• Journal of architectural history
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• v.30 no.3
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• pp.45-54
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• 2021

In 2020, Yi Hunwoo was discovered as one of the earliest modern architects in Korea. However, his personal life was yet mostly unknown, including the time of his death. The research team ('the team' hereafter) searched for the records of his personal life and professional career. First, his family genealogical chart revealed that he died in 1937. Having located and contacted Yi's direct descendents, the team was able to clarify his family background with the descendants' testimonies. They possess the photographs of him and his family members, including Yi's picture when he was a freshman at the Nagoya Higher Technical School in Japan. The team also identifies his birthplace and the location of his grave as Hadong, Gyeongsangnamdo, Korea. The team visited his project site in Jinju, Gyeonsangnamdo, Korea and obtained more detailed information about the Ilshin Girls' High School, which he designed in 1928. Gyohoan, the congregation records of Cheondogyo, one of the leading religions in Korea during Yi's times, confirmed that he was one of the congregation members. The field research also discovered the house he designed and built in his hometown of Hadong, probably the only surviving architectural project by him. This paper is to report the result of the research on Yi's life and career with the aim of providing materials for further studies in identifying and positioning him more properly in the early 20th century Korean architectural scene.

• Journal of Daesoon Thought and the Religions of East Asia
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.57-85
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• 2023

The politico-economic waives of Western imperialism and colonialism, along with Christianity, affected East Asia's geopolitical landscape in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. While the Korean people (of the Joseon Dynasty) witnessed the incompetence of Buddhism, Confucianism, and folk religions in maintaining social cohesion with a sense of frustration, the new religious movements (NRMs) emerged to provide altrnative teachings of hope through historical figures like Choe Je-u, Kang Il-sun (or Kang Jeungsan), Na Cheol, and Pak Chungbin. In terms of popularity, colonial Korea (1910-1940) was impressed by the native groups of Cheondogyo (=Donghak), Bocheongyo, and Mugeukdo. Son Byong-hee (1861-1922) was the third leader of the first Korean NRM, but both Cha Gyeong-seok (1880-1936) and Jo Cheol-Je (= Jo Jeongsan) (1895-1958) participated in the post-Jeungsan grassroots movements. How, then, did both of these new religions originate? How did they conceptualise their deities and interpret their teachings differently? What was their policy for national independence? The article explores the socio-religious leaders, historical origin, organizational structure, deities, teaching and doctrines, patriotism, and conflicts of both NRMs in a comparative context. As such, this article argues that they both maintained patriotic characteristics, but that Cha's Bocheongyo community with its ' 60-executives' system (60 bang) failed to manage their internal conflicts effectively. Meanwhile, Jo Cheol-Je of Mugeukdo had the charismatic leadership needed to maintain Mugeukdo, despite being seen as a pseudoreligion under the colonial pressure of Shintoism.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.21
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• pp.409-452
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• 2013

This paper aims to cast light on the theoretical characteristics of Korean new religions' utopian theory from the perspective of theology and apply the findings to the utopian theory of the new religions in Korea. The utopian theory of the new religions in Korea occurred to meet people's aspiration towards a new world on the background of the national ordeal and its consequential psychology in the late Chosun dynasty. As a result, it has the characteristics of a shift from a pure religious framework to participation in reality to realize religious ideals 'right here, right now'. Thus, it basically defined an utopian theory as the product of a society and history, and explained the utopian theory as the projection of the thoughts about current conflicts. However, an approach in this way may leave the likelihood that the individual characteristics of Daesoonjinrihoe would be overlooked and the utopian theory would be limited to the byproduct of the age, only. Thus, this paper has dealt with the religious experience of the founders as the lead of discussion, not a sociological approach. In this context, the religious experience of founders can be more significant clues to view the characteristics of an utopian theory. This directivity of a study can be understood as an attempt to improve the previous sociological methodologies, the leading discourses, and to contribute to the different perspectives on an understanding of the utopian theories of Daesoonjinrihoe. Furthermore, this paper is anticipated to give salience to the individual characteristics reflected in the new religions in Korea and to enhance its status in the history of thoughts, not as the trend of the thought limited to the past.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.36
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• pp.319-352
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• 2013

