• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.64 no.2
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• pp.17-34
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• 2014

This is a theoretical and empirical study on Kasaya, the Buddhist monk's robe, which is one of the traditional Korean costumes that has kept it original form, as well as it being the most symbolic ritual costume in Buddhism. The purpose of the study is to see the different types of Kasaya, and the transitions it has gone through since Mid Joseon Dynasty. The analysis was performed after categorizing Kasaya in the following manner: layers, the way to wear, symbolism in construction, sewing, etc. Having a variety of Ilwolguangcheop(日月光貼) is a feature of Korean Red Kasaya. In the beginning, Its shape was very similar to shape of Hyungbae(胸背), and this was a royal gift and had the same meaning as an official uniform for a Buddhist monk. So designs of the Cheop(貼) could have been transformed from those of Hyungbae with a Buddhist twist. The conclusion of the study is as follows: Double layered Kasaya shows its transition from double layer to single layer. The fastening ornaments have been simplified in all materials from Yeongja(纓子). The latch type and three-paired Yeongja type transformed into hook type and one-paired Yeongja type. Color is the most common feature above all, and it is mainly in red. The form of Korean Kasaya has a significant relation with development of Buddhism. The integration of the Zen sect would have influenced the integration of Kasaya, which shows diversity throughout the period.

• The Journal of Natural Sciences
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• v.18 no.1
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• pp.91-97
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• 2007

The Korean name "Bizooki" tree was named by the shape of winter bud which is like a slim bow. There are four scientific names in the tree which are Cleyera japonica Thunberg, Cleyera ochnacea DC, Sakakia ochnacea Nakai, and Ternstroemia gymnanthera. And the English name are Japanese Ternstroemia and Japanese Cleyera. "Bizooki" tree has planted at Buddhist temples in Japan for the ritual. The best result of stem cutting in "Bizooki" tree, 100 percent of rooting, could be accomplished in July when cuttings were done on the mixture-soil containing the same rates by volume of vermiculite, peatmoss and perlite with cuts processed with IBA 1,000 mg/l under the circumstances that 70% of shade, plastic mulching, and mist were conditioned.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.34
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• pp.277-313
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• 2017

This study is to find out the correlation with buddhist music after analyzing the rhythm of six pieces of PanYeombul sung by Kim Janggil out of Ogu exorcism of East coast the findings summarized are as follows. First, PanYeombul by Kim Janggil, performed on Oct, 16, 2016, was composed of , , , , , , , , , , and . Still, even if PanYeombul is performed by the same male shaman, the composition can be added or left out depending on some circumstances, which means the procedures are flexible. Seeing that there is common component of in additoin to compared with Kimyongtaek, it can be said that the component of is an important part in PanYeombul of Ogu exorcism of East coast Second, is usually referred to 'SinmyojangguDaedalani' in buddhist ritual, While Kim yongtaek accepts this practice in title, Kim Janggil uses 'YeomhwajangguDaedalani' as the title which makes his song different from others. Yeomhwa means "picking up flowers with fingers" which has been used in buddhism, not in common Considering this fact, the conclusion can be reached that by using the term 'Daedalani' from a buddhist chant, but making differentiation from buddhism, Kim Janggil is making the effort to be different from buddhist rituals. give some unique meaning to shaman rituals. Third, PanYeombul of Ogu exorcism of East coast may be divided into two main parts - the former part is PanYeombul and the latter part is Jiokga. In performing PanYeombul, male shaman sits singing alone and playing Jing himself, on the other hand, in case of Jiokga, he stands singing a solo with gwaeggwari in his hand accompanied by other musicians with the rhythm of Samgongjaebi. As the song and the accompaniment are in the form of giving and taking like duet. it is in peak in terms of music. Accordingly, PanYeombul can be divided into PanYeombul and Jiokga, But since it is performed by one male shaman and sung a solo, it is usually seen as one procedure. Jing, which is a kind of accompaniment in PanYeombul by Kim Janggil, has the role to distinguish a phrase and settle the musical paragraph. When the buddhist chant with one word-one note is performed. it requires the performer to catch his or her breath or clear throat. Just then, Jing comes out for filling out the intervals. Also, its role to distinguish a phrase and settle the musical paragraph helps make it clear to deliver words. The rhythm of Jing is mostly made up of small triple time except equal small binary time, comes out with overwhelmingly more frequency of Sutsoe(♪♩) than Amsoe(♩♪), and often shows syncopation. By often using Off Beat or short-long rhythm even in accompaniment of equal small binary time, he tris to give some variation to monotonous and equal rhythm for the musical vitality. These are similar to Sutsoe rhythm which can evoke tension and Kim Janggil makes these things his characierisiic of rhythm. Fifth, all the pieces consist of mi, sol, la, do, re and the descending melody like do'${\searrow}$la${\searrow}$sol${\searrow}$mi appears most frequently. The descending melody usually arouses the feeling of sorrow, so the sadness for the deceased is presented properly, which suggests his musical talent. Generally, pieces take on Menari-tori as a whole where the length of sol appears for a short time in descending la${\searrow}$sol${\searrow}$mi of perfect four degrees. Sixth, Even he accepts the lines of buddhist chant, he changes them in some degree. For example, he inserted some words between lines like 'Wonwangsaeng' and 'NamuAmitabul' and added Korean words like hapsosa to the lines of buddhist service written in Chinese character. Also, he inserted some words like 'iiiiiii~' to express the feeling of sadness. These are to maximize the desire of the deceased to go to the heaven and at the same time to diminish the sign of buddhism and strengthen the features of shamanism. Seventh, the effort to decrease the sign of buddhism is made in pasting lines of two songs. For example, Between the last words 'Wonsuaenapsu of Dage and the first words 'Jisimgwimyeongrye' of Chiljeongrye, there is usually a short pause to distinguish paragraphs, But he continues two songs without any pause to get rid of the feelings of buddhist chant. In terms of melody, he makes a distance from buddhist chant in an effort that he gives some traits to shaman rituals which are different from buddhist even if he uses the lines of buddhist rituals. Eighth, the analyzed pieces can be in four categories - no regular melody , , equal small binary time , eotmori melody of ten eighth time with 3+2+3+2 mixed small time . and Samgongjaebi melody 3+2+3 mixed small time . Each piece has its unique melody. Although of buddhist ritual is often performed, by using eotmori melody, he evokes the feeling of shaman and is another example of giving unique characteristic to the shaman of East coast by using Samgongjaebi melody.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.104
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• pp.102-142
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• 2023

