• Asia Marketing Journal
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• v.12 no.2
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• pp.27-52
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• 2010

It is not new that today's business organizations are expected to exhibit ethical and moral management and to carry out social responsibility as a good corporate citizen. Since South Korea emerged as a newly industrialized country during the 1980s, Korean corporations have become active in carrying out their social responsibility as a good corporate citizen to society. In spite of the short history of corporate social responsibility, Korean companies have actively participated in corporate philanthropy. Corporations' significant donations to various social causes, no-lay-off policies, corporate volunteerism and green marketing are evidences of their commitment to corporate citizenship. Corporate social responsibility is now an essential management practice whereby corporation can strengthen its sustainable value creation processes by enhancing the trust assets underlying the relationships between the business and the stakeholders. Much of the conceptual work in the area of corporate social responsibility(CSR) has originated from researches conducted in the management field. Carroll(1979) proposed that corporations have four types of social responsibilities: economic, legal, ethical and philanthropic responsibility. Most past research has investigated CSR and its impact on consumers' attitudes toward the corporations and corporate performances. Although there exists a large body of literature on how consumers perceive and respond to CSR, the majority of past studies were conducted in the United States. The stability and applicability of past findings need to be tested across different national/cultural settings, especially since corporate social responsibility is a reflection of implicit conformation with the expectations and criticism that society may have toward a corporation(Matten and Moon, 2004). In this study, we explored whether people in Korea perceive CSR of Korean corporations in the same four dimensions as done in the United States and what were the measurement items tapping each of these four dimensions. In order to investigate the dimensions of CSR and the measurement items for CSR perceived by Korean people, nine focus group interviews were conducted with several stakeholder groups(two with undergraduate students, two with graduate students, three with general consumers, and two with NGO groups). Scripts from the interviews revealed that the Korean stakeholders perceived four types of CSR which are the same as those proposed by Carroll(1979). However we found CSR issues unique to Korean corporations. For example for the economic responsibility, Korean people mentioned that the corporation needed to contribute to the economic development of the country by generating corporate profits. For the legal responsibility, Koreans included the "corporation need to follow the consumer protection law." For the ethical responsibility, they considered that the corporation needed to not promote false advertisement. In addition, Koreans thought that an ethical company should do transparent management. For the philanthropic responsibility, people in Korea thought that a corporation needed to return parts of its profits to the society for the betterment of society. The 28 items were developed based on the results of the nine focus group interviews, while considering the scale developed by Maignan and Ferrell(2001). Following the procedure proposed by Churchill(1979), we started by developing an item poll consisting of 28 items and purified the initial pool of items through exploratory, confirmatory factor analyses. 176 samples were sued for this analysis. Confirmatory factor analysis was performed on the 28 items in order to verify the underlying four factor structure. Study 1 provided new measurement items for tapping the Korean CSR dimensions, which can be useful for the future studies exploring the effects of CSR on Korean consumers' attitudes toward the corporations and corporate performances. And we found the CSR scale(17 items) has good reliability, discriminant validity and nomological validity. Economic Responsibility: "XYZ company continuously improves the quality of our products", "XYZ company has a procedure in place to respond to customer complaint", "XYZ company contributes to the economic development of our country by generating profits", "XYZ company is eager to hire people". Legal Responsibility: "XYZ company's products meet legal standards", "XYZ company seeks to comply with all laws regulating hiring and employee benefits", "XYZ company honors contractual obligations to its suppliers", "XYZ company's managers try to comply with the law related to the business operation". Ethical Responsibility: "XYZ company has a comprehensive code of conduct", "XYZ company does not promote a false or misleading advertisement", "XYZ company seems to conduct a transparent business", "XYZ company does a fair business with its suppliers or sub-contractors". Philanthropic Responsibility: "XYZ company encourages partnerships with local businesses and schools", "XYZ company supports sports and cultural activities", "XYZ company gives adequate contributions to charities considering its business size", "XYZ company encourages employees to support our community". Study 2 was condusted for comprehensive validity. 655 samples were used for this anlysis. Collected samples were tested by factor analysis and Crnbach's Alpha coefficiednts and were found to be satisfactory in terms of validity and reliability. Furthermore, fitness of the measurement model was tested by using conformatory factor analysis. χ²=880.73(df=160), GFI=0.891, AGFI=0.854, NFI=0.908, NNFI=0.913, RMR=0.059, RMESA=0.070. We hope that CSR scale could greatly facilitate research on Corporate social resposibility, it is by no means the final answer.

