• 제목/요약/키워드: Chinese Women

검색결과 727건 처리시간 0.031초

한국.중국.일본 여성의 색조대장문화 (A Study on Make-up Culture of Korea, China and Japan)

  • 박보영;황춘섭
    • 복식
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    • 제39권
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    • pp.217-237
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    • 1998
  • The present research is to study the make-up culture of Korea and its neighboring countries such as China and Japan during the period from the prehistoric age to the 19th cen-tury. The research was made by documents analysis. The results are summerised as follows : (1) A man has a basic instinct to beautify himself. There was not a significant difference between the make-up behavior of men and women in its primal stage. It was by the start of farming and the division of labor that made the make-up behavior as a feminine culture. The difference of sexual role caused the con-ceptual difference between manly beauty and womanly beauty. It was very natural for women to regard the make-up as the best way for showing their feminine beauty. In Korea, China and Japan, there were vari-ous kinds of primal actions such as tattooing, body-painting, and tooth make-up which were used in the purpose of body protection, incantation, ornament, and so on. Ass their ornamental purpose was becoming more important, these primal actions became the basis of the feminine make-up culture. Nowadays make-up, having mental and emo-tional function, is helpful to increasing self-satisfaction, promoting good personal relation-ship, and attracting attention from the other sex. It also has other functions of showing social status, wealth, age, sex, courage, power, and so on. (2) The representative make-up product used widely in the three countries was Boon (powder) which decides the overall color of face. The key point in the production of Boon was to increase its power of adsorption. The invention of Yunboon (power mixed with lead) solved this major problem of Boon. Yeonji which decides the color of cheek was the mixture of Boon and the powder of Honghwa (a kind of red-colored flower or tree). Mimook (eyebrow pencil) was developed to match up with the various and changing currencies of penciling eyebrows in each nation and times, Yeonji and Joosa (red sand) were used as Jinji (lip stick). The predominant color of Jinji was red. As miscellaneous methods of partial make-up, there were Kon-ji used in a wedding cer-emony in korea, Aek-hwang, Hwa-jeon, Sa-hong, and Myun-yup in China, and Chi-heuk, a peculial method of partial make-up in japan. (3) There were various factors which decided the characteristics of make-up culture usually reflects international atmosphere, the form of government, economic situation, re-ligious and social ideology, aesthetic sense, symbolizing meanings of colors, and so on. The up and down of an influentian country was one of the major factors which decided the characteristics of the make-up culture of its neighboring countries. When a country took a liberal form of government, it had diverse and splendid tendencies in its make-up culture. The better a nation's economic situation is, the more abandant and various its make-up culture is, and sometimes, the more eccentric and decadents it was. In the field of make-up production, the three countries had their own characteristics. But, as a whole, China was the leading nation who spread the culture and products of make-up to Korea and Japan. Though the Chinese make-up culture and products were usually spread to Japan through Korean, there was some evidence of direct exchanges between China and Japan through its dispatches of Kyun-Tang-Sa(Japanese delegation to the Tang Dynasty). While religion had a positive influence on the development of make-up culture by introducing new methods of make-up, Confucianism exercised strict control over the make-up cul-ture. The currencies in arts and changes of esthetic sense introduced new methods and booms to the make-up culture. Literature made people pay increasing attentions to the countenances of women and changed the standards of esthetic sense. We can find out that the social status of woman was also reflected in the make-up culture. As the social status of women became higher, the feminine make-up culture also developed more then ever. As mentioned above, the make-up cultures of the three countries reflected their social values, esthetic senses, and emotional feelings. Through their cultural exchanges, the three countries could develop various make-up products and methods.

