• Title/Summary/Keyword: Cultivated Area

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Dataset of Long-term Investigation on Change in Hydrology, Channel Morphology, Landscape and Vegetation Along the Naeseong Stream (II) (내성천의 수문, 하도 형태, 경관 및 식생 특성에 관한 장기모니터링 자료 (II))

  • Lee, Chanjoo;Kim, Dong Gu;Hwang, Seung-Yong;Kim, Yongjeon;Jeong, Sangjun;Kim, Sinae;Cho, Hyeongjin
    • Ecology and Resilient Infrastructure
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    • v.6 no.1
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    • pp.34-48
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    • 2019
  • Naeseong Stream is a natural sand-bed river that flows through mountainous and cultivated area in northern part of Gyeongbuk province. It had maintained its inherent landscape characterized by white sandbars before 2010s. However, since then changes occurred, which include construction of Yeongju Dam and the extensive vegetation development around 2015. In this study, long-term monitoring was carried out on Naeseong Stream to analyze these changes objectively. This paper aims to provide a dataset of the investigation on channel morphology and vegetation for the period 2012-2018. Methods of investigation include drone/terrestrial photography, LiDAR aerial survey and on-site fieldwork. The main findings are as follows. Vegetation development in the channel of Naeseong Stream began around 1987. Before 2013 it occurred along the downstream reach and since then in the entire reach. Some of the sites where riverbed is covered with vegetation during 2014~2015 were rejuvenated to bare bars due to the floods afterwards, but woody vegetation was established in many sites. Bed changes occurred due to deposition of sediment on the vegetated surfaces. Though Naeseong Stream has maintained its substantial sand-bed characteristics, there has been a slight tendency in bed material coarsening. Riverbed degradation at the thalweg was observed in the surveyed cross sections. Considering all the results together with the hydrological characteristics mentioned in the precedent paper (I), it is thought that the change in vegetation and landscape along Naeseong Stream was mainly due to decrease of flow. The effect of Yeongju Dam on the change of the riverbed degradation was briefly discussed as well.

Development of Perilla frutescens with Low Levels of Alpha-Linolenic Acid by Inhibition of a delta 15 desaturase Gene (Delta 15 desaturase 유전자 억제에 의해 알파리놀렌산 함량이 낮은 들깨 육성)

  • Kim, Kyung-Hwan;Lee, Kyeong-Ryeol;Kim, Jung-Bong;Lee, Myoung Hee;Lee, Eungyeong;Kim, Nyunhee;Lee, Hongseok;Kim, Song Lim;Baek, JeongHo;Choi, Inchan;Ji, Hyeonso
    • Korean Journal of Breeding Science
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    • v.50 no.4
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    • pp.463-471
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    • 2018
  • Perilla is an oilseed crop cultivated in Korea since ancient times. Due to the high ${\alpha}-linolenic$ acid content in perilla, perilla seed oil can easily become rancid. ${\alpha}-Linolenic$ acid is synthesized by two enzymes, endoplasmic reticulum-localized ${\Delta}15$ desaturase (FAD3) and chloroplast-localized ${\Delta}15$ desaturase (FAD7) in vivo. In order to lower the ${\alpha}-linolenic$ acid content of the seed oil without disturbing plant growth, we tried to suppress the expression of only the FAD3 gene using RNA interference, whilst maintaining the expression of the FAD7 gene. Seventeen transgenic plants with herbicide ($Basta^{TM}$) resistance were obtained by Agrobacterium-mediated transformation using hypocotyls of perilla plants. The transgenic plants were firstly confirmed by treatment with 0.3% (v/v) $Basta^{TM}$ herbicide, and the expression of FAD3 was measured by Northern blot analysis. The ${\alpha}-linolenic$ acid content was 10-20%, 30-40%, and 60% in two, seven, and three of the twelve $T_1$ transgenic perilla plants which had enough seeds to be analyzed for fatty acid composition, respectively. Analysis of the fatty acid composition of $T_2$ progeny seeds from $T_1$ plants with the lowest ${\alpha}-linolenic$ acid content showed that the homozygous lines had 6-10% ${\alpha}-linolenic$ acid content and the heterozygous lines had 20-26% ${\alpha}-linolenic$ acid content. It is expected that the reduction in ${\alpha}-linolenic$ acid content in perilla seed oil will prevent rancidity and can be utilized for the production of high-value functional ingredients such as high ${\gamma}-linolenic$ acid.

