• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.64 no.1
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• pp.45-63
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• 2014

In the Taenghwa(Buddhist paintings), the clothing habits of the times can be observed since it depicts the lives of people from all walks of life. These 16th century Taenghwas were drawn based on the understanding of the ritual costumes of early Joseon dynasty appearing in works such as oryeui Se-jong-sil-lok; Sejong chronicles and Gyong-guk-Dae-jon. It shows the perception of various types of clothing such as the Myeon-Bok(King's Full Dress), Won-yu-gwan-bok(King's Ceremonial Dress), and Gon-ryong-po(royal robe at work), and describes the early King's Won-yu-gwan-bok in the early Joseon dynasty that equips Bang-sim-gok-ryong(Round Neck Band). Various officials' uniforms and various men's coats are described. From it, one can visually verify the records of Joong-jong-sil-lok; Joongjong chronicles that describes the appearances of various hats and coats. They also tell us that Chang-ot(light outer coat) was worn prior to the 17th century. It also shows us that the ritual costume of women in Koryo was passed down to early Joseon. Also, in regards to the Buddhist priest costumes, the jang-sam's gray color and ga-sa's red color has been passed down until today. The most representative characteristic for clothing materials were horsehair, silk, ramie, hemp, and cotton.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.11 no.4 s.32
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• pp.129-142
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• 2002

The Kyeongbok Palace was completely renewed during the reign of King Sejong, the fourth King of the Joseon Dynasty(1392-1910). The repair was done for the two main purpose; one was to obtain the dignity of the main palace of the dynasty, the other was to make the palace suitable for the performing of the various ritual ceremonies. It was under the reign of King Sejong that every detail of the procedure of the royal ritual ceremony. The procedure of ritual ceremony changed the buildings of the palace. The quarter of Sajeong-jeon, King's office, was changed remarkably from the original form as the building became the beginning and ending point of King's moving during the ritual ceremonies. The site of the palace had ill reputation from the point of geomancy since its establishment. King Sejong ignored the rumor and kept the palace as usual. In his later year's, Sejong had tried to build a detached quarter and a Buddhist shrine in the palace. But he had to give up his plan because of the retainer's strong opposition. The original layout of the Kyeongbok Palace could be remained as the King renounced his controversial personal wish. King Sejong deserves a full credit for the establishment of the Kyeongbok Palace as the main palace of the Joseon Dynasty.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.18 no.8
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• pp.366-378
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• 2018

The purpose of this study is to examine the periodic characteristics of creative Buddhist hymns in our country, and confirm the role of Buddhist hymns in popularizing Buddhism and the activities and meanings of pioneers who contributed to such Buddhist hymns. The further purpose of this study is to confirm the utility of Buddhist hymns. In the present, the problems of Buddhist hymns can be pointed out as follows. First, some Buddhist hymns which were created about 50 years ago are used, so that new Buddhist hymns can not be established. Second, their degree of completion as music are not sufficient. Third, it is insufficient to study the miswriting of transmitted Buddhist hymns. Fourth, there is no systematical management of Buddhist hymns. The countermeasures for these problems can be presented as follows. First, it is necessary to expand the utilization of Buddhist hymns in Buddhist ceremonies. Second, new creative Buddhist hymns are required. Third, the religious body should reinforce its support for promoting interests in Buddhist hymns. Fourth, it is necessary to activate temple concerts in order to strengthen the popularization of Buddhist hymns. First of all, it is required to confirm the usefulness of creative Buddhist hymns for popularizing Buddhism and create and utilize new Buddhist hymns appropriate to contemporary senses.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.25
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• pp.291-332
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• 2012

Cham is the Buddhist ritual dance performed at the religious festival of Lamaism. It has been spread and performed at the Lamaist monastery of Tibet, India, Nepal, Bhutan and Monglia. The type and style of Cham are differntiated by the region and sect. However, they share the common aim of exorcising all evils symbolized by linga who resists the Buddhist dharma, and thereby celebrating the victory of Buddhism. This paper deals with the ritualistic concept and structure of Cham with a focus on Hemis Chetsu of Ladakh located at the extreme north of India. The festival is held to honor the birthday of $Padm{\bar{a}}sambhava$ who is the founder of Tibetan Buddhism in the 8th century. As a result, this paper drew the characteristics of Cham performance such as dance as the incarnation of sacred beings, ritualistic offering, visualization meditation as well as the ritual space as a mandala, the ritualistic intent of stylized acting, accumulative performance structure, the $Mahay{\bar{a}}nic$ motif of performance.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.14 no.1 s.41
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• pp.21-39
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• 2005

This study is to examine the Severe-Ornament (Vyuha :Sanskrit) of wooden pagodas in Shilla period in order to assume a detailed shape of wooden pagodas called the palace style, the multi-story style, the towered namsion style, that were built at the temples in Gyeongju during Shilla period. The Severe-Ornament had been used traditionally by installing a Buddhist image, Guardians, Sarira and by printing a color. The other hand, The roof tiles and tiles were annexed to the Severe-Ornament so as to enhance the value of the wooden pagodas. The Vyuha had been used not only to install a highly valued Buddhist image in the wooden pagodas but also to represent an important part of ritual art of Silla period. Therefore, it was possible to find out a variety of details of the wooden pagodas in Shilla period.

