• Journal of the Korean earth science society
• /
• v.42 no.3
• /
• pp.311-324
• /
• 2021

Recently, ten geosites have been considered in Hwaseong for endorsement as national geoparks, including the Jebudo, Gojeongri Dinosaur Egg Fossils, and Ueumdo geosites. The Jebudo geosite in the southern part of the Seoul metropolitan area has great potential for development as a new geoscience educational site because it has geological, geographical (landscape), and ecological significance. In this study, we described the geological characteristics through field surveys in the Jebudo geosite. We evaluated its potential as a geo-education site based on comparative analysis with other geosites in Hwaseong Geopark. In addition, we reviewed the practical effect of field education at geosites on the essential concepts and critical competence-oriented education emphasized in the current 2015 revised science curriculum. The Jebudo Geosite is geologically diverse, with various metamorphic rocks belonging to the Precambrian Seosan Group, such as quartzite, schist, and phyllite. Various geological structures, such as clastic dikes, faults, joints, foliation, and schistosity have also been recorded. Moreover, coastal geological features have been observed, including depositional landforms (gravel and sand beaches, dunes, and mudflats), sedimentary structures (ripples), erosional landforms (sea cliffs, sea caves, and sea stacks), and sea parting. The Jebudo geosite has considerable value as a new geo-education site with geological and geomorphological distinction from the Gojeongri Dinosaur Egg Fossils and Ueumdo geosites. The Jebudo geosite also has opportunities for geo-education and geo-tourism, such as mudflat experiences and infrastructures, such as coastal trails and viewing points. This geosite can help develop diverse geo-education programs that improve key competencies in the science curriculum, such as critical thinking, inquiry, and problem-solving. Furthermore, by conducting optimized geo-education focused on the characteristics of each geosite, the following can be established: (1) the expansion of learning space from school to geopark, (2) the improvement of understanding of specific content elements and linkage between essential concepts, and (3) the extension of the education scope throughout the earth system. There will be positive impacts on communication, participation, and lifelong learning skills through geopark education.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.49 no.2
• /
• pp.142-157
• /
• 2016

In 2008, the oldest wooden tablets, in the Baekje area, were uncovered from the Bogam-ri site in Naju. This paper defines wooden tablets to as objects with inking inscriptions. Of 65 wooden tablets contained in the excavation report of this site, this paper examines the meanings of 13 tablets with inscriptions written in ink by comparing them with other tablets found in the Baekje area. All tablets were unearthed from Pit Feature No. 1, a large-scale feature, at this site. Vertical stratigraphy of the feature is divided into 43 layers; but it seems that it does not reflect the chronological order, since unearthed artefacts, including wooden tablets, pottery, and roof tiles, turned out to be produced at the same age. Wooden tablets were not found in other features, and intentionally buried in this feature. Typological characteristics of wooden tablets indicate that the pit was the secondary refuse place. The inscription of the wooden tablets labeled 'gyeongonyeon(庚午年)' and the radiocarbon dates of them indicate that these tablets were created in the early 7th century AD, centered in 610 AD. On the basis of contents and typological characteristics, these are classified into six documents, six tags, and one tablet for other purpose. Total 89 pieces of wooden tablets have been unearthed in the Baekje area. Except tablets found in Naju and Geumsan, all have been collected in palaces, royal gardens, and temples inside and outside of the Sabi Capital. The significant wooden tablets of Baekje, which can be compared with tablets from Bogam-ri, were unearthed at from the Gwanbuk-ri site, the Gungnamji site, and the Ssangbuk-ri 280-5 site. Comparative studies on wooden tablets have revealed that the place name during the Wungjin Commandery Period, the status marking method standardized in the order of place name, official rank and person's name, the fact that Baekje operated the system of prefecture(郡), and Bogam-ri was one of the places where prefecture was established, and the evidence of family register system. Wooden tablets at Bogam-ri record the documented date (610 AD), the documented place (Duhilseong where the prefecture established), and the writers (advisors and staffs of the prefecture). The recorded contents of them are invaluable data showing the local administrative system of Baekje, such as the status marking method, the means of description, the family-register system, and the land surveying system.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.47 no.1
• /
• pp.102-115
• /
• 2014

