• Title/Summary/Keyword: Community-Acquired

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Clinical Investigation of Recurrent Pneumonia in Adults - Analysis of Patients From Hallym University Medical Center - (성인 재발성 폐렴에 대한 임상적 고찰 - 한림대학교 의료원 내원 환자를 대상으로 -)

  • Eom, Kwang-Seok;Jeon, Gang;Shin, Taerim;Jang, Seung Hun;Bahn, Joon-Woo;Lee, Jae Young;Park, Yong Bum;Kim, Cheol Hong;Jeon, Man-Jo;Park, Sang Myeon;Kim, Dong Gyu;Lee, Myung Goo;Hyun, In-Gyu;Jung, Ki-Suck
    • Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
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    • v.57 no.1
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    • pp.47-54
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    • 2004
  • Background : Recurrent pneumonia in adults is not uncommon. However, there is no domestic data about recurrent pneumonia in adults. Therefore, we investigated the associated diseases and clinical findings of recurrent pneumonia in adults. Methods : Among 5513 patients who were treated in five teaching hospitals of Hallym medical center?over a 5-year period, we retrospectively reviewed the medical records of the 58 who were compatible with diagnostic criteria of recurrent pneumonia. Results : The number of patients with recurrent pneumonia was 58 (1.05%, 58/5513) during the 5 years. Thirtyseven patients were male and 21 were female. Mean age was 66.4 (${\pm}14.9$) years. Median interval between each pneumonic episode was 18.5 months. Associated diseases were 25 cases of respiratory diseases, 13 of heart diseases, 13 of diabetes mellitus, 7 of lung malignancies, 11 of malignancies other than lung, 7 of neurologic disease, and 8 of miscellaneous diseases. Three cases had no underlying illness. Of the 8 cases with 2 or more times of recurrence, 4 were associated with respiratory diseases, 2 with aspiration pneumonia due to neurologic diseases, 1 with heart disease and 1 with no underlying illness. Recurrent pneumonic episodes affecting the same location were 30 of the total recurrent pneumonic episodes (30/67, 47.8%) and common associated diseases were respiratory diseases including lung malignancies. The etiology of recurrent pneumonia was Streptococcus pneumoniae, methicillinresistant Staphylococcus aureus, Pseudomonas aeruginosa, Klebsiella pneumoniae, atypical organisms, etc. Conclusion : Recurrent pneumonia in adults had a low incidence rate compared with children, but most cases had associated illness. Respiratory diseases including lung cancer were the most common associated illness of recurrent pneumonia.

Clinical Investigation of Tuberculous Pneumonia (결핵성 폐렴환자의 임상적 고찰)

  • Lee, Seung Heon;Hur, Gyu Young;Jung, Ki Hwan;Lee, Sung Yong;Lee, Sang Yeub;Kim, Jae Hyung;Park, Sang Myun;Shin, Chul;Shim, Jae Jeong;In, Kwang Ho;Kang, Kyung Ho;Ryu, Sae Hwa
    • Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
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    • v.57 no.1
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    • pp.19-24
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    • 2004
  • Background : It is difficult to differentiate between tuberculous pneumonia and Community Acquired Pneumonia, so the diagnosis and treatment of tuberculous pneumonia can be delayed frequently. In this study, we attempted to retrospectively evaluate the clinical and radiologic characteristics of tuberculous pneumonia. Methods : We conducted a retrospective analysis of clinical characteristics of 58 patients diagnosed with tuberculous pneumonia from Nov. 1997 to May 2001 at Korea university kuro hospital. Result : The male to female ratio was 1:1 and the mean age at diagnosis was $54.5{\pm}18.6$ years. Fifty five patients were confirmed microbiologically and three patients pathologically. There were 20 patients(34.5%) who had diabetes mellitus(8cases), chronic obstructive pulmonary disease(3cases), malignancy(3cases), bronchiectasis(2cases), chronic renal failure(1cases) or long term history of corticosteroid treatment(3cases). Many patients had multilobar infiltration in chest X-ray, dominantly in the lower lobe. thirty two patients(55.2%) had infiltration in more than 2 lobes and 5 patients in more than 4 lobes. The significant correlation between the diabetes mellitus and the infiltrated Rt lower lobe(RLL) was found on the borders of confidence limit.(P=0.07<0.1). There was significant correlation between woman and infiltrated lobe(RML, RLL, LLL) excluding the both upper lobe(P=0.029). Conclusion : We must consider tuberculous pneumonia when lobar pneumonia with consolidation resistant to antibiotics, especially in the patients who have diabetes mellitus, chronic obstructive pulmonary disease, malignancy, bronchiectsis, chronic renal failure or long term history of corticosteroid treatment.

