subject for both the East and the West. Based on this work, I hope that Asian place theory can emerge anew.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.36
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• pp.79-116
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• 2020

This paper examines the nature of the transcendent, absolute, and personal host of ancient philosophical notions of the Higher Power (天觀 cheongwan, literally 'view of heaven'), which flows through Toegye's Principle of Reality (Li), Dasan's Supreme God (Sangje), Suwun's Lord of Heaven (Cheonju), and Jeungsan's Supreme God (Sangje). This confirms the sentiment that despite the conceptual differences relating to appearance, as represented by the Principle of Reality, the Dasanian Supreme God, the Suwunian Lord of Heaven, and the Jeungsanian Supreme God, the contents of these notions do not substantially differ from one another. Moreover, the nature of the ancient philosophical notions of the Higher Power lead to Toegye's Principle of Reality, the Dasanian Supreme God, the Suwunian Lord of Heaven, and the Jeungsanian Supreme God. Toegye emphasized the nature of the Principle of Reality as transcendental and absolute, and also as a personal host. This led to Dasan's Supreme God, and furthermore, it also inspired the Suwunian Lord of Heaven and the Jeungsanian Supreme God. In other words, although Dasan criticizes the Principle of Reality and presupposes a Supreme God, a personal host, this is not especially different from the character or role of Toegye's Principle of Reality. It likewise does not especially differ from the Suwunian Lord of Heaven or the Jeungsanian Supreme God. On the contrary, without the foundation of the religious tradition behind Toegye's Principle of Reality, it would have been difficult to establish a theoretical system leading to the upper system of the Dasanian Supreme God, the Suwunian Lord of Heaven, or the Jeungsanian Supreme God. Of course, the construction of heaven and earth, which in Daesoon Thought is actually performed by the Jeungsanian Supreme God, is, in fact, fundamentally different from Toegye, Dasan, and Suwun's previous notions of the Higher Power. In this sense, it is necessary to present more clearly the religious character of Toegye's Principle of Reality.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.32
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• pp.1-28
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• 2019

Theories on the nature of the mind aim to accurately describe the nature of the human mind. In other words, these theories are meant to discover what the human mind ultimately is and what its nature is. In this study, I try to understand the theory of the nature of the mind in Daesoon Jinrihoe in connection to similar theories in Confucianism. Like in Confucianism, the issue of mind is an important subject in Daesoon Jinrihoe. The concept of 'mind' as presented in 'The Jeon-Gyeong' is connected to gods. But in 'The Jeon-Gyeong,' there is no premise that the mind is good or evil. It suggests that the mind is the center of humanity and the universe and that all things depend on the mind. Therefore it is understood that good and evil are revealed according to the actions of the mind. Conscience (良心) and self-interest (私心) are mentioned in 'Essentials of Daesoon Jinrihoe'. If conscience is understood as benevolence (仁) as spoken of by Confucius, or as Moral Knowledge in Mencius's usage, more advanced discussion can be made. If looked upon in that way, one can conclude that conscience is the nature of the mind and thereby, the nature of humans and their minds is good. Discussions on the nature of the mind can also be explained in relation to the concept of 'a Singularly-focused Mind (一心)', which was frequently emphasized by Jeungsan. The two mindsets of conscience and self-interest are mentioned, but the original mind is only conscience which exists as the nature of heaven (天性). Self-interest is nothing but an illusion. As Zhu Xi explained that even if a saint (聖人) thought of utterly nothing, he would became a madman, and therefore people should look closely and realize that self-interest is nothing but a delusion. Accordingly, when returning to one's conscience, the orignal state of a singularly-focused mind, it becomes the sort of Singularly-focused Mind that Jeungsan emphasized. In other words, self-interest is a form of greed that is born out of worldly desires.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.40
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• pp.303-336
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• 2022