Selection of Rice Varieties for Production of High Quality Rice in Southern Area of Korea (남부 주요 지역별 고품질 쌀 생산을 위한 적정 품종 선발)

  • Seong, Deok-Gyeong;Jin, Young-Min;Kim, Young-Gwang;Joung, Wan-Kyu;Kim, Cheol Soo;Chung, Jung-Sung
    • Journal of agriculture & life science
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    • v.53 no.2
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    • pp.87-95
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    • 2019
  • This study was carried out to select the rice variety for high quality rice according to reducing N application level (7 kg/10 a) in medium altitude and plain of southern Korea. It was cultivated to seven varieties and ten varieties in medium altitude and plain region respectively in this study. In medium altitude region, the yield of head rice was higher in most varieties except for Borami (526 kg/10 a) than the control variety, Chucheongbyeo (533 kg/10 a). On the other hand, Borami, Gopumbyeo, and onnuri were lower in head rice rate than the other varieties. In addition, Borami and Chucheongbyeo shown a lodging risk but the other varieties were safe against lodging. The milled rice protein content of Chucheongbyeo was 6.1% and the other varieties protein content was similar or lower than that of control except for Borami(6.3%). In plain region, the head rice yield of Nampyeongbyeo (527 kg/10 a) was higher than that of control variety, Ilmibyeo (503 kg/10 a). Head rice rate was lower in Hopumbyoe, Sindongjin, and Chilbobyeo than the other varieties. The varieties contained lower protein content compared Ilmibyeo (6.1%) were Hopumbyeo (5.9%), Jinsumi (6.0%), Sindongjin (5.9%), Chilbobyeo (6.0%), Hwangeumnodeul (5.8%), Hopyeongbyeo (6.0%). Amylose content, whiteness, and palatability (Toyo value) were no significant difference among varieties in two different regions. In conclusion, considering head rice rate, yield of head rice, protein content, lodging resistance, ripening rate and palatability, Pungmi1ho, Saenuri, Chilbobyeo in medium altitude region and Jinsumi, Hwanggumnodul in plain region were selected as proper rice varieties for high quality rice production in southern Korea.

Developing Content System for Home Economics Curriculum in Connection with Education for Sustainable Development(ESD): Focusing on the 'Life Environment and Sustainable Choice' Area (지속가능발전교육(ESD)을 연계한 가정과 교육과정의 내용체계 개발: '생활환경과 지속가능한 선택' 영역)

  • Yoon, So Hee;Sohn, Sang-Hee;Lee, Soo-Hee
    • Journal of Korean Home Economics Education Association
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    • v.35 no.2
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    • pp.145-161
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    • 2023
  • The purpose of this study is to develop a content system for the home economics curriculum that integrates Education for Sustainable Development(ESD) and provides basic material for ESD implementation in schools. In view of this, the content elements of the revised home economics curriculum for 2022 were analyzed, and a content system for the home economics curriculum, linked to ESD, was proposed based on the implications drawn from the analysis. The results are as follows. First, the three components of competencies, namely knowledge, values, and skills, were organized equally as a whole. However, the association between the content elements and key competencies in sustainability was found to be insufficient. Consequently, it is proposed that key competencies in sustainability should be cultivated integrally. Second, no content element was identified that can promote social participation. Therefore, it is proposed that solutions should be dealt with at the level of social participation. Third, the connection with Sustainable Development Goals(SDGs) was observed in only six of the 28 content elements. Wherever relevant, it is proposed to incorporate key issues related to SDGs. Fourth, the analysis confirmed that only the environmental dimension of sustainable development was considered. Therefore, it is proposed to pursue coexistence based on temporal and spatial relationship and consider the dimensions of environment, society, and economy in an integrated manner.