The Bronze Bell of Wongaksa Temple, also known as the Bosingak Bell, was produced in 1468 during the reign of King Sejo for dedication at Wongaksa Temple in the middle of the capital Hanyang in celebration of the tenth anniversary of his accession to the throne. It is currently heavily damaged and cannot be struck. This paper focuses on the man-made damage inflicted on the Bosingak Bell and explores when, why, and by whom the bell was damaged along with the historical significance of this damage. In the first section, the relevant literature is reviewed and the problems concerned, research perspective, and methodology are presented. The history of related theories is investigated focusing on the relationship between Bosingak Bell and Wongaksa Bell. The perspective that Bosingak Bell and Wongaksa Bell are the same is introduced. My discussion will be developed from this perspective. In the second section, the background to King Sejo's construction of Wongaksa Bell is examined. Specifically, the bells commissioned by the kings of the early Joseon era are divided into court bells (jojong) and Buddhist bells (beomjong). They total four court bells and three Buddhist bells. The former are the Jongnu Tower Bell commissioned by King Taejo, Donhwamun Gate Bell by King Taejong, Gwanghwamun Gate Bell by King Sejong, and Sajeongjeon Hall Bell by King Sejo. The latter are the bells of Yongmunsa, Heungcheonsa (or Jeongneungsa) and Wongaksa Temples, all of which were made during the reign of King Sejo. Sejo also made Wongaksa Bell and gave it the meaning that the monarch and the Buddha both wish to enlighten the people through the sound of the bells. In the third section, traces of the man-made damage done to Bosingak Bell are closely examined. By observing the current condition of Bosingak Bell and comparing it with the contemporaneous Heungcheongsa Bell (1462) and Bongseonsa Bell (1469), the components of Bosingak Bell that were damaged can be identified. The damaged parts are again divided into Buddhist elements and non-Buddhist elements. The former includes the reversed lotus petals on the shoulder band, four standing bodhisattvas, and the inscription of the bell composed by Choe Hang. The latter includes lists of chief supervisors (dojejo). I describe the phenomenon of deliberately damaging Buddhist elements on bells as "effacement of Buddhism," meaning Buddhist images and inscriptions are eliminated, and I note the prevailing rejection of Buddhism theory among Neo-Confucianists as its ideological root. The erasure of non-Buddhist images was probably caused by political conflicts such as Yeonsangun's purge in 1504. Since both ideological and political factors played a role in the changes made to Bosingak Bell, the damage was possibly done between the Purge of 1504 and the abdication of Yeonsangun in 1506. Chapter four traces the transformation of the Buddhist bell of Wongaksa Temple into the Bosingak court bell. Finally completed in 1468, the Wongaksa Bell only served its role as a Buddhist bell at related services for a relatively brief period of 36 years (until 1504). Wongaksa Temple was closed down and the bell lost its Buddhist function. In 1536, it was moved from Wongaksa Temple to Namdaemun Gate, where it remained silent for the next 90 years until it was struck again in November 1594. However, after the destruction of the Jongnu Bell in a fire during the Japanese Invasions of Korea (1592-1598), the Buddhist bell from Wongaksa Temple became a court bell. The Wongaksa Temple bell was relocated to Jongnu Tower in 1619, traveling through Myeongdong Pass. From then on, as the official Jongnu Bell (later renamed Bosingak Bell), it was regularly rung at dawn and dusk every day for nearly 300 years until 1908, when Japanese authorities halted the ritual. The transformation of the Wongaksa Bell (a Buddhist bell) to Bosingak Bell (a court bell) means that the voice of the Buddha was changed to the voice of the king. The concept of "effacement of Buddhism," evident in the transformation of Wongaksa Bell to Bosingak Bell, was practiced widely on almost every manifestation of Buddhism throughout the Joseon period. In short, the damage evident in Bosingak Bell underscores the debuddhismization in Korean society during the Joseon Dynasty.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.21 no.1
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• pp.83-98
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• 2012