• Journal of Science of Art and Design
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• v.10
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• pp.5-50
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• 2006

The terminology "human body" simply means a physical body but also more often, as an object in art works, carries symbolic concepts incorporating the whole history of human lives. Human body has been employed as an artistic object capturing physical body, delivering artist's idea expressing life indicators from different standpoints of times and places. This point of view about human body in art works has in fact rather short history since 1960's when modern thinking paradigm focusing upon rationality and reasoning has begun declining and on the contrary when the body used to be the servant of the mind and soul for a long time has begun attracting artist's attention as a real entity from the viewpoint of dichotomy. During the 1960's, frequent performances in Pop art and of Fluxus showed that the human body has been an important media for artistic communication after importance of body performances had been raised in Action painting in 1940's. The human body became a more determined media in body art works that had got into stride after Yves Kline's conceptual works applying body and its traces. These kinds of art works have continued and consolidated into the Feminism came into blossom in 1980's and into fragmentated and disembodied body art trend in 1990's. Through development of trends in body works, human body now might well be regarded as a clue provide from individual identity with implication over the world. This thesis is to analyse in semiotic way main works of Kiki Smith who is a representative artist devoting to Feminism and proposing extended significance of human body. In the analysis process of works done by two great artists with histrorical background of art trend in order to find and open an significance horizon of human body, semiotics and bodism are therefore perceived as pertinent and applied as basic tools. The first stage of analysis is to get the significances emerged in between expression part and contextual parts, which are separated structually from the most basic level. The study deals with body works furthermore in the way of structual cohesion of the expression and the context from the view of A J. Greimas' Structural Semantics and tried to build up a basic frame for the extended significances of human body. This thesis is, on the other hand, to attempt to contribute for extension of disembodied and fragmentated body discussed in the structural semantic frame earlier by Julia Kriesteva who delivers abjection concepts and phenomenology of Maurice Merleau-Ponty who enables to overview relationship between the body and the world from the viewpoint of Bodism, further into interpretation level. The other works are Kiki smith's that showed epics about death in mid-1980's, detailed humbleness of vulnerable human body exposed to dichotomy and fragmentation in 1990's and religion and mythology incorporating wouln healing in 2000's and henceforth. Through the analysis of Kiki Smith's representative work 'Pee body', it is verified and confirmed that fragmentated body showed beyond boundary gap of the human body and ultimately tends to imply human healing owing to divine maternity. Bodily symbols in Kiki Smith's are extended to the universal world to imply human life and death on the one hand and religion and mythology of human wound and divine healing one the other hand. This thesis through these process and results of analysis is in a broad context, to emphasize that human body as objectified text has a key indicator role to understand world as well as semiotic extension in art works in late 20th century so that we might confirm bodily symbol as a cultural context constitutes a section of contemporary visual arts.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.32 no.4
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• pp.24-36
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• 2014