Effects of the Double Cropping System on Wheat Quality and Soil Properties (밀-하작물 작부체계가 밀 품질 및 토양에 미치는 영향)

  • Jisu Choi;Seong Hwan Oh;Seo Young Oh;Tae Hee Kim;Sung Hoon Kim;Hyeonjin Park;Jin-Kyung Cha
    • KOREAN JOURNAL OF CROP SCIENCE
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    • v.68 no.4
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    • pp.335-342
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    • 2023
  • To achieve self-sufficiency in domestic wheat (Triticum aestivum L.), an increase in high-quality wheat production is essential. Given Korea's limited land area, the utilization of cropping systems is imperative. Wheat is compatible with a double cropping system along with rice, soybeans, and corn. Data on alterations in wheat quality following summer crop cultivation is required. This study investigated the impact of cultivating preceding crops such as rice, soybeans, and corn in a wheat cropping system. The analysis focused on the influence of these preceding crops on wheat growth, quality, and soil characteristics, elucidating their interrelationships and impacts. While there were no differences in growth timing and quantity during wheat growth, a significant variance was observed in stem length. Protein content, a key quality attribute of wheat, displayed variations based on the intercropped crops, with the highest increase observed in wheat cultivated after soybeans. Soil moisture content also exhibited variations depending on the intercropping system. The wheat-rice intercropping system, which requires soil moisture retention, resulted in greater pore space saturation in comparison to other systems. Moreover, soil chemical properties, specifically phosphorus and calcium levels, were influenced by intercropping. The highest reduction in soil phosphorus content occurred with soybean cultivation. These findings suggest that intercropping wheat with soybeans can potentially enhance wheat quality in domestic varieties.

A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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The Abolition Type and The Regional Characteristics of The Elementary Schools in Chungbuk Province (忠淸北道의 國民學校 廢校類型과 그 地域的 特性)