The stamped earth method is a typical ancient engineering technique which consists of in-filling wooden frame with layers of stamped earth or sand. This method has been universally used to construct earthen walls and buildings, etc. The purpose of this article is to understand the construction method and principles of the stamped earthen wall through analysis of various construction techniques of Pungnaptoseong Fortress(Earthen Fortification in Pungnap-dong). First of all, the ground was leveled and the foundations for the construction of the earthen wall were laid. The underground foundation of the earthen walls was usually constructed by digging into the ground and then in-filling this space with layers of mud clay. Occasionally wooden posts or paving stones which may have been used to reinforce the soft ground were driven in. The method of adding layers of stamped earth at an oblique angle to either side of a central wall is the most characteristic feature of Pungnaptoseong Fortress. Even though the traces of fixing posts, boards, and the hardening of earth - all signatures of the stamped earth technique - have not been identified, evidence of a wooden frame has been found. It has also been observed that this section was constructed by including layers of mud clay and organic remains such as leaves and twigs in order to strengthen the adhesiveness of the structures. The outer part of the central wall was constructed by the anti-slope stamped earth technique to protect central wall. In addition a final layer of paved stones was added to the upper part of the wall. These stone layers and the stone wall were constructed in order to prevent the loss of the earthen wall and to discharge and drain water. Meanwhile, the technique of cementing with fire was used to control damp and remove water in stamped earth. It can not be said at present that the stamped earth method has been confirmed as the typical construction method of Korean ancient earthen walls. If we make a comparative study of the evidence of the stamped earth technique at Pungnaptoseong Fortress with other archeological sites, progress will be made in the investigation of the construction method and principles of stamped earthen wall.

• Journal of the Korean Geotechnical Society
• /
• v.35 no.8
• /
• pp.43-56
• /
• 2019

This research has been conducted to suggest an estimation equation of compression index to be practically applied to the southeastern areas by finding out physical and mechanical characteristics of 229 points on the southeastern coast areas (Busan area: 78 points, Gimhae area: 103 points, Geoje area: 18 points, Changwon area: 30 points) through indoor tests and analyzing its relation to the compression index. From the results, we could not only find out correlation between natural water content, liquid limit and initial void ratio versus compression index for soft ground on each of the southeastern coast areas, but also an integrated correlation equation of the southeastern coast areas. In addition, we have performed a comparative analysis of the existing estimated equation of compression index and that found in this paper. As a result, the existing estimated equation suggested by foreign researchers has shown considerable error to be applied to the soft ground on the southeastern coast areas in Korea. The estimated equation of compression index with the water content out of the existing estimated equations has shown minimum 10.8% to maximum 48.1% of error rate, minimum 13.4% to maximum 288.5% of error rate with liquid limit or minimum 9.4% to maximum 211.4% of error rate with initial void ratio. On the other hand, error rates calculated with the estimated equations of compression index from this research have shown minimum 10.5% to maximum 13.4% with water content, minimum 11.6% to maximum 21.3 with liquid limit or minimum 7.1% to maximum 11.7% with initial void ratio, for better results than those with existing estimated equations. In addition, relation between compression index and expansion index has shown Cs = (1/5 ~ 1/12)Cc similar to the existing relation of Cs = (1/5 ~ 1/10)Cc.

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
• /
• v.24 no.2
• /
• pp.95-136
• /
• 2018

