• 한국가족관계학회지
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• 제23권1호
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• pp.25-51
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• 2018

Objectives: The aim of this study is to identify patterns of gender role attitude among older men and women and to investigate the effects of the identified patterns on marital quality for each gender. Method: The Third National Survey of Korean Families was utilized and 981 men and 752 women aged 60 and above, who have been married for over 20 years and have at least one child, were analyzed. Using Mplus 7.3, a latent profile analysis (LPA) identified latent profiles of gender role attitude for each gender. Then, using SPSS 23.0, multiple regression analysis analyzed the effects of the identified patterns on both marital satisfaction and marital conflict. Results: The latent profile analysis identified two patterns of traditional and partially egalitarian gender role attitudes each for the older men and women. Also, means on items relevant to the male breadwinner model and the male-oriented family culture were relatively low for both men and women regardless of the patterns. For the older men, the effects of the gender role attitude patterns on marital satisfaction and marital conflict were both significant; those individuals with the partially egalitarian gender role attitude pattern reported higher levels of marital satisfaction and lower levels of marital conflict than those individuals with the traditional gender role attitude pattern. However, the effects of the gender role attitude patterns on marital satisfaction and marital conflict were both not significant for the older women. Conclusions: The findings from this study suggest that political interventions are required to promote an egalitarian family culture for older adults. Moreover, its findings may be useful in the field of marriage and family therapy to develop educational programs that seek to improve marital quality in later life.

• 영어영문학
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• 제58권2호
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• pp.217-247
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• 2012

This essay attempts to read Melville's Moby-Dick as a prefiguration of American pragmatism, especially Jamesian version of it. Underlying this project is the assumption that the American Romance and James's pragmatism partake in the enduring tradition of American thoughts and imagination. Despite the commonality in their roots, the continuity between these two products of American culture has received few critical assessments. The American Romance has rarely been discussed in terms of American pragmatism in part because critics have tended to narrowly define the latter as a kind of relativistic philosophy equivalent to practical instrumentalism, political realism and romantic utilitarianism. Consequently, they have favored literary works in the realistic tradition for their textual analyses, while eschewing a more imaginative genre like the American Romance. My contention is that James's version of pragmatism is a future oriented pluralism which is unable to dispense with the power of imagination and the talent for seeing unforeseen possibilities inherent in nature and culture. James's pragmatism is in tune with the American Romance in that it savours the attractions of alternative possibilities created by the genre in which the imaginary world is imbued with the actual one. The pragmatic impulse in Moby-Dick finds its finest expression in the words and acts of Ishmael. Through this protean narrator, Melville renders the text of Moby-Dick symbolic, fragmentary and thereby pluralistic in its meaning. With his rhetoric of incompletion and by refraining from totalizing what he experiences, Ishmael shuns finality in truth and entices the reader to join his intellectual journey with a non-foundational notion of truth and meaning in view. Ishmael also envisages pragmatists' beliefs that experience is fluid in nature and the universe is in a constant state of becoming. Yet Ishmael as the narrator of Moby-Dick is more functional than foundational.

• 융합보안논문지
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• 제20권4호
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• pp.13-25
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• 2020

국가안보는 국민의 생명을 지키고 국토를 보호한다는 의미에서 국가의 가장 중요한 책무 증 하나이다. 특히 최근 한반도를 둘러싼 강대국의 정세는 국가안보를 심각하게 위협할 정도로 급변하고 있다. 이 상황을 극복하기 위해서는 국민들의 군에 대한 신뢰를 바탕으로 한 국가안보의식이 매우 중요한 시점이다. 이에 울산 지역에 소재한 대학생들을 대상으로 군에 대한 신뢰가 국가안보의식에 미치는 영향을 조사하였다. 분석 결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 군 신뢰 중 사회기여와 군사능력이 높게 평가된 반면 성실성과 조직문화특성은 상대적으로 낮게 평가 되었다. 둘째, 군 신뢰와 국가안보의식간에는 모두 유의적인 정적 상관관계가 있었으나 사회기여와 안보의식간의 상관관계는 상대적으로 낮았다. 셋째, 군 신뢰 중 성실성, 조직문화특성, 군사능력의 순으로 국가안보의식에 유의적인 정적 영향력이 있었으나 사회기여는 유의적인 영향력이 없었다.