  • ;Chae, Son-Ha
    • Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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    • v.29 no.1
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    • pp.84-104
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    • 1994
  • The migration of population into the city has been on the increase according as Korea has been industrialized repidly since the 1960's. And there is a steady decrease in rural population. Thus lack of the number of the students forced many elementary Schools to be abolished. The aim of this study is to grasp the abolition types and the regional characteristics with the subject region of Chungbuk province. From the viewpoint of the increasing abolition of the elementary schools, I think it is very important to understand how the elementary schools have been abolished so far and predict how the subject region will have been changed in geography. Data for this study are based on Annual Establishment-Abolition Situation of the Schools published by Chungbuk office of Education in 1992, and many Kinds of the statistical reports, and the interview with the related. The results are as follows: 1. By examining the change of the number of the elementary schools and students in Chnugbuk, the numder of the students had also decreased since 1969 and was less than the half in 1990. As the number of the schools began to decrease ten years later than the students began to, the abolition of the elementary schools has started in reality from 1980's. 2. The 72 elementary schools were aboilshed between 1980 and 1992: the principal school is 9.7%, the branch school is 90.3%. The most fifteen schools are abolished in Yongdong-county and Chechon-county, and the least one school is abolished in Chechon-city and Okchon-county, and there is no abolition in Chongju-city and Chungju-city: According to the type of the abolition process, the least seven principal schools are abolished, and the principal school is reorganized as a branch school and twenty eight branch schools are abolished, and the most thirty seven branch schools are abolished. 3. When special change of the abolition is classified into the first perio (1980-1986) and the second period (1987-1992), in the first period the principal and branch schools were abolished and they are 13.9% of total abolition. The abolition out of them by building a dam is 60%. The principal schools in the submerged area though they have many students, were abolished. In the second period sixty two branch schools are abolished and they are 86.1% of total abolition. The most fifteen schools are abolished in Yongdong-county, thirteen in Chechon-county, seven in Tanyang-county, six in Chongwon-county, five in Chungwon-county and Koesan-county. Unlike the first period, the schools were abolished in this period because the number of students was so small. In this period sixty branch schools were abolished. All the students in the abolished schools except six schools transfered to the principal schools. The 58 school authorities help the students attend school by bus or support the expenses for attending school after that. 4. The abolition types of city, county and myon are classified into five types by the number of the abolished schools. The most forty nine abolished schools in type II are 68.1 of the total abolition. The least three abolished ones in type I are 12.5%. Considering the relation between the abolition type ane the number of schools and students, the number of the schools, increased in type I, II, III, V except IV from 1980 and then have decreased by abolition since 1980, while the more students decreased than they did in 1970 and the more the abolished school increases, the less the students decreases. The average students per school decreased in every abolition type and the most students decreased in type IV. 5. Considering the relation between the abolition type and the regional characteristics, most abolished schools were located between 100m and 300m above the sea level and it is 71% of the total abolition. The region without the abolition is high in the ratio of the cultivate land, ratio of rice field, and the part-time farmer, but the region with many abolition is low in the ratio of cultivated land. As for the manufacturing there are the most city, county and myon in the abolition type in Youngdong-county and Chechon-county where the manufacturing ratio of employing is low but Chongju-city without the abolition is a region where the manufacturing ratio is high. Consequently the development of the manufacturing causes the population to emigation out and the decrease of the population leads the transport is difficult of access, the facilities sold after being abolished are not being used in many ways. 7. Take an example of Youndong-county where the most schools were abolished, I have examined the school district and the population characteristics of the abolition. Though there were more villages, households, populations in the region that is higher than low above the sea level, the schools were abolished. Therefore we know that above the sea level had a great effect on the abolition. As a result of the regional analysis of the abolition, many schools were abolished by the artificial buildings such as a dam in the early 1980's but the schools in the late 1980's were abolished ten years later after the students decreased. More schools were abolished in the region where the manufacturing industry didn't develop. And the higher the school position was above the sea level, the sooner the school was abolished. It is also proved that both the beautiful natural scenery and accessibility are the important factor in using the abolished facilities practically.

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Rural Migration and Changes of Agricultural Population (농민이촌(農民離村)과 농업인구(農業人口)의 변화(變化))

  • Wu, Tsong-Shien;Kim, Kuong-Ho
    • Korean Journal of Agricultural Science
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    • v.1 no.1
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    • pp.91-116
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    • 1974
  • Taiwan agricultural development in the last decade has not been changed much since the accomplishment of land reform program. This is mainly due to the rapid development taken place within industry that agricultural development can not keep pace with. The increasing gap of rural-urban income discrepancy has caused socio-psychological unstability among rural people and inspire wants of out-migration. From 1961 to 1970, population of the ten largest cities showed an annual growth rate of 4.05%, while the population of the remainder of Taiwan showed 2.06%. Assuming the natural increase rate of these two population sections are similar, the difference of rural and urban annual growth rate can be at tributed to the flow of people from rural to urban sectors. The main objective of this paper is to identify the amount of agricultural out-migration and its impact on agricultural development and agricultural extension programs. Specifically, the objectives are to examine (1) rural-urban population composition (2) rural out-migration estimation (3) changes of agricultural population, and (4) implications for agricultural development and extension programs Some of the important findings are listed below; (1) The average agricultural out migration of the period 1960-1969 is estimated at around 60,000 per year. Take Tainan prefecture for example, the Male-Female Migration Ratio is 0.39 for age 20-24, 0.55 for age 25-29, 0.90 for 30-34. It is understood between age 20 and 34, the rural female migration rate is higher than the rural male. (2) Based on the population growth rate of 1950-1969, agricultural population is projected for the period of 1953 to 1989. By 1978, the agricultural population will reach its peak and begin to dedaine from 1980. The projected agricultural population in 1989 is 5,847,566 which occupies 29% of the Taiwan total population. (3) Assuming area of cultivated land keep unchanged as 905,263 ha. in 1970, and tif we can eliminate all 72% of part-time farms, then the average farm acreage for hose full-time farms will be increased to 3.6 hactares. This is unlikely to happen before 1989 without the government interference. (4) Less than 10% of adult farmer s of age 25-64 in 1969 enrolled in Farm Discussion Club, only 5% of adult farm women enrolled in Home Economics Club, and 5% of rural youth enrolled in 4-H Club. These statistics show a fact that only few farmers are reached by extension workers. Based on findings in this paper, some important suggestions are listed for future agricultural development. (1) Improve agricultural structure by decreasing agricultural population (a) Encourage farmers with less than 0.5 ha. of land to seek jobs outside of agriculture (b) Encourage joint cultivation and farm mechanization (c) Discourage rural migrants to Keep farm land (d) Provide occupational guidance program through extension education programs (2) Establish future farmers settlement project to assure rural youth have enough resources for farming. (3) An optimum Population policy should be integrated into rural socio-economic development and national development programs.