The result of the research conducted for the purpose of investigating the semantic value and the layout of the Cheongryu Gugok of Dorimsa Valley, which exhibits a high level of completeness and scenic preservation value among the three gugoks distributed in the area around Mt. Dongak of Gogseong is as follows.4) The area around Cheongryu Gugok shows a case where the gugok culture, which has been enjoyed as a model of the Neo-Confucianism culture and bedrock scenery, such as waterfall, riverside, pond, and flatland, following the beautiful valley, has been actually substituted, and is an outstanding scenery site as stated in a local map of Gokseong-hyeon in 1872 as "Samnam Jeil Amban Gyeryu Cheongryu-dong(三南第一巖盤溪流 淸流洞: Cheongryu-dong, the best rock mooring in the Samnam area)." Cheongryu Gugok, which is differentiated through the seasonal scenery and epigrams established on both land route and waterway, was probably established by the lead of Sun-tae Jeong(丁舜泰, ?~1916) and Byeong-sun Cho(曺秉順, 1876~1921) before 1916 during the Japanese colonization period. However, based on the fact that a number of Janggugiso of ancient sages, such as political activists, Buddhist leaders, and Neo-Confucian scholars, have been established, it is presumed to have been utilized as a hermit site and scenery site visited by masters from long ago. Cheongryu Gugok, which is formed on the rock floor of the bed rock of Dorimsa Valley, is formed in a total length of 1.2km and average gok(曲) length of 149m on a mountain type stream, which appears to be shorter compared to other gugoks in Korea. The rock writings of the three gugoks in Mt. Dongak, such as Cheongryu Gugok, which was the only one verified in the Jeonnam area, total 165 in number, which is determined to be the assembly place for the highest number of rock writings in the nation. In particular, a result of analyzing the rock writings in Cheongryu Gugok totaling 112 places showed 49pieces(43.8%) with the meaning of 'moral training' in epigram, 21pieces (18.8%) of human life, 16pieces(14.2%) of seasonal scenery, and 12pieces(10.6%) of Janggugiso such as Jangguchur, and the ratio occupied by poem verses appeared to be six cases(3.6%). Sweyeonmun(鎖烟門), which was the first gok of land route, and Jesiinganbyeolyucheon(除是人間別有天) which was the ninth gok of the waterway, corresponds to the Hongdanyeonse(虹斷烟鎖) of the first gok and Jesiinganbyeolyucheon of the ninth gok established in Jaecheon, Chungbuk by Se-hwa Park(朴世和, 1834~1910), which is inferred to be the name of Gugok having the same origin. In addition, the Daeeunbyeong(大隱屛) of the sixth gok. of land route corresponds to the Chu Hsi's Wuyi-Gugok of the seventh gok, which is acknowledged as the basis for Gugok Wollim, and the rock writings and stonework of 'Amseojae(巖棲齋)' and 'Pogyeongjae(抱經齋)' between the seventh gok and eighth gok is a trace comparable with Wuyi Jeongsa(武夷精舍) placed below Wuyi Gugok Eunbyeon-bong, which is understood to be the activity base of Cheongryu-dong of the Giho Sarim(畿湖士林). The rock writings in the Mt. Dongak area, including famous sayings by masters such as Sunsaeuhje(鮮史御帝, Emperor Gojong), Bogahyowoo(保家孝友, Emperor Gojong), Manchunmungywol(萬川明月, King Joengjo), Biryeobudong(非禮不動, Chongzhen Emperor of the Ming Dynasty)', Samusa(思無邪, Euijong of the Ming Dynasty), Baksechungpwoong(百世淸風, Chu Hsi), and Chungryususuk-Dongakpungkyung(淸流水石 動樂風景, Heungseon Daewongun) can be said to be a repository of semantic symbolic cultural scenery, instead of only expressing Confucian aesthetics. In addition, Cheongryu Gugok is noticeable with its feature as a cluster of cultural scenery of the three religions of Confucian-Buddhism-Taoism, where the Confucianism value system, Buddhist concept, and Taoist concept co-exists for mind training and cultivation. Cheongryu Gugok has a semantic feature and spatial character as a basis for history and cultural struggle for the Anti-Japan spirit that has been conceived during the process of establishing and utilizing the spirit of the learning, loyalty for the Emperor and expulsion of barbarians, and inspiration of Anti-Japan force, by inheriting the sense of Dotong(道統) of Neo-Confucianism by the Confucian scholar class at the end of the Joseon era that is represented by Ik-hyun Choi(崔益鉉, 1833~1906), Woo Jeon(田愚, 1841~1922), Woo-man Gi(奇宇萬, 1846~1916), Byung-sun Song(宋秉璿, 1836~1905), and Hyeon Hwang(黃玹, 1855~1910).

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.42 no.3
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• pp.154-175
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• 2009