Different Influence of Environmental Interpretation for Increasing Visitors' Interests -The Case of World Cup Park- (사전환경해설이 공원이용객의 환경관심에 미치는 영향의 차이 -월드컵공원을 대상으로-)

  • Jung, Kwan-Woong;Shim, Jung-Sun;Cho, Joong-Hyun;Oh, Hung-Eun;Kim, Yong-Geun
    • Korean Journal of Environment and Ecology
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    • v.21 no.3
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    • pp.213-222
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    • 2007
  • The goal of the study is to provide basic information that can be used to come up with environmental interpretation methods that are appropriate to the conditions of urban parks. For this matter, research was conducted to find out whether the environmental interpretation that was provided to the visitors of the World Cup Park Visitor Center encouraged them to become interested in the environment and to understand how such environmental interest was related to the level of satisfaction that the visitors were experiencing from their visits to the park. At the same time, the research was designed to find out whether the park's visitors were affected differently in terms of their environmental interests and their experience depending on the two different types of environmental interpretations; Interpreter's Interpretation and Self-guiding Interpretation. Experimental result showed no statistically meaningful correlation between environmental interpretation and environmental knowledge, though the experimental group subjected to environmental interpretation was found to have higher environmental knowledge than that of the control group, which was not subjected to environmental interpretation. As for the correlation between environmental knowledge, which was acquired through environmental interpretation, and environmental interest, the group, which showed big changes in terms of the volume of environmental knowledge, was found to have higher environmental interest than that of the group, which recorded a low level of changes in the volume of environmental knowledge. Also, the difference in their level of environmental interest was big enough to be acknowledged statistically. Also environmental interest, which was created thanks to environmental interpretation, was found to affect the level of satisfaction visitors feel when visiting the park. Even though the study was intended to find out how environmental interpretation affects park visitors by means of analysis that can be proved based on facts, it was difficult to control some of the variables due to the circumstances under which the experiments were conducted. Despite this, the study can be considered meaningful in the fact that the researches and experiments were conducted at a park that is actually visited by people. It is also believed that as one of the first studies done on the World Cup Park, it could serve as a basis upon which future studies could be carried out.

Clinical significance of CA125 level in tuberculous pneumonia (결핵성 폐렴에서의 CA125측정의 임상적 의의)

  • Choi, Soo-Jeon;Kim, Young-Ho;Yum, Ho-Kee;Kim, Ju-In;Lee, Bong-Choon;Kim, Jeong-Sook
    • Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
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    • v.43 no.2
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    • pp.159-163
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    • 1996
  • Background : In case of tuberculous pneumonia, differentiation from bacterial lobar pneumonia is sometimes very difficult because clinical symptoms, signs and radiological images are very similar. So we investigated the usefulness of CA125, which is known to increase in tuberculous diseases, in differential diagnosis between tuberculous pneumonia (TBPN) and community acquired bacterial lobar pneumonia (LP). Methods : Serum CA125 level was measured in 20 patients with TBPN (female 12 male 8 : mean age 36.1 years) and 14 patients with LP (female 5 male 9 : mean age 45.1 years) by radioimmunoassay (Centocor(R) CA125 RIA kit). Results : 1) The serum CA125 level in TBPN ($333.7{\pm}283.5\;u/ml$) was higher than in LP ($60.9{\pm}66.2\;u/ml$). (P < 0.05) 2) If we took cut-off value as 195 u/ml in differential diagnosis between TBPN and LP, the sensitivity and specificity of CA125 level in the diagnosis of TBPN were 70% and 93%, respectively. 3) There was no significant difference in serum CA125 level between noncavitary TBPN ($242.1{\pm}76.6\;u/ml$, n=10) and cavitary TBPN ($399.6{\pm}318.4\;u/ml$, n=10). (P > 0.05) 4) Following up of serum CA125 level after initiation of antituberculosis treatment showed rapid decline and approach to near normal range in 6 months. Conclusion : High serum CA125 level (> 195 u/ml) was useful in differential diagnosis of TBPN from LP.