• 문화기술의 융합
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• 제8권1호
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• pp.403-408
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• 2022

본 연구는 『그 많던 싱아는 누가 다 먹었을까』 중국어 번역본 4종의 번역 전략에 대해 분석하였다. 주지하듯, 박완서의 작품은 인물의 심리 묘사, 추상적인 어휘, 관용어, 속담, 방언 등이 많아 중국어로 번역할 때 이역, 해석역, 창조역 등 다양한 번역 전략이 요구된다. 본고에서 연구한 4종 모두 번역자에 따라 다소 상이하긴 하지만 모든 번역 전략을 복합적으로 활용하였다. 연구결과 4종 모두 지명 명사, 인물 호칭 등을 번역할 시에는 한자어를 활용한 이역 전략을 많이 활용하였다. 역사·사회·문화·지리의 배경적 해석이 필요한 어휘 등에 대한 번역은 해석역 전략을 사용하였으며, 중복, 정치·역사적으로 민감한 문제, 한국어 발음 및 문법과 관련된 문제 등을 번역할 때는 창조역 전략을 활용하였다.

• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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• 제11권3호
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• pp.277-296
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• 2023

The South Korean ethnic diaspora US lobby shows efficacy as an interest group in generating influence in American foreign and domestic public policy making. The persuasive portrayal of South Korea as a critical Cold War US ally reinforced US amenability to pro-South Korea lobbying. Also, the South Korean US diaspora is a comparatively recent immigrant group, thus its lingering resistance to assimilation facilitates its political mobilization to lobby the US government. One source of this influence includes the foundational legacy of proselytizing Western and particularly American religious social movement representatives in Korean religiosity and society. US protestant Christianity acquired a strong public association with emerging Korean nationalism in response to Japanese imperialism and occupation. Hostility towards Japanese colonialism followed by the threat from Soviet-sponsored, North Korean Communism meant Christianity did not readily become a cultural symbol of excessive external, US interference in South Korean society by South Korean public opinion. The post-Cold War shift in US foreign policy towards targeting so-called rogue state vestiges of the Cold War including North Korea enhanced further South Korea's influence in Washington. Due to essential differences in the perceived historical role of American influence, extrapolation of the South Korean development model is problematic. US hegemony in South Korea indicates that perceived alliance with national self-determination constitutes the core of soft power appeal. Civilizational appeal per se in the form of religious beliefs are not critically significant in promoting American polity influence in target polities in South Korea or, comparatively, in the Middle East. The United States is a perceived opponent of pan-Arab nationalism which has trended towards populist Islamic religious symbolism with the failure of secular nationalism. The pronounced component of evangelical Christianity in American core community nationalism which the Trump campaign exploited is a reflection of this orientation in the US.

• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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• 제11권2호
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• pp.82-108
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• 2023

As tension escalates between the US and China, scenarios for maintaining peace in Northeast Asia imply that secondary powers will perceive increasing incentives to reappraise their respective international roles. This analysis proposes that an analysis of France's Cold War role in Europe and the world under President Charles de Gaulle provides insights into conflict management in an increasingly multipolar international political environment. Their respective interests in preventing a so-called new Cold War emerging between the US and China include avoiding its excessive economic costs, if only because China is a massive trade partner. This study engages in theoretical framework-informed process tracing of de Gaulle's role. It explicates the assumptions that functionally underpinned de Gaulle's policy of soft balancing between the US and China. The analysis explores de Gaulle's contribution to the decay of the Cold War. It illuminates de Gaulle's contribution to a regional international environment that made West German Chancellor Willy Brandt's Ostpolitik strategy more feasible politically. This study applies these findings in the formulation of strategy recommendations focusing on Japan. Valid inferences regarding the predominant motivations driving American and Chinese international interaction are necessary for this task. To the extent to which the US and China have entered into a conflict spiral, Japan's hedging towards Washington is further incentivized. Tokyo would necessarily need to convince the Chinese that Japan is no longer Washington's unsinkable aircraft carrier off its coast. Tokyo, like de Gaulle's France, would maintain close relations with Washington, but it would need to project to its interlocutors its commitment to its own strategic autonomy. Tokyo's emphasis on closer relations with liberal democratic Indo-Pacific actors would potentially fit well with a commitment to strategic autonomy to defend the global liberal order.

• 문화기술의 융합
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• 제9권3호
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• pp.579-585
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• 2023

본 연구의 목적은 텍스트네트워트분석을 통해 스토킹에 대한 정치성향의 언론기사 내에 핵심 단어를 탐색하고 내재된 의도를 살펴보는 것이다. 2018년 1월 1일부터 2022년 12월 31일까지 보도된 보수언론기사(조선일보, 중앙일보) 824건, 진보언론기사(한겨레신문, 경향신문) 783건으로 총 1,607건을 선정하여 LDA(Latent Dirichlet Allocation) 기반의 토픽모델링 기법으로 도출된 주제범주의 양상을 탐색하였다. 연구결과는 보수언론과 진보언론의 공통된 토픽은 젠더폭력의 인식개선, 신변보호 및 처벌강도, 스토커 신상공개 도출되었고 두 언론의 상이한 토픽은 보수언론에서는 스토커의 가해행위, '신당역 살인사건'의 개요와 진보언론은 '신당역 살인사건'의 가중처벌요구, (사이버공간의) 성착취 범죄 근절로 구성되었다. 본 연구는 스토킹에 대한 언론기사 간의 이념적 의견에 따라 보도형태에 변화가 있음을 시사한다.