At the present state, studies on Gyeongbok palace are being done with history of architecture, records, and art. However, these studies have limits that they can only depend on existing buildings and record, which make it hard to research whole aspect of palaces. The foundation remains(Jeoksim) of Gyeongbok palace in the ground gives important clues that can fill the gaps of these studies. Thus I analysed jeoksim of Gyeongbok palace, assorted them by type, scale, material, and construction method. I examined jeoksim used by various types of building, and looked at changes by periods. Jeoksims are classified in 21 types. The foundation(jeoksim) varies according to types of buildings, building types and material of jeoksim also varies along the periods, and the fact proves certain peroid of time has its own jeoksim style in fashion. Jeoksims of Gyeongbok palace are divided into round-shape(I), rounded square-shape(II), rectangular-shape(III), square-shape(IV), and whole foundation of building(V) by the plane shape. They can be divided again into 21 types by construction techniques and materials used. During early Joseon(I), only three types of jeoksim; round-shape riprap jeoksim(1-1), II-1(rounded square-shape), II-2a(rounded square-shape riprap+roofingingtile brick), had been built, but as 19th century begun, all 21 types of jeoksim had built. In 19th century during Emperor Gojong, different types of jeoksim by periods were built, and especially different materials were used. During Gojong year 2(1865)~year 5(1868), in which Gyeongbok palace were rebuilt, 7 out of 10 types of jeoksim used piece of roofinging tile and brick mixture, in contrast, during Gojong year 10(1873)~13(1876), or 25(1888), 3 out of 5 types of jeoksim used sandy soil with mixture of plaster. Meanwhile palace buildings have different names by the class of owner and use such as Jeon, Dang, Hap, Gak, Jae, Heon, Nu, and Jeong, which were classified by types and buildings were built according to each level. With an analysis of jeoksim by its building types, I ascertained that jeoksim were built differently in accordance to building types(Jeon, Dang, Hap, Gak, Jae, Heon, Nu, and Jeong). By the limitation of present document, only some types of buildings such as Jeon, Dang, Gak, Bang were confirmed, as for Jeon and Gak, square-shape(IV) built with rectangular parallelepiped stone, and for Dang and Bang, rounded square-shape(IV) built with roofinginginging tile and riprap were commonly used. From the fact that other jeoksim with uncertain building names, were mostly built in early Joseon, we learn that round-shape riprap jeoksim(1-1) were commonly built. Therefore, the class of building was higher if the owner was in higher class, jeoksim is also considered to be built with the strongest and best material. And for Dang and Bang, rounded square-shape jeoksim were used, Dang has lots of II-2a (riprap + piece of roofing tile and brick rounded square-shape) type which mainly used riprap and piece of roofing tile and brick, but Bang has lots of II-2b (piece of roofing tile and brick+(riprap+piece of roofing tile and brick rounded square-shape), which paved piece of roofing tile and brick by 15~20cm above. These jeoksim by building types were confirmed to have changed its construction type by period. As for Jeon and Gak, they were built with round-shape riprap jeoksim(1-1) in early Joseon(14~15c), but in late Joseon(19c), various types of Jeoksim were built, especially square-shape(IV) were commonly built. For Dang, only changes in later Joseon were confirmed, jeoksim built in Gojong year 4(1867) mostly used mixture of riprap and piece of roofing tile and brick. In Gojong year 13(1876) or year 25(1888), unique type of plaster with sand and coal and soil layered jeoksim were built that are not found in any other building types. Through this study, I learned that various construction types of jeoksim and material were developed in later Joseon compare to early Joseon. This states that construction technique of building foundation of palace has upgraded. Above all, I learned jeoksim types are all different for various kinds of buildings. This tells us that when they constructed foundation of building, they used pre-calculated construction technique.

• Geophysics and Geophysical Exploration
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• v.8 no.4
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• pp.262-269
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• 2005

Since the buried cultural relics are three-dimensional (3-D) objects in nature, 3-D survey is more preferable in archeological exploration. 3-D Ground Penetrating Radar (GPR) survey based on very dense data in principle, however, might need much higher cost and longer time of exploration than other geophysical methods commonly used for the archeological exploration, such as magnetic and electromagnetic methods. We developed a small-scale continuous data acquisition system which consists of two sets of GPR antennas and the precise positioning device tracking the moving-path of GPR antenna automatically and continuously. Since the high cost of field work may be partly attributed to establishing many profile lines, we adopted a concept of data acquisition at arbitrary locations not along the pre-established profile lines. Besides this hardware system, we also developed several software packages in order to effectively process and visualize the 3-D data obtained by the developed system and the data acquisition concept. Using the developed system, we performed 3-D GPR survey to investigate the possible historical remains of Baekje Kingdom at Buyeo city, South Korea, prior to the excavation. Owing to the newly devised system, we could obtain 3-D GPR data of this survey area having areal extent over about $17,000m^2$ within only six-hours field work. Although the GPR data were obtained at random locations not along the pre-established profile lines, we could obtain high-resolution 3-D images showing many distinctive anomalies, which could be interpreted as old agricultural lands, waterways, and artificial structures or remains. This cast: history led us to the conclusion that 3-D GPR method is very useful not only to examine a small anomalous area but also to investigate the wider region of the archeological interests.