This paper aims to compare Liang Shu-Ming and Lee Don-Hwa's perceptions of modernization and the philosophical grounds of their perceptions during the New Cultural Movement period in Korea and China. Although Liang and Lee had different levels of enthusiasm towards New Cultural Movement, they shared many commonalities in their attitudes to Western modernization and their philosophical justifications for such attitudes. Liang Shu-Ming not only held positive views of Western modernization, but also examined the spiritual dynamics contributing to the development in science and democracy in Western countries. By analyzing the three fundamental questions of life, three kinds of human attitudes toward life, three types of culture derived from human attitudes, and the recapitulation theory, Liang systematically reviewed the spiritual dimension of Western modernization. Liang defined the spirit of Western modernization as a calculative rationality based on egoism and the separation of Self and Other. Such a statement demonstrates Liang's keen insights towards Western modernization. Meanwhile, although Lee Don-Hwa basically held positive views of Western modernization, from the beginning, he pointed out the problems with Western modernization and attempted to overcome these problems by employing the "human is heaven" doctrine of Cheondogyo. While Lee embraced modern science and the theory of evolution, he also insisted on the legitimacy of mysticism and the compatibility of the creation theory of Cheondogyo and the theory of evolution. Although Lee employed the concepts in Western philosophy of life, he also emphasized the interdependence, reciprocal relationship, and connectedness between Self and Other from the perspective of Cheodogyo doctrine. From the fact that Lee Don-Hwa transcended the modernization theory when he was applying it to answer questions, it seemed that Lee preceded Liang Shu-Ming. Nevertheless, Lee did not demonstrate the keen insight into the spiritual dimension of Western modernization, and his criticism against Western modernization did not touch upon the problem of rationality as Liang did.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.70
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• pp.435-466
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• 2018

"Hajaeilgi (荷齋日記)" was written by Ji Gyu-sik, a gongin of Saongwon (司饔院)'s branch, almost everyday for 20 years and 7 months from January 1st, 1891 until the leap month of June 29th, 1911. It deals with many different areas including domestic and foreign circumstances, custom, rituals, all the affairs related to the branch, and also everyday life. Particularly, Ji Gyu-sik did not belong to the yangban class, and we can hardly find diaries written by such class' people. Here, what this author pays attention to among the things written in "Hajaeilgi" is the contents about rituals, especially coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites. Ji Gyu-sik did write in his "Hajaeilgi" about coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites that were actually performed then as a person not belonging to the yangban class. Such diaries are very rare, and its value is highly appreciated as a material. Particularly, from the late 19th to the early 20th century of this author focuses on the a study of coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites as we can see some aspects about it from his diary. Coming-of-age rites were carried out in the first month of the year generally, and in this period, we can see the transformation of their performing period as it was diversified then. This was not exceptional in yangban families. About wedding, while it was discussed, it came to be canceled more often than before maybe because they were going through the process of enlightenment then. It seems that choosing the day was not done in the bride's family always. Jungin or commoners had a weeding in the bride's house, but when it was needed, it was also performed in the groom's house. Ji Gyu-sik followed the traditional wedding procedure for his children rather faithfully, but it was applied flexibly according to the two families' situations or conditions. Ignoring the traditional manners, they had a wedding in the period of mourning or performed a wedding in the groom's house bringing the bride there. It seems that this was related to the decline of Confucian order in the society in the process of modernization. Also, the form of donations changed, too. Gradually, it was altered to the form of money gifts. Moreover, unlike before, divorcing seems to have been allowed then. Remarriage or divorce was the custom transformed from before. Funeral rites had different durations from death up to balin (carrying out a bier for burial) and hagwan (lowering a coffin into the grave), and so it means that they also went through transformation. Sa-daebu used usually 3 months but here was 7 days from death to balin normally, but it seems that there were yangban families not following it. The traces of 3-iljang (burial on the third day after death) most commonly found these days and chowoo jaewoo samwooje can be also found in "Hajaeilgi". Such materials are, in fact, very highly evaluated nowadays. Meanwhile, donations also changed gradually to the form of money. Regarding ancestral rites, time for memorial service was not fixed. Ji Gyu-sik did not follow jaegye (齋戒) before carrying out gijesa, and in some worse case, he went to pub the day before the memorial service to meet his lover or drink. This is somewhat different from the practice of yangban sadaebu then. Even after entering Christianity, Ji Gyu-sik performed memorial service, and after joining Cheondogyo, he did it, too. Meanwhile, there were some exceptions, but in Hansik or Chuseok, Ji Gyu-sik performed charye (myoje) before the tomb in person or sent his little brother or son to do it. But we cannot find the contents that tell us Ji Gyu-sik carried out myoje in October. Ji Gyu-sik performed saengiljesa calling it saengsincharye almost every year for his late father. But it is noticeable that he performed saengsincharye and memorial service separately, too, occasionally. The gijesa, charye, myoje, and saengsincharye carried out by jungin family from Gyeonggi Gwangju around the time that the status system was abolished and the Japanese Empire took power may have been rather different and less strict than yangban family's practice of ancestral rites; however, it is significant that we can see with it the aspects of ancestral rites performed in family not yangban. As described above, the contents about the a study of coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites found in "Hajaeilgi" are equipped with great value as material and meaningful in the perspective of forklore.