• Journal of the Architectural Institute of Korea Planning & Design
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• v.34 no.9
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• pp.129-140
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• 2018

The purpose of this study was to reconsider existing hypotheses on the orinination and changes of changbang-anchogongs and their types and suggest an alternative hypothesis. The earliest changbang-anchogongs in $17^{th}$ century is presumed to originate as imitations of chungbang ppaelmoks for ornamental and reinforcing parts for changbangs. They were framed whole sides of buildings equally, and were used in small numbers of extant royal buildings and Buddhist halls. From late $17^{th}$ century, enlarged dragon shape changbang-anchogongs applied to Buddhist halls maily to decorate and strengthen front side of buildings. As a result of exchange between changbang-anchogongs and Ikgong type brackets, combined changbang-anchogongs in Buddhist halls were invented for stronger connection with upper bracketing units and have been spread during $18^{th}$ century. Danpyeongbang anchogongs were originated by the connection between short pieces of pyeongbangs and early type of anchogongs similar to ppaelmoks. They belong to minority subtype, but were drawn in illustrations by mistake, as parts of main halls of royal palaces from $19^{th}$ century, because of painter's confusion about new techniques for changbang-anchogongs. Combined changbang-anchogongs for royal buildings were presumed to be invented in 1790s by stimulation from a Buddhist hall related to royal tomb. However, unlike Buddhist precedence, they were used to reinforce and decorate whole sides, even corners, of buildings, and their frameworks and shapes were imported from Daeryang-anchogongs at flanks of ritual halls in royal tombs and royal shrines from $17^{th}$ century.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.46
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• pp.123-152
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• 2023

This paper will examine how the Avalokitesvara faith of India was restructured into the doctrines and practices related to the Sinicized version of the deity as Guanyin (觀音) Bodhisattva. Particular focus will be given to the Hangzhou area of China, when the Guanyin faith was still in the process of gaining establishment in China. In the Hangzhou area, Buddhist Orders grew significantly due to the wealth accumulated from commerce using canals and maritime trade, and the Chan (禪 typically known as Zen in English) Orders were particularly active during the Song Dynasty. Zhiyi (智顗), a prominent master from the Tiantai Order (天台宗), based his activities out of Hangzhou. He composed the text known as the Commentary on the Guanyin Petitioning Sutra (Qingguanyinjing-shu 請觀音經疏) based on a reinterpretation of a scripture related to Guanyin, and he systematized the Guanyin Repentance Ritual (Guanyin-chanfa 觀音懺法) by combining the Doctrines of Tiantai with the Guanyin faith. In addition, Ciyin Zunshi (慈雲遵式) reformulated that Guanyin Repentance Ritual into the Guanyin Petitioning Repentance Ritual (qing-guanyin-chan 請觀音懺) to make it into a common ritual that was more accessible to everyday people. The book, Records Regarding the Personal Conduct of the Chan Master Zhijue (zhijue-chanshi-zixing-lu 智覺禪師自行錄), which is written by Yongming Yanshou (永明延壽), a figure from the Fayan Order (法眼宗), one of the Chan Buddhist orders in the Hangzhou area during the Northern Song Dynasty, reveals the acceptance of the Guanyin faith as a daily practice within the 108 daily rituals (108事). In Chinese Buddhism, there were historical examples of monks being worshipped as incarnations of Guanyin Bodhisattva. An example of this includes iconography depicting Baozhi (寶誌), a figure from Jiliang (濟涼) who lived during the Southern Dynasties, as Ekādaśamukha (十一面觀音, Eleven-faced Guanyin Bodhisattva) in keeping with the belief that he was an incarnation of that deity. Monks of the Tiantai and Chan orders operating in the Hangzhou area actively utilized the transmission of Buddhist tales about Guanyin Bodhisattva as related to monks that exhibited miraculous powers (神異僧). This can be understood as a phenomenon demonstrating how Song Buddhism tried to attract more believers through the popularity of the Guanyin Faith.