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Clinical Usefulness of Rapid Antigen Test on the Diagnosis of Influenza (인플루엔자 진단을 위한 신속 항원검사의 유용성)

  • Kim, Jae Seon;Choi, Hyon Joo;Ahn, Young Min;Hwang, Young Ok
    • Clinical and Experimental Pediatrics
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    • v.48 no.12
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    • pp.1348-1353
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    • 2005
  • Purpose : Influenza is a respiratory disease which prevails widely every year and shows high morbidity and mortality among not only chronic invalids and the old, but also among infants and young children. To prevent community-acquired influenza infection, to facilitate prompt antiviral therapy and to avoid unnecessary use of antibiotics, an easy, rapid diagnostic method for the influenza virus is needed. We evaluated a lateral-flow immunoassay(QuickVue Influenza Test), compared to viral culture. Methods : During two consecutive years from Jan. 2004 to June 2004 and from Feb. 2005 to Jan. 2005, 408 patients who were suffering from fever, cough and/or sore throat and myalgia were enrolled in our study. A total of 408 patients were tested with $QuickVue^{(R)}$(Quidel Co., San Diego, USA) influenza rapid antigen test and virus cultures at the same time. Results : Of the 408 patients tested, children who showed positive results at the virus culture numbered 77; among them, 55(71.4 percent) were type A/H3N2 and 22(28.5 percent) were type B. QuickVue influenza test had a sensitivity of 71.4 percent and a specificity of 95.8 percent. The positive and negative predictive values were 79.7 percent and 93.5 percent, respectively. Conclusion : In our study, this test had comparable high sensitivity and high specificity and many advantages, such as being easy to perform and simple to interpret, and showing rapid results. If rapid influenza antigen tests are widely applied in the clinic, we can begin treatment more rapidly and reduce influenza complications and the abuse of antibiotics.

Incidence of Escherichia coli and Its Susceptibility to Antimicrobials in Childhood Urinary Tract Infection (소아 요로감염에서 Escherichia coli의 빈도와 항생제 감수성에 대한 연구)

  • Chi Hye-Mi;Kwahk Jae-Hyok;Lee Jun-Ho;Park Hye-Won
    • Childhood Kidney Diseases
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    • v.10 no.1
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    • pp.18-26
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    • 2006
  • Purpose : Empirical antimicrobial treatment is indicated before bacteriological results are available for young children with febrile UTI to minimize renal scarring. To ensure appropriate therapy, knowledge of the prevalence of causative organisms and their susceptibility patterns to antimicrobials is mandatory. We performed a retrospective analysis investigating the local prevalence and resistance patterns of uropathogens, primarily E. coli, isolated from community-acquired UTIs. Methods : A total of 103 positive urine cultures from children with febrile UTI collected at Bundang CHA General Hospital from February 2004 to February 2005 were analyzed. Inclusion criteria were fever higher than $37.5^{\circ}C$, significant bacteriuria with single strain growth of at least 10s colony forming units/mL urine, and leukocyturia >5/HPF. Results : E. coli(89.3%) was the leading uropathogen followed by Enterococcus spp.(3.9%) Klebsiella spp.(2.9%), Citrobctcter spp.(1.9%) and Enterobacter spp.(1.9%). E. coli strains revealed a low proportion of antimicrobial susceptibility to ampicillin(AMP; 27.2%) ampicillinsulbactam(AMS; 34.8%) and trimethoprim-sulfamethoxazole(SXT; 65.2%). Susceptibility patterns to cephalosporins were as follows; cefazolin(1st generation; 91.3%), cefoxitin(2nd; 100%), ceftriaxone(3rd; 97.8%) and cefepime(4th; 97.8%). Three E. coli isolates produced ex tended - spectrum beta-lactamase(ESBL). Conclusion : Empirical treatment with AMP, AMS and SXT, which are commonly used in pediatric clinics, is not recommended for childhood UTI due to high incidence of resistance. The high level of susceptibility to cephalosporins makes these drugs reasonable alternatives. However the emergence of ESBL-producers, even though they are quite few, may have an impact on cephalosporin treatment in the future. (J Korean Soc Pediatr Nephrol 2006;10:18-26)