As the number of precariats grows, their poor labor rights and working conditions are becoming issues of major concern all over the world but how to represent their interests is still controversial. Basically, the union is the institutional mechanism for representing the labor rights. However, it is difficult for workplaceand enterprise-based unions to fully represent the labor rights of precarious workers. Recently, so-called community unions have emerged in the United States, the United Kingdom, and Japan as independent organizations representing the rights of non-standard workers. Community unions refer to labor unions which organize precarious workers across firms at the regional level. They are known to be suitable for covering the unemployed, job seekers, indirect employment workers, short-term contract workers, and small-firm workers. In South Korea, since the financial crisis in 1997, a dramatic increase in the number of precariats leads to emergence of new types of trade unions such as the Youth Community Union, the Arbeit Workers' Union, the Artist Social Union and the Korea Musician's Union. They have engaged in various activities to guarantee the labor rights of precariats. Recently, researchers have also tried to identify defining characteristics of these new forms of unionism. To expand research on trade unionism in South Korea, this study compares two different types of community unions: the Youth Community Union and the Arbeit Workers' Union. We believe that this attempt can contribute to the research on the alternative labor movement. For this purpose, this study starts with theoretical discussions on community unions, and compares the Youth Community Union with the Arbeit Workers' Union based on the five characteristics of community unionism: membership and organization structure, the recognition struggle, the type or scope of interest, solidarity with other civic organizations, and the repertoire of resistance strategies. Based on this comparative analysis, this study seeks to foresee the possibility of how community unionism will develop in South Korean in the future.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.42 no.4
• /
• pp.152-171
• /
• 2009

The Dancheong(丹靑) of the main building of Mihwangsa Buddhist Temple(美黃寺) in Haenam(海南) is the leading work of the Jeolla Dancheong style, which was created in the 18th century and has been passed down to the early modern days, and boasts its excellence and originality. On the outside, one can only see the traces of the Dancheong due to the colors that fell off and deteriorated severely. On the inside, however, the general Dancheong pattern is accompanied by the painting of 1,000 Buddhas(千佛圖), which is hardly found in other Buddhist temples, and the Arahan painting, which is truly magnificent in technique and can pass as an independent painting. The Dancheong also has unique methodological characteristics that can't be found in other Dancheong works such as the painting and attaching technique. The Dancheong inside is estimated to have been created in 1754 considering the records of "Dalmasan Mihwangsasa Daebeopdang Jungsusangryangmun(達摩山美黃寺大法堂重修上樑文)", the calligraphical writings of "Mudeungsanindanhwakya(無等山人丹?也)"and "Geonryungshipgu(乾隆十九)" left in the Jungryang, and the style characteristics reflected in the Dancheong patterns and the painting of 1,000 Buddhas. The fact that there are no traces of re-Dancheong also supports the estimation that the Dancheong was created in the absolute age of 1754. The absolute age will be the reference of deciding the chronological years of Dancheong patterns and be helpful in examining the characteristics and changes by the periods. There were certain style characteristics in Dancheong by the periods and regions. The Dancheong of Jeolla region also had its own style, which includes the tendency of finishing with two- or three-fold green belts without giving meokdanggi to the meoricho and the huge jar decoration of huigol. Treating the baetbadak of all materials, whether it's Geumdancheong or morodancheong, with lines of certain thickness and colors is another style of Jeolla Dancheong from the 18th to the 20th century. The Dancheong of the Geukrakbojeon(極樂寶殿) of Cheoneunsa Buddhist Temple and Daewoongbojeon(大雄寶殿) of Naesosa Buddhist Temple in Jeolla is especially noteworthy in that it bears similar patterns and techniques to that of the main building of Mihwangsa Buddhist Temple in addition to the characteristics mentioned above. The Dancheong of Mihwangsa Buddhist Temple must have exerted so great influences on that of the two temples that it's called "the style of Mihwangsa Buddhist Temple."When adopting a broader point of view, it can be classified as one of the Dancheong styles of Jeolla. The common icons and techniques found in the Dancheong of Mihwangsa, Cheoneunsa, and Naesosa Buddhist Temple provide some clues about the influential relationships among painters of the days. They may have been created by the painters of the same school or the painters affected by those who created the Dancheong of Mihwangsa Buddhist Temple.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.42 no.4
• /
• pp.112-131
• /
• 2009