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Implementing a Cervical Cancer Awareness Program in Low-income Settings in Western China: a Community-based Locally Affordable Intervention for Risk Reduction

  • Simayi, Dilixia;Yang, Lan;Li, Feng;Wang, Ying-Hong;Amanguli, A.;Zhang, Wei;Mohemaiti, Meiliguli;Tao, Lin;Zhao, Jin;Jing, Ming-Xia;Wang, Wei;Saimaiti, Abudukeyoumu;Zou, Xiao-Guang;Maimaiti, Ayinuer;Ma, Zhi-Ping;Hao, Xiao-Ling;Duan, Fen;Jing, Fang;Bai, Hui-Li;Liu, Zhao;Zhang, Lei;Chen, Cheng;Cong, Li;Zhang, Xi;Zhang, Hong-Yan;Zhan, Jin-Qiong;Zhang, Wen Jie
    • Asian Pacific Journal of Cancer Prevention
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    • 제14권12호
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    • pp.7459-7466
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    • 2013
  • Background: Some 60 years after introduction of the Papanicolaou smear worldwide, cervical cancer remains a burden in developing countries where >85% of world new cases and deaths occur, suggesting a failure to establish comprehensive cervical-cancer control programs. Effective interventions are available to control cervical cancer but are not all affordable in low-income settings. Disease awareness saves lives by risk-reduction as witnessed in reducing mortality of HIV/AIDS and smoking-related cancers. Subjects and Methods: We initiated a community-based awareness program on cervical cancer in two low-income Muslim Uyghur townships in Kashi (Kashgar) Prefecture, Xinjiang, China in 2008. The education involved more than 5,000 women from two rural townships and awareness was then evaluated in 2010 and 2011, respectively, using a questionnaire with 10 basic knowledge questions on cervical cancer. Demographic information was also collected and included in an EpiData database. A 10-point scoring system was used to score the awareness. Results: The effectiveness and feasibility of the program were evaluated among 4,475 women aged 19-70 years, of whom >92% lived on/below US$1.00/day. Women without prior education showed a poor average awareness rate of 6.4% (164/2,559). A onetime education intervention, however, sharply raised the awareness rate by 4-fold to 25.5% (493/1,916). Importantly, low income and illiteracy were two reliable factors affecting awareness before or after education intervention. Conclusions: Education intervention can significantly raise the awareness of cervical cancer in low-income women. Economic development and compulsory education are two important solutions in raising general disease awareness. We propose that implementing community-based awareness programs against cervical cancer is realistic, locally affordable and sustainable in low-income countries, which may save many lives over time and, importantly, will facilitate the integration of comprehensive programs when feasible. In this context, adopting this strategy may provide one good example of how to achieve "good health at low cost".

Diagnostic Performance of HPV E6/E7 mRNA and HPV DNA Assays for the Detection and Screening of Oncogenic Human Papillomavirus Infection among Woman with Cervical Lesions in China

  • Wang, Hye-young;Lee, Dongsup;Park, Sunyoung;Kim, Geehyuk;Kim, Sunghyun;Han, Lin;Yubo, Ren;Li, Yingxue;Park, Kwang Hwa;Lee, Hyeyoung
    • Asian Pacific Journal of Cancer Prevention
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    • 제16권17호
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    • pp.7633-7640
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    • 2015
  • Background: Human papillomavirus (HPV) is the most common sexually transmitted infection worldwide and it is responsible for most cases of cervical uterine cancer. Although HPV infections of the cervix do not always progress to cancer, 90% of cervical cancer cases have been found to be associated with high risk HPV (HR-HPV) infection. HPV DNA testing is widely used, along with Papanicolaou (Pap) testing, to screen for cervical abnormalities. However, there are no data on the prevalence of genotype-specific HPV infections assessed by measuring HPV E6/E7 mRNA in women representative of the Chinese population across a broad age range. Materials and Methods: In the present study, we compared the results with the CervicGen HPV RT-qDx assay, which detects 16 HR-HPV genotypes (Alpha-9: HPV 16, 31, 33, 35, 52, and 58; Alpha-7: HPV 18, 39, 45, 51, 59, and 68; and Alpha-5, 6: HPV 53, 56, 66, and 69), and the REBA HPV-ID assay, which detects 32 HPV genotypes based on the reverse blot hybridization assay (REBA) for the detection of oncogenic HPV infection according to cytological diagnosis. We also investigated the prevalence and genotype distribution of HPV infection with a total of 324 liquid-based cytology samples collected in western Shandong province, East China. Results: The overall HPV prevalences determined by HPV DNA and HPV E6/E7 mRNA assays in this study were 79.9% (259/324) and 55.6% (180/324), respectively. Although the positivity of HPV E6/E7 mRNA expression was significantly lower than HPV DNA positivity, the HPV E6/E7 mRNA assay showed greater specificity than the HPV DNA assay (88.6% vs. 48.1%) in normal cytology samples. The prevalence of Alpha-9 (HPV 16, 31, 33, 35, 52, and 58) HPV infection among these women accounted for up to 80.3% and 76.1% of the high-grade lesions detected in the HPV mRNA and DNA tests, respectively. The HR-HPV genotype distribution, based on HPV DNA and E6/E7 mRNA expression by age group in patients with cytologically confirmed lesions, was highest in women aged 40 to 49 years (35.9% for cytologically confirmed cases, Pearson correlation r value=0.993, p<0.001) for high-grade lesions. Among the oncogenic HR-HPV genotypes for all age groups, there was little difference in the distribution of HPV genotypes between the HPV DNA (HPV -16, 53, 18, 58, and 33) and HPV E6/E7 mRNA (HPV -16, 53, 33, 58, and 18) assays. HPV 16 was the most common HPV genotype among women with high-grade lesions. Conclusions: Our results suggest that the HPV E6/E7 mRNA assay can be a sensitive and specific tool for the screening and investigation of cervical cancer. Furthermore, it may provide useful information regarding the necessity for early cervical cancer screenings and the development of additional effective HPV vaccines, such as one for HPV 53 and 58. Additionally, gaining knowledge of HPV distribution may also inform us about ecological changes in HPV after the vaccination.

