• Journal of the Korean Regional Science Association
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• v.15 no.2
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• pp.155-187
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• 1999

The East Asian Region has experienced remarkable economic growth and transformation of interurban networking over the past three decades, and urban competiti veness for a networking hub in this region has become a critical issue confronting cities. Competitiveness of the Seoul capital region for a networking hub in Northeast Asia is outstripped by other competing cities in East Asia, notwithstanding its geo-politically and geo-economically advantageous location in this region. In this paper, we aim to appraise the Seoul capital region's competitiveness in terms of logistics distribution, financial function and logistics distribution, financial function and agglomeration of transnational corporations (especially of RHOs and other managerial functions), and to advance the networking strategies of the region for a Northeast Asia hyb. As a result of analysis, we suggest that the Seoul capital region be developed as a Northeast Asian center for regional headquarters or leading global corporations and financial services for being a strategic nodal point in Northeast Asia in the 21st century. A recent survey shows that where to locate an RHQ is influenced by various factors, such as potential market and manufacturing site in the city's hinterland, quality of life, such things as culture, health, safety, education, a well-educated, English-speaking population, reliable air transport, state-of-the-art communications, and an active policy to offer foreign companies generous incentives. The Seoul capital region, which is located at a strategic nodal point advantageous as a springboard for its Northeast Asian hinterland, cannot meet the other conditions mentioned above. To overcome these drawbacks in attracting transnational capital and to create competitiveness as a strategic hub of RHQs in Northeast Asia, it is urgent to initiate a structural reform of the Korean economy, politics, and overall society, to minimize the regulation of FDI, and to provide various incentives for foreign investment. Moreover, we propose the construction of an 'International Business Town' in the Seoul capital region, as a medium to intermediate these strategies and to shape them in a spatial scale. The projected 'International Business Town(IBT)' will be a 'free city' open to international business in which liberal economic activities are guaranteed by special legislation and administration, infrastructures needed for international and improved accessibility to the airport are furnished, and the preference of foreign high-income investors for cultural and living environment are satisfactorily met. IBT is conspicuously differentiated from a raft of other cities' incentives in that it combines deregulation and incentive programs to attract the investment of transnational capital, with a spatial program of offering an urban environment preferred by the high-income investors for cultural and living environment are satisfactorily met. IBT is conspicuously differentiated from a raft of other cities' incentives in that it combines deregulation and incentive programs to attract the investment of transnational capita, with a spatial program of offering an urban environment preferred by the high-income and managerial class. Furthermore, it can be an excellent way of overcoming the xenophobia that has spread among the Korean population by concentrating foreign businesses and their lifestyles in a specific foreign businesses and their lifestyles in a specific zone. In conclusion, 'International Business Town', in line with other legislative and administrative incentive programs, will function as a driving force to make the Seoul capital regional more competitive as a regional business hub in Northeast Asia.

• Journal of Educational Research in Mathematics
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.49-70
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• 2002

There have recently been increasing exchanges between South and North Korea in many areas of society, involving politics, economics, culture, education. In response to these developments, research activities are more strongly demanded in each of these areas to help prepare for the final unification of the two parts of the nation. In the area of mathematics education, scholars have started to conduct comparative studies of mathematics education in South and North Korea. As a response to the growing demand of the time, in this thesis we compared the secondary mathematics education in South Korea with that in North Korea. To begin with, we examined the background of education, in North Korea, particularly predominant ideological, epistemological and teaching theoretical aspects of education in North Korea. Thereafter, we compared the mathematics curriculum of South Korea with that of North Korea. On the basis of these examinations, we compared the secondary school mathematics textbooks of South and North Korea, and we attempted to suggest a guideline for researches preparing for the unification of the mathematics curriculum of South and North Korea. As a communist society, North Korea awards the socialist ideology the supreme rank and treats all school subjects as instrumental tools that are subordinated to the dominant communist ideology. On the other hand, under the socialist ideology North Korea also emphasizes the achievement of the objective of socialist economic development by expanding the production of material wealth. As such, mathematics in North Korea is seen as a tool subject for training skilled technical hands and fostering science and technology, hence promoting the socialist material production and economic development. Hence, the mathematics education of North Korea adopts a so-called "awakening teaching method," and emphasizes the approaches that combine intuition with logical explanation using materials related with the ideology or actual life. These basic viewpoints of North Korea on mathematics education are different from those of South Korea, which emphasize the problem-solving ability and acquisition of academic mathematical knowledge, and which focus on organizing as well as discovering knowledge of learners' own accord. In comparison of the secondary school mathematics textbooks used in South and North Korea, we looked through external forms, contents, quantity of each area of school mathematics, viewpoints of teaching, and term. We have identified similarities in algebra area and differences in geometry area especially in teaching sequence and approaching method. Many differences are also found in mathematical terms. Especially, it is found that North Korea uses mathematical terms in Hangul more actively than South Korea. We examined the specific topics that are treated in both South and North Korea, "outer-center & inner-center of triangle" and "mathematical induction", and identified such differences more concretely. Through this comparison, it was found that the concrete heterogeneity in the textbooks largely derive from the differences in the basic ideological viewpoints between South and North Korea. On the basis of the above findings, we attempted to make some suggestions for the researches preparing for the unification in the area of secondary mathematics education.