The Trikaya Banner Painting in the Suta-sa Temple at Hongcheon-gun, Gangwon-do draws attention as it was painted not on flax but on paper, and used the water color painting technique on the sketch rather than the deep color painting technique, which is most common in Buddhist paintings created during the Chosun Dynasty. Nevertheless, there is not any information on the creation of the Trikaya Banner Painting in the painting record on the painting, in Sutasasajeok(壽陀寺史蹟), or in Sutasagogirok(壽陀寺古記錄), so it is uncertain when the painting was created. Furthermore, because it was not drawn by the deep color painting technique, it has been difficult to compare it with other banner paintings. For these reasons, the Trikaya Banner Painting has been studied little except brief introduction. In recent preservation treatment that removed multiple-layered paper from the back of the painting, however, an inked inscription written on Korean paper 118cm high and 87.5cm wide was discovered on the back. It is a kind of placard notifying a number of acts prohibited in order to follow Buddha's teachings correctly, and was found to have been written on April 15, 1690. The inked inscription is a very valuable material for estimating the creation date of the Suta-sa Trikaya Banner Painting, and provides crucial clues for approaching the contents and nature of the painting more precisely. When the image, form, and style of the Suta-sa Trikaya Banner Painting were examined and its creation date was estimated based on the inked inscription, first, the painting is presumed to have been created in around 1690 as suggested by 'the placard' attached on the back instead of a painting record. Second, the painting is highly likely to be the first standing Trikaya banner painting showing the basic icons of Trikaya banner paintings in the Chosun Dynasty since the Trikaya Banner Painting in the Gap-sa Temple in Gongju (1650). Furthermore, considering the shape of the Trikaya in the painting, screen composition, background treatment, solemn and affectionate facial expression, harmonious and adequate body proportion, etc., the painting is believed to have had a considerable influence not only on Trikaya banner paintings of similar style in the 18thcentury but also on deep-color Trikaya banner paintings in the 19thcentury. Third, although the Suta-sa Trikaya Banner Painting is not acompleted work but a sketch, it exhibits the typical water color painting technique in which the strokes are clearly visible. Thus, it is considered highly valuable in understanding and analyzing stroke styles and in studying the history of Buddhist paintings. As there are not many extant banner paintings of the same style in form and expression technique as the Suta-sa Temple Trikaya Banner Painting, this study could not make thorough comparative analysis of the work, but still it is meaningful in that it laid the ground for research on standing Trikaya banner paintings in the 18thand 19thcenturies in the Chosun Dynasty.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.37
• /
• pp.243-266
• /
• 2004

This paper is based on fieldwork conducted from July 6, 2003 to July 24 of 2003 among the Tungusgroups Hezhe, Daur, Oloqun, Owenke, and Mongolian in the areas of Heilongjiang and Inner Mongolia Provinces. Recognizing the need for more in-depth study among these groups, the present research shows that the Tungus people are archeologically, historically, and linguistically different from Korean Han ethnic group and challenges the link between Korean and Tungus groups since the Bronze Age. The comparison between the "House Spirit" belief of the Tungus people and Koreans reveals certain commonalities in the "Maru," "Kitchen," and "Samshin Spirit" practices. There are two possible reasons for such commonalities. Historically, the Korean Han ethnic group and the Tungus people were geographically intimate, and contact or transmission between the two groups occurred naturally. Also, immigration of refugees from the fallen Koguryo and Puyo to the Tungus region added another dimension of cultural contact. In contrast to the common features shared between the two groups, there also exists differences between the two groups House Spirit blief. The Korean Han group's "House Spirit" belief is based on the agricultural practices that separates the inside sacred and outside secular world of the houses, whereas the Tungus ethnic group's "House Spirit" belief is based on mobile herding life style with a less distinction between in and outside of house. Additionally, each Korean "House Spirit" has its own distinctive personality, and each spirit is placed and worshipped according to its function. In the Tungus group, all the "House Spirits" are located and worshipped in "malu," and some of the spirits are non-conventional house spirits. Moreover, Korean "House Spirits" form a kinship structure, placing Songju, the highest spirit, at the center. In the Tungus practice, such structure is not found. The tight cohesive family formation among the house spirits in the Korean "House Spirit" belief is also the most distinctive feature in its comparison with Chinese belief. In China, the highest spirit is Jiang Taigong or Qiwu, and the house spirits do not have kinship relations. Korean's Outhouse Spirit and Chowangshin are related to the Han Chinese's counterpart on certain levels? however, their basic structures are different. It is clear that the correlation of "Malu" "Chowangshin" and "Samshin" between Korea and Tungus indicate important role of Tungus cultural elements within Korea's "House Spirit" belief.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.40
• /
• pp.243-270
• /
• 2007