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A Study on the Ideal Leadership whole person of Confucian philosophy (유가(儒家)의 전인적(全人的) 지도자상(指導者像) 고찰(考察))

  • Kim, Kyeong-Mi
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.62
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    • pp.145-176
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    • 2016
  • This paper aims to define the leadership of Gunja (君子, translated into prince, gentleman, or ideal man) based on Confucian Classics which offer the general values and norms of individuals' virtue and social virtuous acts. Thus, humanitarianism is regarded as true value, and the values of a virtuous person who properly practices social human relationships are discussed. The real worth of Gunja image is discussed as a true human image of "self-completion and completion of all things" (成己成物) which involves the convergence of truth, good and beauty where there is a sense of harmony and balance, where there is stern self discipline and self cultivation and where win-win values of human relationships are created. Confucian saint (聖人), wise man (賢人), great man (大人), and gentleman (君子) mean social leaders. They practice human morals, enlighten and beautify society with teachings, and are indicated as equipped with mental and material harmony, good character and competence, and economic power and morality. People today pursue their own personal growth according to their material preferences rather than pure intellectual cultural values, and are engrossed in visually beautiful external unlimited competition. In this digital age, we are supposed to demonstrate our individuality, but many people are obsessed with appearance, go on severe diet, and lose their health beauty, and consequently suffer mental stress. This trend fuels obsession with appearance and the sick practice of valuing appearance. As an alternative method to overcome this phenomenon, we need a leader image with the convergence of truth, good and beauty, which is characterized by internal self cultivation, external professionalism, and handsome and solid character. Confucian thoughts consist in practicing the Way of disciplining oneself for governing others (修己治人). Self discipline involves developing personal virtuous ability for cultivating a virtuous character, and governing others involves interacting to work together in society and to have right human relationships. Thus, leaders should impress not only themselves but also others. Self discipline for governing others means cultivating virtue for oneself and leading others. A true leader has self introspection and establishes himself through self discipline so that he can govern others or reach the realm of settling others where people live together. As all things have a value and a virtue, humans endeavor to cultivate character and virtue by learning and studying for securing their professionalism, reliability, character and ability, so as to create their own brand value. Personal character does not come from a high position, wealth and power. Character is a personal virtue, and is cultivated as immaculate and fresh through self discipline. As such, it well matches with a clean and clear spirit. This offers the ideal leader as the Guja image who has an extremely humane character, as well as being equipped with inherent virtues of intellect, benevolence and courage. Self development can foster virtue and self management through self leadership and self discipline. The leader in the relationship area can practice his virtue through virtuous acts, in other words, even think from another person's perspective. Such leader is mentioned as the principle of measuring square in the Great Learning. In our viewpoint, the beauty of character can breed the seed of virtue through intellect, benevolence and courage, the beauty of win-win can realize the right virtue by showing exemplary acts to others through considerateness, and the beauty of harmony can love and care for others like me through the principle of measuring square, thereby realizing the universal principle of virtue and harmony, which is like my mind. As such, the ideal leader, when his virtue and mind of being considerate of others all blending well, can exercise his ability to the full, can live together and coexist with many people, and can grow again into a triumphant relationship.

