• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.34
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• pp.277-313
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• 2017

This study is to find out the correlation with buddhist music after analyzing the rhythm of six pieces of PanYeombul sung by Kim Janggil out of Ogu exorcism of East coast the findings summarized are as follows. First, PanYeombul by Kim Janggil, performed on Oct, 16, 2016, was composed of , , , , , , , , , , and . Still, even if PanYeombul is performed by the same male shaman, the composition can be added or left out depending on some circumstances, which means the procedures are flexible. Seeing that there is common component of in additoin to compared with Kimyongtaek, it can be said that the component of is an important part in PanYeombul of Ogu exorcism of East coast Second, is usually referred to 'SinmyojangguDaedalani' in buddhist ritual, While Kim yongtaek accepts this practice in title, Kim Janggil uses 'YeomhwajangguDaedalani' as the title which makes his song different from others. Yeomhwa means "picking up flowers with fingers" which has been used in buddhism, not in common Considering this fact, the conclusion can be reached that by using the term 'Daedalani' from a buddhist chant, but making differentiation from buddhism, Kim Janggil is making the effort to be different from buddhist rituals. give some unique meaning to shaman rituals. Third, PanYeombul of Ogu exorcism of East coast may be divided into two main parts - the former part is PanYeombul and the latter part is Jiokga. In performing PanYeombul, male shaman sits singing alone and playing Jing himself, on the other hand, in case of Jiokga, he stands singing a solo with gwaeggwari in his hand accompanied by other musicians with the rhythm of Samgongjaebi. As the song and the accompaniment are in the form of giving and taking like duet. it is in peak in terms of music. Accordingly, PanYeombul can be divided into PanYeombul and Jiokga, But since it is performed by one male shaman and sung a solo, it is usually seen as one procedure. Jing, which is a kind of accompaniment in PanYeombul by Kim Janggil, has the role to distinguish a phrase and settle the musical paragraph. When the buddhist chant with one word-one note is performed. it requires the performer to catch his or her breath or clear throat. Just then, Jing comes out for filling out the intervals. Also, its role to distinguish a phrase and settle the musical paragraph helps make it clear to deliver words. The rhythm of Jing is mostly made up of small triple time except equal small binary time, comes out with overwhelmingly more frequency of Sutsoe(♪♩) than Amsoe(♩♪), and often shows syncopation. By often using Off Beat or short-long rhythm even in accompaniment of equal small binary time, he tris to give some variation to monotonous and equal rhythm for the musical vitality. These are similar to Sutsoe rhythm which can evoke tension and Kim Janggil makes these things his characierisiic of rhythm. Fifth, all the pieces consist of mi, sol, la, do, re and the descending melody like do'${\searrow}$la${\searrow}$sol${\searrow}$mi appears most frequently. The descending melody usually arouses the feeling of sorrow, so the sadness for the deceased is presented properly, which suggests his musical talent. Generally, pieces take on Menari-tori as a whole where the length of sol appears for a short time in descending la${\searrow}$sol${\searrow}$mi of perfect four degrees. Sixth, Even he accepts the lines of buddhist chant, he changes them in some degree. For example, he inserted some words between lines like 'Wonwangsaeng' and 'NamuAmitabul' and added Korean words like hapsosa to the lines of buddhist service written in Chinese character. Also, he inserted some words like 'iiiiiii~' to express the feeling of sadness. These are to maximize the desire of the deceased to go to the heaven and at the same time to diminish the sign of buddhism and strengthen the features of shamanism. Seventh, the effort to decrease the sign of buddhism is made in pasting lines of two songs. For example, Between the last words 'Wonsuaenapsu of Dage and the first words 'Jisimgwimyeongrye' of Chiljeongrye, there is usually a short pause to distinguish paragraphs, But he continues two songs without any pause to get rid of the feelings of buddhist chant. In terms of melody, he makes a distance from buddhist chant in an effort that he gives some traits to shaman rituals which are different from buddhist even if he uses the lines of buddhist rituals. Eighth, the analyzed pieces can be in four categories - no regular melody , , equal small binary time , eotmori melody of ten eighth time with 3+2+3+2 mixed small time . and Samgongjaebi melody 3+2+3 mixed small time . Each piece has its unique melody. Although of buddhist ritual is often performed, by using eotmori melody, he evokes the feeling of shaman and is another example of giving unique characteristic to the shaman of East coast by using Samgongjaebi melody.