Linked pearls pattern expressed on textiles have no limited scale or shape when manufacturing, so they are free in expression. And from the design, material, and color we can analogize the social culture of that age. Oriental linked pearls pattern was started from the Sasanian Persia and introduced through the Silk Road, so it is closely connected with the East and the West culture. This study will consider from the 5th century to the 10th century; the mural costume of the West Central Asia, the ancient textiles excavated from the Sinjiang and Qinghai area of China, and the linked pearls pattern which are collected at Shosoin, Japan. And from this study, will concentrate on clarifying the linked pearls pattern's condition of the cultural exchange between the East and the West and it's structural variation process. The design of linked pearls pattern delivered to the East through the Silk Road is differed by area. For example, in the Western Pamir Plateau, where the ancient Sogdians mainly lived, the excavated linked pearls pattern's subject were deer or cassowary variated from the West Asian motif. But the ones excavated from Kucha Xingang had Chinese motifs added so they showed Chinese characters or Buddhist Bodhisattva image instead of Helios. Like this, the appearance of new patterns, which were accompanied by structural variations, gradually deviated from the standardized pattern of the Sasanian Persia. And this structural variation process has relations with the construction and arrangement method of various patterns of the after ages. The foliated floral Spray, which is placed at the lozenge space of linked pearls' space, had developed into ogival - shaped pattern (Neunghwamun). And the prevalence of geometrical structure pattern after the 10th century and the unfolding method of Tapjamun which is arranging unit pattern in order, are similar to the linked pearl pattern. In brief, linked pearls pattern accompanied by technical improvement let us understand the polished artistic code from its expression, and has importance in showing universal pattern beyond region and culture.

• The Southeast Asian review
• /
• v.28 no.3
• /
• pp.159-212
• /
• 2018

This paper is focused on analyzing the social environment of a rapidly changing on Vietnamese company. The key analysis of this study is on the change of perception in Vietnam and the regional difference of CSR acception. The social acceptance research of CSR is centered on the comparative analysis of Korean, Japanese and Chinese companies Social Activities in Vietnam. In addition, This paper seek to way of contribute to the sustainable development of Korean companies, and its harmonious cooperation with Vietnamese society through reviewing the CSR activities and direction of their CSR expectation. In the paper, linkage analysis was conducted with the results of the study on CSR value development process in Vietnam society and analysis of social responsibility values obtained from empirical studies. Through this, finally, we trying to search the value of social responsibility in Vietnam and its future directions. When we understand Vietnam's CSR, based on 'locality' of Vietnam, Northern and Southern can be understand on its different backgrounds. And it can be analyzed by their CSR characteristics of acception. As the result of this research, In the North, Foreign companies' CSR is understanded to be viewed from the corporate economic income and distribution. In the South, there is a strong tendency to understand CSR activities of foreign companies as marketing activities. On the whole, In northern Hanoi, there was a strong expectation in terms of 'employment improvement' and 'workers' working conditions'. In the South, there was a greater interest in improving the 'quality of life of residents' and 'consumer protection'. This is due to the influence of the economic system experienced during the process of different colonization, modernization and communization between the two regions. Since the Reform and Opening of Vietnam, Social Awareness of CSR seems that the regional differences were formed by the pace of economic development and the economic environment has played a role. In particular, the social acceptance of CSR values showed a slight difference in recognition between the North and South regions, but as both regions showed common hope for 'intervention in the role of government'. Therefore, Social Awareness of Vietnam's CSR is based on relation of 'government-society' formed from the 'Communitarianism'. As foreign investment flows more, CSR awareness and expectations in Vietnam's society will increase further. And the CSR expectations of local governments and stakeholder will be more complicated. It is time to check the needs of Vietnamese society in relation to locality of the social responsibility activities.