• Journal of North-East Asian Cultures
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• v.30
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• pp.123-143
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• 2012

in the late 14th century, korean confucian literati, sinjinsadaebe(新進士大夫), tried to reform korean society in the base of neo confucianism. after Joseon Founding, korean confucian literati modified a lot of confucian ceremonies in order to substitute buddhist ceremonies. at first, they titled confucian ceremonies as "gyu sik(regulation manuals)", "Eui mun(ceremonial manuals)", and "Eui je(ceremonial manuals)". but in the end, they titled confucian ceremonies as "Eui gwe(Ritual Protocol Manuals)". they also titled the reports on national occasions as "Eui gwe(Ritual Protocol Manuals)". among the confucian reforms, the most important reforms were auspicious ceremony. korean confucian literati tried to make perfect confucian auspicious ceremony. the first national achievement by confucian reformers was the five national rituals in annals of king sejong. and the second national achievement by confucian reformers was the five national rituals. the royal cart regulated in the five national rituals in annals of king sejong was cart decorated by ivory. but the royal cart regulated in the five national rituals was the sedan with cover. the reason of the change of royal cart were king sejo's political showmanship and diplomatic pretext toward ming(明) china. after the publishment of the five national rituals, the royal cart was represented by the sedan with cover.

• Conservation Science in Museum
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• v.14
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• pp.13-22
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• 2013

The Nectar Ritual Painting(Jeung7551) in National Museum of Korea is estimated to have been produced in the 16th century. Ezimagodo who is the head priest of Ruganji in Kyoto, Japan donated this painting in 2010. Overall, damages were serious, such as missing, staining, folding, insects of the face and mounting silk, therefore, it need to conservation treatment. The treatment of conservation in painting was removing surface stains and repairing missing area. It was mounted by following the original form. The analysis result of textile in mounting and support fiber used silk and hemp in microscope. Pigments in paint were divided into six color types. This painting was used that vermilion(cinnabar) and red lead for red color, litharge(massicot) and gold for yellow color, lead white for white color, malachite for green color, azurite for blue color, and carbon black(chinese ink) for black color.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.38
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• pp.305-321
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• 1998

The costume style of the Chosun dynasty changed greatly after Imjinwaeran (the Japanese Invasion of Chosun Korea, 1592∼1598). Most of the extant costumes come from the late Chosun, but some costumes produced be-fore Imjinwaeran have been excavated, and in addition, information on these older constumes is contained in contemporary literature. Of especial value in the study of pre-Imjinwaeran Chosun constumes is a mid-sixteenth century palace painting depicting the worship of Buddha, a painting in the collection of the Ho-Am Art Museum in Seoul. The present study of costume during the middle Chosun dynasty focuses on this painting, and compares it with other contemporary palace paintings, and with other contemporary palace paintings, and with Nectar Ritual Paintings. The following conclusion were drawn : * Concerning woman's hair styles of the time, married women wore a large wig. Un-married women braided their hair, and then either let it fall down their back or wore it coiled on top of their head. * The major characteristic of woman's costumes was a ample, tube-like silhouette, with the ratio of the Jeogori(Korean woman's jacket) and skirt being one-to-one. * The style of Jeogori in the painting was like that of excavated remains. Some Jeogoris were simple (without decoration), while some Jeogoris were worn with red sashes. Here we can confirm the continuity of ancient Korean costumes with those of the sixteenth century * Although the skirt covered the ankles, it did not touch the ground. Because the breadth of the skirt was not wide, it seems to have been for ordinary use. Colors of skirts were mainly white or light blue. * All men in the painting wore a headdress. Ordinary men, not Buddhist monks, wore Bok-du (headstring), Chorip (straw hat), or Heuk-rip (black hat). In this painting, men wore a Heukrip which had a round Mojeong (crown). * The men wore sashes fastened around their waist to close their coats, which was different from the late Chosun, in which men bound their sashes around their chest. That gave a ration of the bodice of the coat to the length of the skirt of one-to-one, which was consistent with that of woman's clothing. * In this painting, we cannot see the Buddhist monk's headdress that appeared later in the Chosun, such as Gokkal (peaked hat), Songnak (nun's hat), and Gamtu (horsehair cap). These kinds of headdresses, which appeared in paintings from the seventeenth century, were worn widely inside or outside the home. Buddhist monks wore a light blue long coat, called Jangsam (Buddhist monk's robe) and wore Gasa (Buddhist monk's cope), a kind of ceremonial wrap, round their body. We can see that the Gasa was very splendid in the early years of the Chosun dynasty, a continuing tradition of Buddhist monk's costumes from the Koryo dynasty.