• Journal of Families and Better Life
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• v.11 no.2
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• pp.111-120
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• 1993

The purpose of the study is to find how the family moral principles are placed in the Buddhist Sutra how they come up to the surface through certain course. We set up the following five kinds of question for aim of this study First in which form are the family moral principles placed in the Buddhist Sutra ? That is are they shown devided into two between the fundamental though of Buddhism and the concrete description? Second how are the family moral principles melted into the fundamental though of Bud-dhism ? Buddhism takes a cognitive method of pursuiting one from divesification,. If that is so the family moral principles will establish the fundamental thought of Buddhism melted along with other phenomena. When the fundamental thought of Buddhism is restored to the family moral principles which image are they presented with us? Third if the family moral princprinciples melted into the fundamental thought of Buddhism in itself came up to the surface ? Buddhism has a and is mixed together. The family moral principles of Buddhism are named from the fundamental thoughts to the family moral principles and do not come up to the surface but are melted into the important concepts of Buddism that is charity kama nirvara emptiness the principle of middle way. The aspects of the family moral principles which are melted into theses thoughts: 1) The concept of loving-kindness including equality non-self practice is shown in the family moral principles. 2) The thought of karma includes the moral principles for interdependence between the building up of home and family members. 3) Home should be a place of self-realization from the suffering realization This kind of home salvation should be set up by family members themselves and the consciousness of the master that such salvation is neither to be made by others not to be given by god is presented one should be the master of one's life 4) The thought of emptiness includes the social extension of home and those of the moral principles of collective body of family. 5) The Buddnist family is morality is based on the principle of the middle way shich means neither too extrim nor lacking.

• Journal of the East Asian Society of Dietary Life
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• v.16 no.2
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• pp.215-225
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• 2006

This study was peformed to evaluate the served menu and investigate the management of food service in Korean Buddhist temples. Among the available temples in the nation, 34 temples were carefully selected considering practice type, location and the gender characteristics. A survey about meal preparation and management was conducted to the cooking staff in each the temple using questionnaire by interview between Jan 2004 and Aug 2004. The menus over A five consecutive days menu was were also collected for analysis to analyse. Civilian cooking staffs were preparing meals in 23(67.6%) of the temples and the proportion 18(52.9%) of the temples were planning their own the menus was 52.9%. Most kitchens in the temples were equipped with modernized kitchen appliances. The major food supply was the conventional market Even though the majority of the temples were using processed food, Korean fermented sauces as the most traditional temple food products were prepared by themselves. There were 114 menu patterns and the most frequently served meal pattern was ${\ulcorner}Rice+Soup+Kimchi+3{\sim}4\;side\;dishes{\lrcorner}$. Analyzing from the cultural characteristics point of view, the most frequently served dish type was 'Korean'(90%), while other types were 'modified Korean'(3.7%) and 'Western'(2.7%). The varieties of Various 438 different dishes provided were 438 provided and with Kimchies (19.8%), Seasoned vegetables(16.8%) and Rice(11.0%) being the highest were high in frequency when dishes were categorized into dish classes. Among the main dishes, the frequency of gruel(13.7%) was relatively high. These results suggest the need to conduct Based upon the results found, it was required to continue further research about preserving and inheriting the originality and uniqueness of the temple food.

• Industry Promotion Research
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• v.9 no.2
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• pp.137-151
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• 2024

This study analyzes the feng shui characteristics of the location of Seon-un Temple in Do-sol Mountain, Gochang from a metaphysical and selfish perspective through field research and literature review.A characteristic element of feng shui was that it prioritized harmony with nature and made it a reference point for selecting a location through a reasonable method. In the Silla Dynasty, adherent monks studied in the Gangseo area, where the Hyeongsepungsu first appeared, and this Hyeongsepungsu of the Gangseo District Law flowed into Korea and played a leading role in selecting the location of the temple and arranging Garam. Seon-un Temple was located under Do-sol Mountain and had no choice but to have great significance, and it was a practice of the desire to achieve Buddhist perfection through Do-sol Stream and Do-sol Small Temple, which enter the kingdom of Buddha. A s a result, the location of Seon-un Temple under Do-sol Mountain in Gochang reflected a variety of feng shui characteristics. In particular, the location of Sun-un Temple in Do-sol Mountain logically used the characteristics and meanings of feng shui and practiced becoming one with nature, which is aimed at spreading Buddhist doctrine and ideology, which has the holiest meaning of Buddhism.