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Impact and significance of Nongak(農樂) education in Agricultural High School since 1950 on the modern Korean Nongak History (1950년대 중반 이후 농림/농업고등학교에서의 농악(農樂) 교육이 한국농악 현대사에 끼친 영향과 의의)

  • Yang, Ok-Kyung
    • (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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    • no.40
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    • pp.111-136
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    • 2020
  • Agricultural high schools are undergoing a change their name from the mid-1950s to the 2000s. Although it varies slightly depending on the case, it has been changed from 'rural forests' to 'agricultural farms' or 'agricultural industries' and 'life sciences high schools' in turn. In several aricultural high schools had managed Nongak Department(class), it's guarantees the continuity of Korea's traditional folk art. Examples include entertainment and farming in Honam region of Jeonju aricultural high School in North Jeolla Province, Geumsan aricultural high School in South Chungcheong Province, Gimcheon aricultural high School in North Gyeongsang Province. Therefore, the interpretation and significance of studies should follow. This method of Nongak education in modern school institutions is a new phenomenon in the history of Nongak after modern time, the emergence of a whole new pattern of professional entertainment Nongak after paving and Female-Nongak, as well as local traditional folk music. Education here was conducted in such a way that the best performers of the time were invited as guidance teachers among traditional folk artists. Thus, various local and professional music and entertainment were able to be promoted Apart from the social relations of delay, social progress, and economy, the education of farming and music, which consists of teachers and students in public schools, has provided an environment where unlimited freedom is allowed for art forms. In other words, the conditions for a new performance style experiment and creative fusion were met, and the foundation for the development of professional musical performers who had acquired individualized talents from previous generations was laid down in the context of the phenomenon of active stage music and theater performance of outstanding in the culture of Nongak. In other words, the Department of Agriculture and aricultural high school was a very free space compared to other communities' and economic community's agricultural music in social relationships bound by traditional cultural customs. This is why they have created a new style of performance through a new experiment and a different traditional performance repertoire, and their activities have led to a more stylistic expansion from traditional farming. More importantly, the figures who came across Agricultural Nongak department became the main experts of traditional Korean folk music nowdays. Thus, Nongak Department, operated by the Agriculture and Forestry High School, was a space where would give a very important meaning in terms of Nongak history.

The Case Study on Industry-Leading Marketing of Woori Investment and Securities (우리투자증권의 시장선도 마케팅 사례연구)

  • Choi, Eun-Jung;Lee, Sung-Ho;Lee, Sanghyun;Lee, Doo-Hee
    • Asia Marketing Journal
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    • v.13 no.4
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    • pp.227-251
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    • 2012
  • This study analyzed Woori Investment and Securities' industry-leading marketing from both a brand management and a marketing decision-making perspective. By executing a different marketing strategy from its competitors, Woori Investment and Securities recognized recent changes in the asset management and investment markets as an open opportunity, and quickly responded to the market changes. First, the company launched the octo brand as a multi-account product, two years before its competitors offered their own products. In particular, it created a differentiated brand image, using the blue octopus character, which became familiar to the general financial community, and was consistently employed as part of an integrated marketing communications strategy. Second, it executed a brand expansion strategy by sub-branding octo in a variety of new financial products, responding to rapid changes in the domestic financial and asset management markets. Through this strategic evolution, the octo brand became a successful wealth management brand and representative of Woori Investment & Securities. Third, it has converged market research, demand and trend analysis, and customer needs acquired through various customer contact channels into a marketing perspective. Thus, marketing has participated in the product development stage, a rarity in the finance industry. Woori Investment and Securities has a leading marketing system. The heart of the successful product creation lies in a collaboration of their customer bases among the finance companies in the Woori Financial Group. The present study suggested a corresponding strategy for octo brand, which is expected to enter into the maturity stage of its product life cycle. In addition, this study found a need to modify the current positioning strategy in order to position and preserve sustainability in the increasingly competitive asset management market. It also suggested the need for an offensive strategy to counter the number one M/S company, and address the issue of cannibalism in the Woori Financial Group.