'Otherness' is a major philosophical concept in modern Western thought. It has been a force through which the concept of a subject's rights emerged. This paper focuses on Emmanuel Levinas' discussion of 'otherness.' Levinas emphasizes our ethical responsibility for others, which is meaningful in that it can be applied as a paradigm of communication for use in modern society. In the context of modern times and multicultural societies, it is important to recognize the diversity of others and to promote coexistence. Coexistence at this time should be 'unifying' rather than subject-centered. This paper attempts to understand this narrative. An epic is a cognitive process that constitutes the fundamental desires and experiences of humans. Humans try to project and understand themselves through narratives. The possibility of coexistence with others can be examined by analyzing otherness as found within those narratives. Therefore, this paper suggests the possibility and direction of coexistence by analyzing the storytelling that establishes relationships by shaping characters in Guillermo del Toro's film, Shape of Water.

• Journal of Daesoon Thought and the Religions of East Asia
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.111-132
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• 2022

In the 1920s, a new religion emerged in Tay Ninh Province, Southern Vietnam, under the name Caodaism; also known as the Third Universal Salvation of the Great Dao. It is the result of the typical combination of three main religions (Buddhism, Daoism, and Confucianism). Different ethnic groups populated Tay Ninh, such as Chinese, Khmer, Cham, and Kinh. Additionally, the core principle of Caodaism is known as The Three Religions Returned to the Origin, and it is also expanded as The Five Branches Reunited. The Five Branches are humankind's five ways of self-cultivation: the Way of Humans, the Way of Deities, the Way of Saints, the Way of Immortals, and the Way of Buddhas. Although Caodaism was only founded in 1920, this religion is well known domestically and internationally. This is because Caodaism has a distinctive identity; it is a new religion that advocates a syncretistic combination of essential religious teachings that follow the harmonization and reconciliation between the East and West as well as between the past and present. Moreover, the Tay Ninh Holy See is the most important, first, and largest Cao Dai temple in Vietnam. The temple is located in Tay Ninh Province in southwestern Vietnam. This article aims to introduce the Tay Ninh Holy See as the birthplace of Caodaism and as the largest Cao Dai religious palace, not only in Vietnam but also in other countries that practice Caodaism. A brief overview of Tay Ninh Holy See's origin, history, and planning will be provided. Most importantly, the style of the architecture at the Tay Ninh Holy See will be comprehensively analyzed to shed more light on the meaning of each section and the details of this temple structure.

• Journal of Daesoon Thought and the Religions of East Asia
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• v.2 no.2
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• pp.73-99
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• 2023

The dragon is a special imaginary figure created by the people of East Asia. Its archetypes appeared primarily as totemic symbols of different tribes and groups in the region. The formation of early dynasties probably generated the molding of the dragon symbol. Dragon symbols carried deep imprints of nature. They concealed alternative messages of how ancient people at different locations dealt with or interacted with nature. Under pressure to standardize in the medieval and late imperial periods, the popular dragon had to transform physically and ideologically. It became imposed, unified, and framed, conveying ideas of caste classification and power, and losing itsecological implications. The dragon transitioned from a semi-ecological domain into a total social caste system. However, many people considered the "standardized" dragon as the symbol of the oppressor. Because of continuous orthopraxy and calls for imperial reverence, especially under orthopractic agenda and the surveillance of local elites, the popularized dragon was imbued within local artworks or hidden under the sanctity of Buddhas or popular gods in order to survive. Through disguise, the popular dragon partially maintained its ecological narratives. When the imperial dynasties ended in East Asia (1910 in Korea, 1911 in China, 1945 in Vietnam), the dragon was dramatically decentralized. However, trends of re-standardization and re-centralization have emerged recently in China, as the country rises in the global arena. In this newly-emerging "re-orthopraxy", the dragon has been superimposed with a more externally political discourse ("soft power" in international relations) rather than the old-style standardization for internal centralization in the late imperial period. In the contemporary world, science and technology have advanced humanity's ability to improve the world; however, it seems that people have abused science and technology to control nature, consequently damaging the environment (pollution, global warming, etc.). The dragon symbol needs to be re-defined, "re-molded", re-evaluated and reinterpreted accordingly, especially under the newly-emerging lens-the New Confucian "anthropocosmic" view.