• The Journal of Natural Sciences
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• v.16 no.1
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• pp.111-128
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• 2005

This study was conducted under the theory of hermitage ever built from buddhist belief. Directing to hermitages within temples of Korea Jogye Order, we focused on the layout correspondence relationship among them. and 161 hermitages were the first object of the investigation. For the accomplishment of the research purpose, the general epitome and spatial specification through various literature studies, on-the-spot survey and personal communications with a lot of priests were made. As one of the basic surveys, the foundation year were thoroughly investigated, followed by the form of building, main buddha and hermitage name. The results obtained were summarized as follows : Forty five hermitages which are equivalent to twenty eight percent of total hermitages within the parish-level temples of Korea Jogye Order, were built in shilla Dynasty and twenty hermitages that are 12.4 percent of the total were constructed in Koryo Dynasty and thirty seven percent of the total were founded during both of dynasties. This fact makes us to consider that many of hermitages in those days were constructed with the simultaneity of principal temple foundation which means hermitage had responded the spirit of the times. Every hermitage has its main Buddha and this thing happened that each hermitage enshrines its main Buddha according to the thought which was developed with the Buddhism expansion and sutra that is in accordance with their own intention. .Basically a capital temple has differed in its central sanctum in accordance with resourceful sutra, and, at the same time, twenty seven in avatamsk sectenshrine for Sakyamuni as their sanction and eight for the Merciful Goddess and 42.7 percent for Chajang's hermitages. The name of hermitage not only represents its symbol but comprises the characteristic meaning of ascetic practice. 31.7 percent of the hermitages studies was found to have the names of relating to 'ascetic practice' or 'thought' followed by the 'nature' or 'environment' to 21.7 percent.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.18
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• pp.53-79
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• 2004

This paper explores the relationship between Korean immigrants to the United States and their religious identity from the cultural point of view. Most scholarly studies on Korean immigrants in the United States have been dominated by sociological approach and ethnic studies in examining the social dimension of the Korean immigrant communities while neglecting issues concerning their religious identity and cultural heritage. Most Korean immigrants to America attend Korean churches regardless their religious affiliation before they came to America. One of the reasons for this phenomenon is the fact that Korean church has provided a necessary social service for the newly arrived immigrants. Korean churches have been able to play a key role in the life of Korean immigrants. Korean immigrants, however, have shown a unique aspect regarding their religious identity compared to other immigrants communities in the United States. America is a nation of immigrants, coming from different parts of the world. Each immigrant community has brought their unique cultural heritage and religious persuasion. Asian immigrants, for example, brought their own traditional religions such as Hinduism, Buddhism. People from the Middle Eastern countries brought Islamic faith while European Jews brought the Jewish tradition. In these immigrant communities, religious identity and cultural heritage were homo genously harmonized. Jewish people built synagogue and taught Hebrew, Jewish history, culture, and faith. In this case, synagogue was not only the house of worship for Jews but also the center for learning Jewish history, culture, faith, and language. In short, Jewish cultural history was intimately related to Jewish religious history; for Jewish immigrants, learning their social and political history was indeed identical with leaning of their religious history. The same can be said about the relationship between Indian community and Hinduism. Hindu temples serve as the center of Indian immigrantsin providing the social, cultural, and spiritual functions. Buddhist temples, for that matter, serve the same function to the people from the Asian countries. Chinese, Japanese, Vietnamese, Tibetans, and Thais have brought their respective Buddhist traditions to America and practice and maintain both their religious faith and cultural heritage. Middle Eastern people, for example, have brought Islamic faith to the United States, and Mosques have become the center for learning their language, practicing their faith, and maintaining their cultural heritage. Korean immigrants, unlike any other immigrant group, have brought Christianity, which is not a Korean traditional religion but a Western religion they received in 18th and 19th centuries from the West and America, back to the United States, and church has become the center of their lives in America. In this context, Koreans and Korean-Americans have a unique situation in which they practice Christianity as their religion but try to maintain their non-Christian cultural heritage. For the Korean immigrants, their religious identity and cultural identity are not the same. Although Korean church so far has provides the social and religious functions to fill the need of Korean immigrants, but it may not be able to become the most effective institution to provide and maintain Korean cultural heritage. In this respect, Korean churches must be able to open to traditional Korean religions or the religions of Korean origin to cultivate and nurture Korean cultural heritage.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.4
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• pp.2-31
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• 2020