The View of Life and Death in Jeon-gyeong (『전경』에 나타난 대순사상의 생사관)

  • Cheng, Chihming
    • Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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    • v.27
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    • pp.79-132
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    • 2016
  • The view of life and death in Daesoonjinrihoe includes all the gods of Heaven and Earth, and the human heart is taken as the foundational key. Practitioners can realize their value according to how much they have cultivated themselves. This is regarded as the mythical use of a singularly focused mind (full dedication of one's heart). In other words, it focuses on the potentiality of humans who are able to enter a transcendental area of divinity through their self-cultivation. This view of life and death in Daesoonjinrihoe was established by the religious mission known as "Samgye Gongsa (the Reordering of Three Realms of Heaven, Earth, and Humanity)." Samgye Gongsa indicated a new opening of the Three Realms of Heaven, Earth, and Humanity. This new opening is a return to the original principle of Heavenly operation and also a new order for the universe. Heaven and Earth have their own underlying principle by which they operate. This act was directly initiated and manifested from Dao. Daesoonjinrihoe diagnoses that the underlying principle by which Heaven operates was damaged by human misconduct, and as a result, the human observance of that principle fell out of common usage. Therefore, Daesoonjinrihoe gives priority to the reestablishment of Dao as it existed originally and tries to bring about reconciliation between Heaven and Earth and Humanity. In short, it resolves the grievances accrued since time immemorial by correcting the order of Sindo (Divine Law). Furthermore, it shows that the Dao of Sangsaeng (mutual beneficence) was created by reordering the arrangement of Heaven and Earth so that human beings and divine beings could reach a state of perfection through self-realization. Humans not only communicate with Heaven and Earth, but also communicate with divine beings. Divine beings are transcendent living beings capable of communicating with humans through their heart-minds. In Daesoon thought, human beings are not swayed by the power of divine beings, but instead are able to control divine beings through the transcendent power of their heart-minds. Given this view, the aim of Daesoonjinrihoe lies in participating in the harmony of Heaven and Earth through the cultivation of the human heart. Also, it sees that the human heart-mind can be united with the universal Dao, and thus it is able to be united with the deities of Heaven and Earth. In order to actualize this, one does not rely on exterior rituals or magic but has to focus instead on cultivating the moral ethics of the heart-mind to reach perfection. In other words, one can reach a transcendent level in one's heart-mind through the cultivation of a singularly focused mind and be free from the contradiction of life and death and other such torments. Life and death is an inevitable process for humans. So they do not have to be happy for life and sad for death. They can rather be free from the fear of death by fulfilling the energetic zenith of the human heart-mind via training themselves to transcend their physical bodies. No aging and no death is not a pursuit of radical longevity or immortality for the physical body, but rather a pursuit of the essence of life and the realization of eternity on a spiritual level. Daesoonjinrihoe pursues the state of being unified with Dao by developing "Jeong·Gi·Sin (精·氣·神 the internal energies of essence, pneuma, and spirit)" and trying to reach the transcendent state of non-aging and radical longevity by spurring the practice of self-realization and the discovery one's own innate nature. Through the practice of human ethics, they can access the creative functions of Heaven and Earth and become one with Heavenly Dao thereby achieving harmony between temporal existence and eternity. In this way, humans transcend the life and death of their physical bodies. When "Doins (trainees of Dao)" reach the true state of unification with Dao through singularly focused cultivation, they not only realize self perfection as human beings, but also enable themselves the means to do away with all disasters and forms of suffering. They thereby attain ultimate happiness in their lives.