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The Establishment of Seongjusa Temple and the Production of Iron Buddhas (성주사 창건과 철불 조성 연구)

  • Kang Kunwoo
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.104
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    • pp.10-39
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    • 2023
  • Seongjusa Temple was founded in Boryeong in Chungcheongnam-do Province by Monk Muyeom (800-888), better known as Nanghye Hwasang. After returning from studying in China, Muyeom stayed in the Silla capital city of Gyeongju for a period. He later settled in a temple that was managed by the descendants of Kim In-mun (629-694). He then restored a burned-out temple and opened it in 847 as a Seon (Zen) temple named Seongjusa. It prospered and grew to become a large-scale temple with several halls within its domains. The influence of Seongjusa in the region can be seen in the Historical Record of Seongjusa Temple on Sungamsan Mountain, which relates that there were seventy-three rooms within the domains of the temple. What is most notable in the record is that the temple is referred to as "栴檀林九間," which means either "a structure with nine rooms built with Chinese juniper wood" or "a place that houses Chinese juniper wood and has nine rooms." Regardless of the interpretation, Seongjusa Temple had a large amount of juniper wood. Around this time, the term "juniper" referred to the olibanum tree (Boswellia sacra) native to the islands of Java and Sumatra in Southeast Asia. It is presumed that at some point after the death of Jang Bogo, the maritime forces that controlled the southwestern coast of Korea may have acquired a large amount of Southeast Asian olibanum wood and offered it to Seongjusa Temple. During the reign of King Munseong, Kim Yang (808-857) patronized Seongjusa Temple and its head monk Muyeom, who enjoyed a lofty reputation in the region. He sought to strengthen his own position as a member of the royal lineage of King Muyeol and create a bridge between the royal family and Seongjusan Buddhist sect. The court of King Wonseong designated Seongjusa Temple as a regional base for the support of royal authority in an area where anti-royal sentiment remained strong. Monk Muyeom is believed to have created an iron Buddha to protect the temple, enlighten the people, and promote regional stability. Given that the Seongjusa community had expanded to include more than 2,000 followers, the iron Buddha at Seongjusa Temple would have been perceived as an image that rallied the local residents. It is assumed that there were two iron Buddhas at Seongjusa Temple. The surviving parts of these Buddhas and the size of their pedestals suggest that they were respectively enshrined in the Geumdang Main Hall and the Samcheonbuljeon Hall of Three Thousand Buddhas. It is presumed that the first iron Buddha in Geumdang was a large statue over two meters in height and the second one was medium-sized with the height over one meter. The Historical Record of Seongjusa Temple on Sungamsan Mountain contains the phrase "改創選法堂五層重閣" which indicates that a multistoried Geumdang was newly built to enshrine a large Buddha sculpture like the first iron Buddha when Seongjusa Temple was founded. Also, according to the Stele of Seongjusa Temple and the surviving finger fragments, the first Buddha was making the fear-not and wish-granting (abhayavarada) mudras. The main Buddha of Seongjusa Temple is possibly Nosana Buddha, just like the main Buddhas at the contemporaneous temples Silsangsa, Borimsa, and Samhwasa. Given that Monk Muyeom studied Hwaeom teachings in his early years and received royal patronage upon his return, it is believed that the retro tendencies of the Hwaeom school, centered on the royal family of the Silla Dynasty, were reflected in Seongjusa temple.

A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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