• Journal of the Korean Regional Science Association
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• v.15 no.2
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• pp.131-153
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• 1999

Since 1980's there have been two trends that obviously developed in the would -- economics globalization and urban internationalization. China, with is reform and opening-up policy and rapid economic growth, keeps pace with these two trends. The term "International City" has no putative standard or definition. If we make an analogue of urban functional hierarchy in the world with a pyramid, the International Citiesa are the few elites on its top. The highest level international cities can be called "World City" or "Global City". In today's new international division of labor, they are diversified leading cities with control capacity on a world scale, like New York, London, and Tokyo. The secondary international cities are either diversified cities with influence and regulative functions on multinational scale or specialized cities on politics, economics, culture, or other aspects with worldwide impact. Judged by different criteria, there is no city that is qualified as International City with the exception of Hong Kong, which was returned to the P.R. of China in 1997. Nevertheless, Some favorable conditions for the development of the international city still exist in China. This country is already the sixth largest economic entity in the world, and the second largest economic entity in the world, and the second largest one if GNP estimated by ppp. Furthermore its import and export value make up for 40% of its GNP, indicating that China is repidly merging into global economy. In this 1, 2 billion-population country, the difference of economic levels between urban and rural, coastal and inland regions is so big that a few metropolises in the coastal region have the possibilities and potentials to develop into international cities regardless of rather low GNP per capita of the whole country. This article will focus on analysis from several perspectives, such as the proportion of foreign trade values in GDP, the proportion of imports and exports by foreign funded enterprises in total foreign trade value; distribution of the 500 largest foreign-funded enterprises; distribution of the 500 enterprises with largest import and export values; distrigbution of foreign computer and telecom companies with offices in China; the number of outward flights per week and the international tourists; the value of foreign capital used in cities and so on. From this analysis, it is predicted that Chinese international cities will surely emergy from the eastern coastal regions and they must be the core cities of metropolitan interlocking regions that have been formed or in the process of forming. Those international cities will arise from south to north in turn : Hong Kong-Guangzhu, Shanghai, Beijing-Tianjin, and perhaps the last one is Dalian-Shenyang. The other side of this issue is that there is a long way for the coming international cities in China except Hong Kong. At least China and these core cities must continually devote to (1) improve the regional composition of foreign capital sources. (2) improve the composition of export commodities. (3) improve the investment environment (including hard and soft environment) to attract more transnational corporations to settle. (4) deepen the reform of state-owned enterprises and establish Chinese own transnational corporations to enter the world market.ons to enter the world market.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.39 no.3
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• pp.15-21
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• 2021

This study studied the value of the spatial organization of the temple and the form of the garden located in the Seojang area in the southwestern regions of China. The value of the Lama temple was looked into by examining the relationship between Lamaism and Lama temple through the spatial organiz ation, building arrangement, and garden of temples that served as the center of history, culture, and politics of the time in the process of converging Buddhism introduced through China's central districts and India with folk beliefs in Seojang through the poor environment. To this end, the value of the space and garden of the Lama temple was derived through the representative Lama temples, Potala Temple, Norbulingka Temple, and Dazhao Temple. First, due to the unique environment in which ice caps and green areas coexist, the representative Lama temples in Seojang, Potala Temple, Norbulingka Temple, and Dazhao Temple, are widely distributed in the form of leaning against valleys and mountain ranges based on folk beliefs and Buddhism's Jatabuli(自他不二) and mandala. the target sites are largely divided into upper and lower spaces. Second, the target sites are largely divided into upper and lower spaces. Buildings for worship are located in the upper space, and spaces for practice and garden are located in the lower space. The garden existed in two main forms. Third, the garden existed in two main forms. Located in the center of the practice space, the garden had an ideal structure to plant bo tree to escape from the two false obsession and go to a world of truth that is with the Buddha behind the world through practice like Sakyamuni, and there was a garden around the temple where meditation and exchange took place. Evergreen coniferous forests are mainly planted in the forests.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.307-330
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• 2016