고소설에 표출된 영웅의 양상과 그 역사적 의미 - <최고운전>, <전우치전>, <전관산전>, <일념홍>, <여영웅>을 중심으로 - (A Study on The heroic side and the features of the classic novel Historical significance)

  • 조상우
    • 동양고전연구
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    • 제71호
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    • pp.9-39
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    • 2018
  • 본고는 고소설에 표출된 영웅의 시대별, 남녀별 차이에 드러나는 영웅의 유형화와 소설의 개별적 양상과 그 역사적 의미에 대하여 고찰해 보았다. 이러한 목적을 달성하기 위해 본고에서는 <최고운전>, <전우치전>, <전관산전>, <일념홍>, <여영웅>을 텍스트로 선정하였다. 그리고 이들의 주인공들을 '문화영웅-최치원, 민중영웅-전우치, 내조(가정) 영웅-정소저, 친일 개화 영웅-일념홍 이형경'으로 유형화하였다. 또 이 영웅의 유형이 갖는 역사적 의미를 서술하여 본고의 목적을 이루려고 노력하였다. 중국과 조선은 국경을 맞대고 있기에 서로의 관계가 불편했다. 이러한 문제와 관련된 것이 바로 <최고운전>의 최치원이다. 최치원은 신라의 대문장가였기에 중국 문사와 한 수 우위의 시문수창을 할 수 있었다. 조선이 중국보다 문화가 우수하다는 자부심을 표현하기 위해 문화영웅 최치원이 필요했다. 조선은 반상제도가 뚜렷한 유교사회였다. 그렇다보니 모든 중심은 양반에 치우쳐 있어서 민중들은 양반에 의해 핍박을 받았는데 이 때 민중의 영웅이 필요했다. 그가 바로 <전우치전>의 전우치다. 전우치는 도술을 통해 민중들의 원한과 바람을 해결해 주는 진정한 민중영웅이라 할 수 있다. 조선 후기로 가면서 전란을 체험한 여성들이 남성을 대하는 태도가 달라진다. 그렇다 보니 <강도몽유록>이나 <박씨전>, 그리고 <이학사전>과 같은 여성영웅소설이 등장한다. 무능한 남성들로 인해 울분에 찬 여성들에게 당시 작가는 작품에서나마 희망을 주었다고 생각한다. <전관산전>의 정소저는 고소설에 충실한 여성주인공보다는 진취적이지만 남편을 위한 내조를 담당하는 가정영웅이다. 조선은 청일전쟁과 러일전쟁을 거치며 일본의 마수에 걸려든다. 이후 일본은 을사늑약을 강조로 맺은 뒤 통감부 정치를 실시한다. 이 때 친일을 부각하고자 친일신문을 발간하고 친일 소설을 연재한다. 바로 <일념홍>과 <여영웅>인데 친일개화 영웅이다.