• The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.105-137
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• 2009

International Civil Aviation Convention contracted in 1944 adopted International Standards and Recommended Practices(SARPs) as Annexes to Convention for safety and order of International Air Transport and each contracting State shall establish and amend the law on the basis of the SAPRs. However, Any State which find it impracticable to comply in all respects with any such SARPs, or which deems it necessary to adopt regulations or practices differing in any particular respect from those established by SARPs shall give immediate notification to the ICAO of the differences between its own practice and that established by the SARPs and ICAO publish these difference notices as a supplement to annexes. Korea and neighboring countries contracting States with International Civil Aviation Convention are accomplishing standardization of regulation on the basis of SARPs in each State. Air Law of each State need to study on the trait and differences for safety of frequent air transport services around the Korean Peninsula, However, because Korea and Neighboring countries have differences of Air Law by reason of cultural differences and circumstance of each State. Korea and Neighboring countries mean Republic of Korea, The People's Republic of China, Japan and The Domestic People's Republic of Korea and study on Air Law of each state in this study. One of purposes of this study is to analyze the history and organization of each state and then to review how establishing own air law affect air law of each state. Another purpose is to make comparative study on differences between own regulation in Korea and neighboring countries and SARPs and then to review how the differences notice of each state affect air law of each state.

• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.17 no.6
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• pp.347-359
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• 2016

People are destined to live according to the time and fate after they are born. Man is connected with the idea that is called the Chinese zodiac sign related to one out of 12 animals, regardless of one's thought. This paper was written with the expectation that it will be a new turning point understanding the mutual influence and its changing process by catching the ethnic belief and emotion as well as its cultural background in the Asian Zone by investigating the meaning of the 12 Chinese zodiac shown in the folk painting from the viewpoint of folk lore including "Chinese zodiac sign" culture rooted in our daily lives. The animal 'Rat' has been lived well human beings accompanied by the fable or the nature, while the animal 'Ox' has been living together with human history. The 'Tiger' has been considered the 'Power retreating disease or a devil' to humans, which is the most frightening but near at hand. The 'Rabbit' in the fable is inculcating hope and ideals to humans. The imaginary 'Dragon' is rooted in the deep national belief, which is seated as 'Guardian god' of farming culture and mankind, while the 'Snake' is playing a role in protecting humans as the 'Sea God' in Tsushima and Jeju Island, and has been believed and followed in the deep mind of humans. The 'Horse' in the nomad culture has been adorned as the basic creature of nomadic society in the character of a psychic medium between the human and god or their 'Guardian god'. The ancient Japanese regarded 'Monkey' as holy, being connected with treasure. It infers a human's desire to borrow wisdom from 'Monkey'. 'Chicken' includes the meaning of a lucky sign connecting the sky and the human world by arranging together with humans. The 'Dog' is believed and followed as performing the function of a messenger connecting this world with the afterlife in the next world tale of shamanism. The 'Pig' also lives well with humans, being interpreted as fecundity. Although the meaning of the 12 Chinese Zodiac animals has ethnic differences, all of them have been shared with humans, rooted in the human mind, being believed, and followed in human lives.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.33 no.2
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• pp.103-114
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• 2015

UNESCO and IUCN established the term of 'Sacred Natural Sites' (areas of land or water having special spiritual significance to peoples and communities) for conservation of biological and cultural diversity. Dangsan forest, a traditional village forests of rural Korea is a representative 'Sacred Natural Site' with a history of more than several hundred years of Dangsan ritual. The Chungmak village, Gyeokpo-ri, Buan-gun is a small seashore village. It is an important place that has the largest ancient maritime ritual sites in Korea. Buan-gun have been tried to register the 'Chungmak-dong Ritual Site' for the World Heritage List. However, the fact that this 'Chungmak-dong Ritual Site'(5~6 century, Baekje of the Three-kingdom period) was located in the Dangsan forest, surrounding the shrine, is not much understood. In this study, the landscape characteristics and culture of the sacred Dangsan forest at Gyeokpo-ri, including Gyeokpo-ri, Dae-ri, Naesosa temple Seokpo-ri, Buan-gun and Dongho-ri, Gochang-gun were investigated. And, the potential of registering for World Heritage, 'Protected Area of Sacred Natural Sites' by linking the four site's Dangsan forests has been investigated. The sacred Dangsan forests in the neighborhood of Gyeokpo-ri have kept their landscape characteristics and retained Dangsan ritual. As a result of SWOT analysis for sacred natural sites, WT(weakness-threat) strategy has chosen as priority strategy. The reason is that there is few management scheme. The Dangsan forests at the neighborhood of Gyeokpo-ri need to be recognized by people in Korea, for their valuable landscape characteristics. The places should be managed and protected to remain as a sacred natural sites in order to be prepared for a World Heritage.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.39
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• pp.113-123
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• 1998