This article aims to explain how Gangnam, as a model and standard of compressed urbanization in South Korea, was created. Gangnam and Gangnam-style urbanization need attention not only because they contrast with Korea's urbanization in the past as well as urbanization in the West but also they provide an important model in contemporary Korea's politics, economy and culture. However, there are little studies of how Gangnam's peculiar urbanism was created. To fill this gap, this article will first capture Gangnam's peculiar urbanism as a material landscape and sociocultural lifestyle. Gangnam-style urbanism is (a) materially characterized by high-rise apartment complexes owned by the middle and upper class for dwelling and asset growth and (b) socio-culturally characterized by political conservatism, public indifference, competition over academic performance, appearance, and fashion, and nightlife. Then it will show Gangnam's archetype was created in a spatially and temporally compressed way in and through the spatial selectivity of Korean anti-communist authoritarian developmental state strategies: (1) anti-communism led to the diffusion and accommodation of the population through apartments in Gangnam in the context of its confrontation with North Korea and the fast-growing population of Seoul; (2) military authoritarianism excluded the low-income class and the urban poor from urban development; and (3) the developmental state adopted selective housing policy which treated construction companies and the middle class preferentially through exceptional zoning and price distortions, promoting the construction of apartment in Gangnam and its resultant uneven development.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.78
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• pp.177-205
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• 2016

This study set out to investigate the reality of local press and changes to the occupational identity of reporters through the job mobility of reporters at local newspapers. The study examined what reasons the reporters had when they retired from one of three paper newspapers in Daejeon, where they moved to, and how their career mobility was. Some of them remained in the field of journalism including paper newspapers of the same kind and Internet newspapers, and others moved to various areas including politics, administration, academy, economy, and culture and art. The biggest number of them said they left their old paper newspapers because of poor wages and welfare benefits and absence of future visions. Their decision of leaving their old paper newspapers was also influenced by restructuring, restrictions to coverage and reporting, and great workload. Before the IMF foreign currency crisis in 1997, the press labor market was a typical internal labor market with the practitioners joining a newspaper in open recruitment and climbing up the promotion ladder from a common reporter through Deputy Head and Head of a department to Director of a bureau. The emergence of new media and the financial difficulties of newspaper corporations were currently making the internal labor market worse. Reporters made active use of social capital such as regionalism, alumni ties, and news beats rather than changing jobs by increasing their professionalism through self-development, thus causing side effects including the weakened supervision and criticism functions of local newspapers and damaging their occupational identity as reporters.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.1
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• pp.283-319
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• 1997

Our society witnesses the rapid progress in the areas of politics, economy, society and culture in the process of national modernization since 1960s, which in turn as a reverse function gets to contract a societic pathology, totally lowering the security level of citizens' lives owing to various violent crimes like hostage commotions and murders with rifles and deadly weapons. what is the main reason for that? That may be partly because the chief police force concentrates on the current situation resulting in the vacuum of the public peace. However, the main reason is that the police fall short of man-power and equipments even if the whole police power were put to use in preventing and quelling the crimes. That is true not only of Korea but also of the advanced countries like the U.S.A., England and Japan. We realize that these advanced countries have higher level of security in every individual's life and property than Korea because their progress of the private guard systems can fill in a vacuum of the shortage of the police power, Therefore, we should without delay internationalize our private guard systems expecting the widely opening of the guard service markets in the age of Uruguay Round. To do this, we need to change our ideas for fostering the policy of the private guard from passive defense ideas into positive aggressive ones. Our police should urgently set up a plan to pursue the orientation of vision that we should dispatch our private guards overseas before foreign guards rush into our markets. Accordingly it goes without saying that the private guard group should distinguish their services from the public services initiating their own theory and strategy of private guard services and also readjust themselves between the public duties and the private services with the study of minimizing the reverse function of the private guard systems. The history criminal justice has always shown that the criminal system progressed at the initiative of the civil factor in case its demand and supply do not make both ends meet. Nevertheless, in the process the power of the government never weakens, rather it is built up in general. In conclusion, the necessity of the build-up of the private guard services must duly be acknowledged by the police as well as by the business which has its unique sphere within the criminal justice instead of as the suplemtary services of the simple the police power on the long-term basis. The purpose of the private guard services can be largely classified into the two categories; first it means the function to prevent the crimes against the citizens and secondly to enhance the national interest as an increasing mammoth business with a worldly competition capacity. The police has an absolute responsibility that they should protect the modem public in general from feeling the crisis of the personal threat, tension, anxiety and nervousness. In short, if we develop the complete private guard system to guarantee the societic atmosphere for all citizens, keep the public peace, and protect all citizens' lives and properties, we will sure enjoy a beautiful land, a wholesome society and a happy life in goodharmony of law and order.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.17
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• pp.39-84
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• 2008