The starting point of this study is the concerning of simple behavioral pattern that whoever enters the inner space with taking off his shoes should go out from the position where he laid his shoes. The using of Ondol (floor heating room) and Maru (lifted wood floor) had changed the architectural space from chair-sitting to floor-sitting space, and it also made the behavior of taking off the shoes at the entrance of building and stepping on the lifted floor. This simple behavior has possibility to make lots of changes to the culture of architectural design. With this noticeable point, this paper is talking about the cultural feature of Korean traditional architecture, especially about the influence of tanking off and putting on shoes. The matter of shoes has changed diverse aspects of building and layout planning. It maximized the difference between front and rear part of building and characterized the lateral extension of Korean traditional house. The ritual space also had evolved from chair-sitting to floor-sitting space according to the type of ritual behavioral pattern. The change on the single building level had influenced on the layout planning of architectural complex. For examples, the parallel layout of ChangDeok-gung palace and the long sequential process to the main pavilion of Buddhist temple are the result of the matter of shoes. And NuGak(樓閣), the double-storied pavilion, on the axis of entering sequence's node is one of the unique planning elements that makes possible to go through the building without taking off the shoes and also makes upper level space for staying. In short, Korean traditional architecture that has the chair-sitting spatial origin of the East Asian cultural sphere has pursued new architectural issues and planning methods according to evolution to the floor-sitting culture.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.19 no.4
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• pp.71-90
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• 2010

The names of Seokgatab and Dabotab are almost generalized among the people along with Bulguksa the most well-known temple in Korea. But, despite this generalized situation, the names of Seokgatab and Dabotab have not secured the clear standpoint till now. It is because the names of Seokgatab and Dabotab can be found only in the 18C documents like and . More complicatedly, in the record of the Goryeo sarira case found during the dismantling of Seokgatab, the name of Seokgatab was 'Mugujeonggwangtab' or 'Seoseoktab'. This paper is to secure the nominal validity of Seokgatab and Dabotab to remove the confusion due to their names and to raise the efficiency of studies related with Bulguksa in the future. First, their names and the problems related with them were summarized in Chapter 2. Based on this critical consciousness, Chapter 3 deals with the tragedy of Asadal related with the creation of the stone pagodas and its symbolic re-interpretation. In this process, we can see that there could be a viewpoint of the great comprehension in them through the completion of 'the Buddhist Nation'. Then, the architectural features of Seokgatab and Dabotab were analyzed in the ritual view point of . Finally, in Chapter 4, on the basis that the viewpoint of one specific sect can not be predominantly applied in the construction of Buddhist land, it is held that Avatamsaka Idea and Saddharma-pundarika Idea can coexist without any conflict. It is shown in the fact that Seokgatab and Dabotab can make harmony together in the Avatamsaka Idea while keeping their names. With these efforts, we can clearly see that the peculiar titles of Seokgatab and Dabotab can be said to secure sufficient validity.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.33
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• pp.274-289
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• 2000