This study focuses on the effects of the clothes worn by kisaeng; courtesans trained in singing and dancing, on changes in female psychology as reflected in general women's fashions during the later years of the Chosun dynasty. During this period, the social order had broken down considerable, due in part to the introduction of Roman Catholicism, and in part to the actions of Sil-hak, who emphasized open-ness and practicality in the organization of social affairs. This freer social environment disrup-ted the established social hierarchies. The kisaeng were among the first to respond to the new social mores by adopting more colorful, sensual, and individualized fashions. Their social position allowed them to reflect the new aesthetics of the time right away. Those aesthetics seemed to lay great emphasis on the artistic effects of contrast. The kisaeng would adorn their heads with large Kache (an elaborate wig or hairdo typically reserved for use by women in full formal dress). In contrast to this conspicuous hairstyle, they typically wore very tight-fitting Jogori (short-cropped Korean traditional jackets for women) around their upper torsos. The long skirts emerging from beneath these short jackets would typically flare out dramatically, with the aid of petticoats. However, these skirts would be bound at the waist with a sash, increasing the sexual suggestiveness of the clothing by drawing at-tention to the hips, and by exposing the bottom frills of the petticoats, or the wide pantal-oons and other undergarments the kisaeng wore to add volume to their skirts. The relative freedom enjoyed by the kisaeng to experiment with new fashions was not widely shared by most women. This generated envy from women of the noble classes, who were more bound by convention, and restrained from adopting such a mode of dress. It also generated envy from women of the humble classes, who saw the kisaeng as working little for their wealth, and yet dressing every day in finery that the average women would only ever be able to afford on her wedding day. This envy directed at the relative freedom/wealth of the kisaeng by women who faced greater socioeconomic constraints was given cultural expression through the adoption of elements of the kisaeng's fashion in the fashions of both noblewomen and humble women in old korea. The luxurious Kache sported by the kisaeng had in fact been borrowed from the habitual attire of upper-class women. So to distinguish themeselves from the kisaeng, they began to abandon these elaborate hairstyles in favor of traditional ceremonial hoods (Nel-ul-a thin black women's hood) and coronets (Suegaechima). This supposed reaction to the abuse of the Kache by the kisaeng still remained influenced by the kisaeng still remained influence by the kisaeng, however, as these headdresses became adorned with many more jewels and decorations, in imitation of the kisaeng's adaptations of the coronet. At the same time, noblewomen began sporting the Jangwue ; a headdress previously worn only by kisaeng and lower class women, and lower class women were then permitted to wear the Kache at weddings. All women behan to wear shorter, tighter Jogori jackets, and to add volume to their skirts. They also attached frills to their under-garments in imitation of the kisaeng's exposed petticoats and pantaloons. The impact of kisaeng fashions was thus deep and widespread, and can be understood as an expression of women's longing for freedom from socioeconomic constraints in the late Chosun dynasty. This study adopts an interdisciplinary ap-proach to the understanding of historical changes in women's fashions. Such interdisciplinary work can greatly enrich the study of fashion, often narrowly focused on clothing morphology and broad generalizations about society. For this reason, specific dynamics of feminine psychology in the late Chosun dynasty were elaborated in this study, to provide a deeper under-standing of the changes in fashion underpinned by them. If more such detailed analyses are undertaken, a whole new understanding of changes in fashion can be generated, and perhaps a transformation of the field of fashion history can be ultimately achieved.

• Archives of design research
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• v.17 no.2
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• pp.311-322
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• 2004

The purpose of this study is to ascertain pattern design element in traditional palaces among those in the neighboring three nations of East Asia, notably Korea, China and Japan. The basic assumption underlying this study is that these northeastern Asian states have been developed a unique inter-cultural ties over long periods of time in history, culminating in their respective design cultures. Undoubtly the ultimate goal to be pursued, by so doing, has to be inquiry into the identical prototype of Korean pattern design element. In the West, the pattern is appreciated by an aesthetic level, but the East Asian pattern is a symbolic alphabet deeply rooted in religious and folk beliefs. The difference of the respective country comes from the expression style of the pattern the Chinese express the magnificent pattern with various color, the Korean do the moderate pattern with harmonious color with the nature and the Japanese do the stylized pattern with the material color. To sum up similarities and dissimilarities among the design element in traditional palaces of Korea, China, and Japan is as the following : It is to be noticed that the mainly common characteristics of the artistic design are 'naturalism', 'harmonious ideas 'and 'confucianism'. But the representation style of the design element is differed from the country.