In this article, how the records were compiled, stored and managed during the latter half period of the Joseon dynasty is examined. In details, the compilation of and and Euigwe, the establishment of 'history chambers(史庫)' and the Wae-Gyujanggak facility, and the creation of records such as 'Shillok Hyeongji-an', are all investigated. Examination of all these details revealed that in the latter half period of the Joseon dynasty, it was the royal family which actively led the task of meticulously compiling records and also storing & managing those established materials with great integrity and passion. The intention behind creating all these records containing everything the kings said and done over centuries must have been determination to enhance the openness and integrity of politics in general, while also emphasizing the importance of such values inside the government. In order to establish a tradition preserving records not only for a limited time period but also for eternity, 'history chambers' were founded in rocky mountain areas, and additional chambers(Wae-Sago) were created as well, in areas deemed strategically safe in military terms such as the Ganghwa-do island. Officials put in charge by the king himself of historical documenting reported to the history chambers on a regular basis and checked the status of the materials in custody, and the whole checking process was documented into a form called 'Shillok Hyeongji-an'. And for long-term preservation of materials, officials sent by the king regularly took all the materials outside, and conducted a series of 'desiccating procedures', under strong sunlight('Poswae'). Thanks to the efforts of our ancestors who did their best to preserve all the records, and tried everything to manage them with great caution, we can examine and experience all these centuries-old materials, mostly intact. It is imperative that we inherit not only the magnificent culture of creating and preserving records, but also the spirit which compelled our ancestors to do so.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.36
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• pp.265-299
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• 2009

The Great Learning is an essential scripture of Confucianism that has had great influence on the politics, thoughts, society and culture of the East Asia which contains Korea, Japan and China. In case of Japan, the doctrine of Toegye(退溪) is flown into pre-Tokugawa era, and as the doctrine of Zhu Xi(朱熹) exercise influences over the other thoughts, the importance of the Great Learning is embossed relatively in Tokugawa era. The characteristic of Japanese confucianism of Tokugawa era is to lay weight on real world as such, and the Japanese confucianism has grown up academically centers on exhaustive reinterpretation about some Confucian classics. And Backho-Yoon Hyu(白湖 尹?), Seokye-Park Sedang(西溪 朴世堂) who lived in 17th century of Joseon dynasty attempt new interpretation about the Great Learning and they have an objection to the explanatory notes of Zhu Xi. In the same period of China, there are similar academic trends around Whang Jong Hi(黃宗羲), Ko Yeom Mu(顧炎武), Wang Fu Chi(王夫之). In other words, new views of real scholarship which reject emptiness and put much value on reality were current of thoughts that have been common to the oriental three countries in early and middle 17th century. The main object of this paper is to understand the attitude and understanding about the Confucian classics especially the Great Learning of the scholars who lived in early and middle Tokugawa era. It will be a decisive clue to understand the ninucture of thoughts system of them. Through these work, we understand how it has had influenced to thinking-ninucture and lives of the Japanese. And the other purpose of this paper is to understand characteristics of them when we compare that vking-ninucture and lives of the Japanese Confuciang-ninearly and middle Tokugawa era with in the same period of Jeseon and the later Ming(明) and early Ching(淸) dynasty.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.57
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• pp.67-102
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• 2014

Yeoheon is a representative recluse and philosopher in the 17th Joseon dynasty. His contemporary intellectuals considered him as a sincere nobleman, Confucius in the Joseon, and moreover a saint, a cornerstone of culture, and a model for Confucianists. As a politician, he was regarded as practicing the stabilization of the people's livelihood and education, which are the key ideas of Confucian politics, when he serviced as a local governmental office twice. In addition, his ruler thought that he was right, wise, and modest, and therefore had the dignity of the old sage. His subordinates considered that he possessed the way of the old great ministers and the eye to see the current state of affairs. His theory of the Yijing is based on Cheng-Zhou learning, but developed their interpretation of the text. In addition, he discussed that Confucianism is a practical learning. His theory of the ritual was considered to follow Zhu Xi's works, but refer the old rituals and overcome the aspect of minor customs. His contemporary scholars thought that his theory of Neo-Confucianism revealed the essence of Li-Four and Qi-Seven theory regardless of scholarly parties, which were formed after Toegye and Yulgok. However, he proposed the Li-longitude and Qi-latitude theory in order to restore the real values, but it is similar to Yulgok's theory, which was criticized by the schools of Toegye and South Faction near Seoul. However, his theories revealed the fact that Joseon Confucianism cannot be simply differentiated as two major theories of "Centering on Li" and "Centering on Qi. In addition, his ideas of the universe and concern for the old showed that Joseon Confucianism is not just a theory, but is related to our lives and therefore practical in its nature.