Koryo Dynasty has greatly effected the meat eating practice in Korea. And by focusing on this period, this paper has in vestigated how this practice influenced and effected our meat eating culture. The 'Orders to Prohibit Butchery' written on Koryo's history books were to encourage stockbreeding rather than to follow the Buddhist policy they followed. By encouraging stockbreeding, they wanted to promote the usage of cattle in farming and thus increasing agriculture industry as a whole. Nonetheless, records show that hunting was permitted to a certain degree. And this allowed the civilians to depend their meat supply from hunting and for the fire field farmers to capture wild animals that harmed their crops. Moreover, through 'Kiwujae' (Kiwujae - a shamans service to pray for rain / ritual (praying) for rain.), we could see that earlier part of Karyo's rituals and ceremonies followed the Buddhist tradition while the latter followed the Shamanism tradition. Perhaps this was the result of allowing 'meat' for the service offerings. As Shamanism could be considered as a religion that allowed 'meat', prevalence of Shamanism was promoting meat-eating at mess(after these rituals and ceremonies that offered food (meat inclusive) to their guardian or god, the civilians would dine together.). In relation, this public eating practice slowed down the progress for storage technique. Therefore, meat-eating was developed through public and mass dining rather than through the form of family or private. On this account, we can safely regard meat-eating practice as a 'public event'. On the other hand, the history of castration is not so long in Korea. And the purpose of such practice was to use the stock for farming rather than to yield high quality meat. It is known that Mongol in Koryo period has greatly influenced meat cooking in Korea. And the exemplary dish is the 'tang' (tang - kind of soup. However less creamy, clearer broth and with more ingredients than soup.). However, the tang we ate in everyday life had the same cooking method as the tang we offered for services. Moreover, since we did not use castrated animals for our offering as the Mongolians, we must not have been greatly influenced by them. But if so, perhaps the influences would have been limited to the nobility.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.43
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• pp.381-403
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• 2021

Cheonsubara Dance is one of the most important ceremonies in Buddhist rituals. This paper is a study on principles of Cheonsubara Dance in Yeongnam. This also distinguishes the Cheonsubara Dance performed for about 7 minutes with no patterns according to 'The Great Dharani of Spiritually Sublime Phrases' by dance words, and analizes its combinations and principles. Cheonsubara Dance in Yeongnam consists of 7 dance words(Greeting, Carrying, Carrying with 180° rotation, Bara-Garugi, Bara-Garugi with both hands, rotate once, Bara-chigi), and put together according to the number of letters from 'The Great Dharani of Spiritually Sublime Phrases'. Usually, the principles can be seen through 4 types of changes from the dance: 1) When letters of 'The Great Dharani of Spiritually Sublime Phrases' appear consecutively with the same number of characters, 2) When a two-letter word turns into a three-letter word, 3) When the opposite of 2) occurs, 4) When 2~3 letter words change in a row.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.18
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• pp.149-164
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• 2004

Various social surveys conducted by mass media and government agencies in recent years in Japan suggest that the percentage of those who believe in religion are between twenty and thirty percent. However, more than seventy percent of Japanese visit Shinto shrines or Buddhist temples during the New year period. Although there are varying interpretations on whether Japanese people are religious or not, detailed research shows the existence of certain religious tendencies among Japanese. I base my estimates on research surveys of college students covering a period of almost ten years. It is helpful for understanding the religiosity of the Japanese to differentiate between "clear-cut religion" and "peripheral religious phenomena." The exact boundary between these two categories, however, is difficult to clearly demarcate. "Clear-cut religion" refers here phenomena which are directly related to established religious organizations such as shrine Shinto, Buddhist sects, or Christianity. "Peripheral religious phenomena" covers such phenomena as fortune telling, mystical phenomena, religious customs and similar matters. It is often said that the younger generations are less concerned with religion. Our seven surveys questioning several thousand college students, conducted between 1995 and 2001, show that only between six and seven percent of the students state that they believe in religion. Additionally, the extent of negative attitudes toward religion quite remarkable. On the other hand, students who take part in conventional ritual such as a New year's visit to a shrine or temple and visiting the graves of ancestors amount to about fifty percentage. In spite of the prevailing negative attitude toward religious groups, these students have apparently kept a certain level of interest in religious customs. Moreover, they show a relatively strong interest in fortune telling, mystical phenomena, or supernatural phenomena. The exact degree of a positive attitude toward peripheral religious phenomena differs according to the level of being informed on these matters. As a whole, they largely rely on information gained from their families and local communities. Therefore, we can conclude that there is a degree of transmission of religious culture among younger generations.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.56
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• pp.75-115
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• 2014

The text reviewed in this paper "Dongbangsaek is the Secret (Dongbangsaegi bigyeorira)" is in the collection of the Yulgok Memorial Library of Dankook University. With 13 leaves ($35.7{\times}22.3cm$) bound with thread, the booklet has been transcribed by hand. Although there is no record on the place, person and year of transcription, it is estimated to have been transcribed in the 20th century based on the use of the period, a punctuation mark. In addition, the complete absence of dialect vocabulary also shows that it was transcribed in the capital area-Seoul or Gyeonggi Province. It is assumed that the text is part of a Buddhist scripture chanted by an exorcist during a shamanistic ritual. As a booklet containing secret methods to divine what is auspicious and what is ominous in daily life, it must have been transcribed by an exorcist to use it for her ritual.