음양론 관점에서 본 서왕모(西王母) 인식 변화 고찰 (A Study on the Changing Perception of Queen Mother of the West from the Perspective of Yin-Yang Theory)

  • 조민환
    • 대순사상논총
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    • 제42집
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    • pp.45-73
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    • 2022
  • 서왕모(西王母) 존숭 현상은 고금에 걸쳐 중국은 물론 한국에서도 많은 관심의 대상이 되었던 이른바 '문화적 흐름'의 한 현상을 엿볼 수 있는 대상에 해당한다. 서왕모에 관한 이같은 문화적 흐름을 이해하는 것은 동아시아 여성과 관련된 신화는 물론 여성관의 변모를 엿볼 수 있는 중요한 의미가 있다. 가부장제 사회의 정착과 더불어 여신과 남신의 관계도 점차 차이에서 차별의 관계로 만들어진다. 이에 여성은 의미를 부여하는 주체보다는 의미를 부여받는 대상으로 변화함에 따라 여신의 탈신성화가 일어나게 된다. 본고는 여신의 탈신성화 경향에 나타난 여신의 남신의 보조자 혹은 배우자로 탈바꿈하는 이런 변천 과정에는 음양론 사유가 작동하고 있음을 서왕모 인식 변화에 초점을 맞추어 살펴보았다. 음양론은 중국의 철학은 물론 문화와 역사 및 예술을 이해하는 관건인데, 이런 점은 신화와 여성이란 주제에도 그대로 적용되었다. 서왕모가 반인반수(半人半獸)의 여신으로 규정되다가 여선으로 변모하는 과정에서 특히 주목할 것은 이른바 절대 미인이면서 예술적 재능을 가진 인물로 묘사된다는 점이다. 본고에서는 이같은 절대미인이면서 예술적 재능을 가진 서왕모에 대한 인식에는 음양론 차원에서 이해된 여인상 및 가부장제 사회에서 남성이 바라는 여인상에 대한 바람이 담겨 있다는 점을 밝혔다. 『산해경(山海經)』의 서왕모는 하늘의 재앙과 형벌을 주관하는 반인반수의 공포감을 주는 형상이지만, 한대에는 벽사(闢邪)와 기복(祈福)의 대상으로 신앙화되고, 위진남북조의 지괴소설(志怪小說)에서는 장생불사를 주관하는 여선(女仙)으로 변모하는 과정에 담긴 서왕모에 관한 인식 변화에는 음양론 관점에서 봤을 때 주대 종법제(宗法制)에 의한 가부장제 확립과 더불어 이후 형성된 음양론에서의 양 위주의 사유 및 남성 위주의 시선이 작동하고 있었음을 알 수 있었다.

북한 여성들의 탈북동기와 생활실태 - 중국 연변지역의 탈북 여성들을 중심으로 - (A Study on the Motive of Escape from the North Korea and the Life Situation of Female Fugitives in China - based on the Interview with North Korean Female Refugees in Yenben Province -)

  • 문숙재;김지희;이명근
    • 대한가정학회지
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    • 제38권5호
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    • pp.137-152
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    • 2000
  • North Korean fugitives is one of various nominations referring to the North Koreans who have secretly crossed the territorial border of their country. It is a new terminology that huts gained wider usage in our society as we entered the 1990s. North Koreans list various motives for escaping their county, such as food shortage and disillusionment of belief in the system. Most of the forced repatriation of North Korean escapees takes place in China. The purpose of this study examines the family knife of female fugitives from North Korea in order to provide pertinent alterntives which are needed to secure basic human right of the female fugitives and enable them to keep stability of their family lives and to adapt themselves into new socio-cultural circumstances in China. For this, the preliminary survey performed to examine the demographic characteristics on the female fugitives; to find out the incentives and channels of their escape out of North Korea; to investigate what types of family life and family relationship they manage in China; to grasp their problems and need of family life in adaptation into Chinese society. The specific questions for grasping the general characteristics of the female fugitives are composed of age, education level residential district in North Korea. In order to find out main causes and influential factors of their escape from North Korea, the following questions are included: what the most important incentives and motives are; the frequency of escape; and whether they discuss their escape with their family or not. The questions to find out their present actual life situations in China are about difficult things to adjust in China, family life, relationship with husband, and their conversational diction, the degree of their mastering the chinese language, the degree of their adaptation to chinese way of living, and so forth, which reveal to what extent they are adapted themselves to new cultural situation in China. This study collected the data through face-to-face personal interview from July to October, 1999 Yenben province along the China-North Korea border. Data from 202 female fugitives were used in final analysis. This study uses the SAS PC program for windows, Ver, 6.12 to analyze the data such as the distribution of frequency, percentage, mean and so on. The results from this analysis are follows; the most principal motive of North Korean women's escape to china is to eat to live because of famine. Concerning the year when the fugitives escape from North Korea, all of the interviewees haute escaped since 1990. After escape their continual contact with their family in North Korea, 81.7% of the respondent have not been in touch with their family. The main reasons for their not contacting with their family in North Korea are that it is not helpful although they contacts with their family. Female fugitives from North Korea have difficulties in life. They have rather stable relationship to their husband, but they have experienced difficulties in other aspects of family life. Their main difficulties are largely from their relationships to husbands'family members, and from the problems relate to their family in North Korea, and their children. Based on this study, further research has to present supportive policies that help North Korean female escapees live without being deprived and protect their human rights. And the development of practical program to help their efficient social adaptation has to be continued without stop together.