• 영어영문학
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• 제56권5호
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• pp.773-796
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• 2010

This essay examines, first, the possibility and limitation of Asian America as a category of identity and its political and cultural implications through various theoretical perspectives. Here, by closely reading David Mura's poem "The Colors of Desire," I will argue that "Asian America" as a category of identity is now on the verge of falling apart and its politics of identity is no longer an effective way of fighting back against racism in the US. It is because Asian America is indeed what might be called a historical block, a product of ad-hoc coalition between different ethnic groups historically situated and constructed. In this sense, it is a kind of phantasmal object that is marked by practical absence. This fabricatedness inherent in Asian America as an identity category signifies that it has no essence that is meant to define the group in a transcendental way. The internal totality and coherence of that identity can thus be achieved only by suppressing differences between various ethnic groups and positing a single 'authentic' Asian American identity and culture. More dangerously, according to Viet Nguyen, such idealization of a single subject position can reinforces ideological rigidity that might threaten the ability of Asian America to represent itself in a unified fashion. Then, he predicts, Asian America will lose its cohesive force and fall apart. Eventually, every group within Asian America will be ethnicized. The only way of escaping from this bleak situation, as Vincent Cheng argues, is to foregroud the fabricatedness and ad-hocness of Asian America and to perform "inauthenticity," because Asian America is nothing but a functional category that is marked by absence of essence or authenticity. If Asian Americans admit that they have no essence and that they are essentially inauthentic, the practice of performing inauthenticity can become what we might call an alternative Asian American culture and identity.

• 한국심리학회지 : 문화 및 사회문제
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• 제21권1호
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• pp.21-43
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• 2015

본 연구는 한국사회에서 조선족 여성이 직장에서 경험하는 어려움이나 갈등 그리고 그것에 대한 대처유형에 대해 알아보고자 하였다. 이를 위해서 서울 및 인근지역에 거주하는 조선족 여성에서(을 대상으로) 반구조화된 질문지를 통해 한국사회에서의 적응과 관련하여 면담을 하였다(평균 연령 = 34, SD = 9.25, 평균 한국거주 = 4년, SD = 2.24). 이 내용을 질적 연구방법 중, Giorgi(1985)의 현상학적 분석방법을 통해서 분석을 실시하였다. 그 결과, 전체적으로 225개의 응답을 도출하였다. 그리고 23개의 하위범주와 9개의 상위범주를 구성하였다. 문화적 차이와 적응상의 어려움들에는 정체성과 언어적 의사소통, 정치경제적, 관계적 및 성적 측면이 있었다. 그리고 조선적 여성이 한국사회에서 대처하는 방법 중에는 순응형, 도구형, 도피형이 있었다. 이러한 결과를 토대로 한국사회에서 직장 내 조선족 여성의 적응에 필요한 개인적 및 사회적 차원의 필요성을 논의하였다.

• 한국심리학회지 : 문화 및 사회문제
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• 제14권1호_spc
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• pp.519-544
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• 2008

본 연구는 '통일교육은 근본적으로 통일에 대한 심리교육이다.'라는 사람중심의 통일교육 관점에서 한민족에게 교류의 활성화와 통일의 완성을 위해서는 어떠한 심리적 요소에 대해 통일교육을 해야 하는 지를 제안하기 위한 것이다. 본 연구의 배경은 독일의 경우 통일된 지 17년이 지난 지금에도 완전한 통일 즉, 내적 통일을 이루기 위해서는 앞으로 30년 내외가 더 필요하다는 평가를 받고 있기 때문이다. 따라서 우리의 경우에는 독일이 하지 못했던 이 교육을 통일 이전부터 해야 한다. 그리고 우리는 독일과 달리 통일 이전의 교류시기가 상당히 길 것으로 전망되기 때문에 이 교류시기에 이 교육을 해야 한다. 우리의 상황에서 중시해야 할 사람중심의 통일교육의 요소는 이데올로기 중심의 통일 교육을 넘어서서 교류와 통일 시기에 개개인의 심리적 안정성 확보를 위한 적응력 증대 방안으로 이것을 통일 교육에 포함시켜야 한다.