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동북(東北)아시아 유의 기원(起源)과 그 교류(交流)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究) -$4{\sim}8$세기(世紀)를 중심(中心)으로- (A study on the origination and Transmission of Yu in Northeast Asia. -from the 4th Century to the 8th Century-)

  • 박경자;조선희
    • 복식
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    • 제17권
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    • pp.29-43
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    • 1991
  • Yu was a type of dress worn on the upper part of the body which was commonly used in Northeast Asia. It was originally used by the Northern race for the need of courtesy as well as protecting cold. It was believed that Yu in Northeast Asia, which was called Kaftan, was came from Scythai lived in North Eurasian land around the Black sea. Scythians were the first-formed horse-riding race in the world and their civilization influenced those of far Asiatic sector along the steppe route. As their power expanded, their costume culture transmitted to the East(China, Korea, Japan). The upper garment, Yu, was characterized by the left-sided collars, narrow sleeves belted at the waist to the length of the hip line and the tight trouser on the lower part, which we commonly called HoBok(胡服) style. 1. Yu in Northeast Asia was originated from the Eurasians, Scythian Culture. Being exchanged, active style costumes were widely used among Chinese, Koreans and Japanese throughout centuries' including $4{\sim}8$ century. 2. Chinese Yu had a style of wide-sleeves and right-sided collars. The traditional costumes of Han race are consisted of wide-sleeved Yu on the upper and long-skirt on the lower part of the body. Before the adoptation of HoBok during reign of King Jo Mooryung in 307. B.C., HoBok style had already found in the remains since the Sang period. There were various names among Yu during the Han period. Seup, Sean Eui, Kye, Kyu were one of the styles and several names were meant for collar and sleeves. During $4{\sim}8$ centuries, clothes of right-sided collar were found, superior to that of left-sided and narrow sleeves were widely used both the royal and the humble. Various styles of decoration were seen in Yu around neck, back and sleeves comparing other nations. 3. Yu, in Korea, was typical style of Northern-bound HoBok. Both men and women had similarity in Yu style, narrow sleeves, left-sided collar, belted at the waist and to the length of hip line. Influenced by Han race, in the $4th{\sim}8th$ centuries, dual system of collar was found. But we cannot see major change in Yu and finally was connected to the present. 4. The original design of the Japanese costumes was not similar to that of Northern nomadic hunting race, which was suitable for horse-riding activities. Owing to the climates along the island, we could see various conditions ranging from the cold and to the warm. Influenced by the climates, pulling over the neck(Pancho style) were major design in Japan. As Korea was advanced earlier than Japan, Korean landed Japanese territory showing clothes. So primitive costumes had changes in style. During the $4th{\sim}8th$ period. The Korean mode was found in Haniwa (which was built to make sacrifices to the dead King) and costumes in Jeong Chang Won. Among the costumes in Jeong Chang Won, we put 3 or more costumes to the category of Yu characterizing elements of Korea and Tang period. From the $4th{\sim}8th$ century, China, Korea, Japan fell into the same cultural category, Scythai. Styles in Yu among three nations, we saw little differences, basically along times. Originated from the West Asia, Yu was transmitted to the far East changing Chinese costumes, Koreans melted it into the traditional elements and then influenced Japan.

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Establishing a Nomogram for Stage IA-IIB Cervical Cancer Patients after Complete Resection

  • Zhou, Hang;Li, Xiong;Zhang, Yuan;Jia, Yao;Hu, Ting;Yang, Ru;Huang, Ke-Cheng;Chen, Zhi-Lan;Wang, Shao-Shuai;Tang, Fang-Xu;Zhou, Jin;Chen, Yi-Le;Wu, Li;Han, Xiao-Bing;Lin, Zhong-Qiu;Lu, Xiao-Mei;Xing, Hui;Qu, Peng-Peng;Cai, Hong-Bing;Song, Xiao-Jie;Tian, Xiao-Yu;Zhang, Qing-Hua;Shen, Jian;Liu, Dan;Wang, Ze-Hua;Xu, Hong-Bing;Wang, Chang-Yu;Xi, Ling;Deng, Dong-Rui;Wang, Hui;Lv, Wei-Guo;Shen, Keng;Wang, Shi-Xuan;Xie, Xing;Cheng, Xiao-Dong;Ma, Ding;Li, Shuang
    • Asian Pacific Journal of Cancer Prevention
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    • 제16권9호
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    • pp.3773-3777
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    • 2015
  • Background: This study aimed to establish a nomogram by combining clinicopathologic factors with overall survival of stage IA-IIB cervical cancer patients after complete resection with pelvic lymphadenectomy. Materials and Methods: This nomogram was based on a retrospective study on 1,563 stage IA-IIB cervical cancer patients who underwent complete resection and lymphadenectomy from 2002 to 2008. The nomogram was constructed based on multivariate analysis using Cox proportional hazard regression. The accuracy and discriminative ability of the nomogram were measured by concordance index (C-index) and calibration curve. Results: Multivariate analysis identified lymph node metastasis (LNM), lymph-vascular space invasion (LVSI), stromal invasion, parametrial invasion, tumor diameter and histology as independent prognostic factors associated with cervical cancer survival. These factors were selected for construction of the nomogram. The C-index of the nomogram was 0.71 (95% CI, 0.65 to 0.77), and calibration of the nomogram showed good agreement between the 5-year predicted survival and the actual observation. Conclusions: We developed a nomogram predicting 5-year overall survival of surgically treated stage IA-IIB cervical cancer patients. More comprehensive information that is provided by this nomogram could provide further insight into personalized therapy selection.

시조문학과 신선 (Literature of Korean Verse, Sijo and Taoist Hermit)

  • 김명희
    • 한국시조학회지:시조학논총
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    • 제30집
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    • pp.21-52
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    • 2009
  • 사대부들의 전유물인 시조에서 신선은 어떤 역할과 정체성을 가지고 있는가를 고찰하였다. 시조에서 선어들이 빈도수가 많음을 기존의 연구사를 통해 밝혔고 시조라는 장르를 통해서는 신선에만 집중하였다. 그중 적송자가 많이 등장하는데 적송자는 사대부들이 좇아가는 적송자로 표현하고 있어 '적송자를 좇으리'가 관용어구처럼 쓰이고 있다. 이것은 적송자를 좇아야만 비로소 신선 대열에 낄 수 있다는 등식처럼 되어버린 결과다. 중국의 장량이나 범려도 부귀영화를 다 버리고 적송자를 찾아 신선이 되어 영원 불사했다는 역사적 사건이 변모되어 전설로 신화로 이어지는 과정에서 시조를 즐기는 사대부들도 마치 장량이나 범려처럼 자신들도 적송자를 좇겠다는 관념어적인 어투로 쓰이고 있음을 알 수 있다. 그런가하면 이태백은 한국문학과 뗄레야 뗄 수 없는 인물이다. 태백은 시선이며 주선으로 시조 문학에서는 비상 모티브를 가진 신선 또는 상천 모티브로 쓰이는 주선으로 노래 부르고 있어 풍류를 즐기는 사대부들에게 친근하게 인용되고 있음을 확인하였다. 반면에 부정적으로 쓰이고 있는 신선으로는 진시황과 한무제를 들 수 있다. 두 황제는 불로초를 찾고 봉래산을 찾은 인물로 현실정치에서는 실각한 인물이다. 뿐만 아니라 불로장생을 원했지만 뜻을 이루지 못한 인물이어서 사대부들은 그런면에서 이상적인 이상향은 없다는 다분히 현실적으로 다가가 유교사상에 입각해 현실에 만족하며 살자는 자족형으로 시조를 부르고 있었다. 따라서 두 황제의 역할은 부정적 이미지다. 시조에서 여선들도 등장하는데 그중 마고선녀, 서왕모, 무산신녀, 항아가 있다. 마고 선녀는 장수를 관장하는 할머니로 때로는 미녀로 쓰이고 있으며 서왕모는 불사약을 가지고 있는 신선으로 무산신녀는 운우의 정을 대변하는 미녀로 항아는 남편을 배반하고 외롭게 월궁에서 지내는 신녀로 표출되고 있다. 이들 선녀의 특징은 미녀이며 자상하고 섬세하며 애정시에 두루 나타나고 있음을 알 수 있다.

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무가 '삼공본풀이'에 대한 분석심리학적 고찰 (A Study on the Korean Shamanistic Myth "Samgong Bonpoori" from the Perspective of Analytical Psychology)

  • 황명숙
    • 심성연구
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    • 제30권2호
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    • pp.145-186
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    • 2015
  • 본 연구는 제주도 무가 <삼공본풀이>를 분석심리학적 관점에서 고찰하고 해석한 것이다. <삼공본풀이>는 육지의 '내 복에 산다' 계 민담과 유사하고, 한국 뿐 아니라 일본과 중국 등 동아시아 지역뿐만 아니라 아일랜드에 까지 널리 퍼져 있는 신화이다. 누구 복에 사는가? 묻는 부모의 질문에 천지, 부모의 덕과 배꼽아래 선의 덕(배꼽에서 음부 쪽으로 내려 그어진 선)으로 산다고 대답한 셋째 딸 가믄장아기는 쫓겨난다. 가믄장아기는 부모와 자신을 이간시키려 했던 두 언니를 지네와 말똥버섯으로 전환케 하고, 부모는 장님이 되고 걸인이 되게 한다. 가믄장아기는 집을 나와 마를 캐는 마퉁이를 만나 결혼하게 되고, 마를 캐는 밭에서 금을 발견한다. 가믄장아기는 부자가 된 후 걸인잔치를 열어 장님이 된 부모를 만나게 되고 부모는 눈을 뜨게 되며, 두 언니들도 다시 만나 모두와 화해하며 '전생 신'임을 밝힌다. <삼공본풀이>는 신화로써 神의 이야기이다. 神은 완성된 존재로서 다른 것을 생각할 수 없지만 이를 민담 차원으로 내려와서 생각해 볼 수 있을 것이다. 가믄장아기는 아버지의 아니마 원형으로 볼 수 있으며, 이는 부성적인 의식이 변화되어 가는 과정을 나타낸 것이다. 아니마 원형인 가믄장아기는 처음에는 부모에게 배척을 받는다. 그러나 부모가 장님이 되는 고통과 시련의 과정을 겪고 마침내 눈을 뜨게 되는 것은 가믄장아기가 이 세상에 '소명'을 갖고 온 존재임을 알 수 있다. 가믄장아기는 기존의 가부장적인 집단의식을 새롭게 하고자하는 '여성성'의 창조적인 기능을 나타내는 것이다. 이러한 여성성의 의식화는 여성뿐 아니라 남성에게 더 중요함을 보여주는 것이다. 자신이 타고난 본성(여성성)을 알지 못하고 부모의 뜻과 인습적인 가치에 순종하기만 했던 두 언니들도 지네와 말똥버섯이라는 미물과 식물로 전환되어 그림자에 사로잡히는 고통과 시련을 겪음으로써 마침내 자기인식을 획득하게 된다. 가믄장아기는 마지막에 부모와 언니들과 모두 화해를 하여 전체가 되게 함으로써 진정한 의미의 자기실현의 모습을 보여준다. 결론적으로 여성의 자기실현은 가부장적인 집단의식을 새롭게 하는 중요한 목적의미가 있는 것이다.