CheomSeongDae (瞻星臺) is a stone structure built in Gyeongju, the former Silla Dynasty capital, during the reign of Queen Seondeok (632~647AD). There exist dozens of hypotheses regarding its original purpose. Depending on to whom you ask, the answer could be a celestial observatory, a religious altar, a Buddhist stupa, a monumental tower symbolizing scientific knowledge, and so on. The most common perception of the structure among lay people is a stargazing tower. Historians, however, have suggested that it was intended as "a gateway to the heavens", specifically the Trāyastriṃśa or the second of the six heavens of Kāmadhātu located on the top of Mountain Sumeru. The name "Cheom-seong-dae" could be interpreted in many different ways. 'Cheom (瞻)' could refer to looking up, staring, or admiring, etc.; 'Seong (星)' could mean a star, heaven, night, etc.; and 'heaven' in that context can be a physical or religious reference. 'Dae (臺)' usually refers to a high platform on which people stand or things are placed. Researchers from the science fields often read 'cheom-seong' as 'looking at stars'; while historians read it as 'admiring the Trāyastriṃśa' or 'adoring Śakra'. Śakra is said to be the ruler of Trāyastriṃśa' who governs the Four Heavenly Kings in the Cāturmahārājika heaven, the first of the six heavens of Kāmadhātu. Śakra is the highest authority of the heavenly kings in direct contact with humankind. This paper examined the usages of 'cheom-seong' in Chinese literature dated prior to the publication of 『Samguk Yusa』, a late 13th century Korean Buddhist historical book that contains the oldest record of the structure among all extant historical texts. I found the oldest usage of cheom-seong (瞻星臺) in 『Ekottara Āgama』, a Buddhist script translated into Chinese in the late 4th century, and was surprised to learn that its meaning was 'looking up at the brightness left by Śakra'. I also found that 'cheom-seong' had been incorporated in various religious contexts, such as Hinduism, Confucianism, Buddhist, Christianism, and Taoism. In Buddhism, there was good, bad, and neutral cheom-seong. Good cheom-seong meant to look up to heaven in the practice of asceticism, reading the heavenly god's intentions, and achieving the mindfulness of Buddhism. Bad cheom-seong included all astrological fortunetelling activities performed outside the boundaries of Buddhism. Neutral cheom-seong is secular. It may help people to understand the nature of the physical world, but was considered to have little meaning unless relating to the spiritual world of Buddhism. Cheom-seong had been performed repetitively in the processes of constructing Buddhist temples in China. According to Buddhist scripts, Queen Māyā of Sakya, the birth mother of Gautama Buddha, died seven days after the birth of Buddha, and was reborn in the Trāyastriṃśa heaven. Buddha, before reaching nirvana, ascended from Jetavana to Trāyastriṃśa and spent three months together with his mother. Gautama Buddha then returned to the human world, stepping upon the stairs built by Viśvakarman, the deity of the creative power in Trāyastriṃśa. In later years, King Asoka built a stupa at the site where Buddha descended. Since then, people have believed that the stairway to the heavens appears at a Buddhist stupa. Carefully examining the paragraphic structure of 『Samguk Yusa』's records on Cheomseongdae, plus other historical records, the fact that the alignment between the tomb of Queen Seondeok and Cheomseongdae perfectly matches the sunrise direction at the winter solstice supports this paper's position that Chemseongdae, built in the early years of Queen SeonDeok's reign (632~647AD), was a gateway to the Trāyastriṃśa heaven, just like the stupa at the Daci Temple (慈恩寺) in China built in 654. The meaning of 'Cheom-seong-dae' thus turns out to be 'adoring Trāyastriṃśa stupa', not 'stargazing platform'.

• Journal of Hospice and Palliative Care
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.1-5
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• 1998

Grief is the ordinarily self-limited complex of symptoms and processes that constitute the acute reaction to a significant loss. And it is the reaction of the dying as well as the bereaved. Every culture has had its own ways of grief and mourning. The definition of healthy grief and mourning, in terms of both emotional expression and the length of time it should continue, mostly depend upon the type of culture as well as the type of religion. So the manner of grief and mourning greatly differs from culture to culture. In the most of the Asian countries, influenced by Confucianism, Taoism, and Buddhism, death is traditionally considered the most significant life cycle transition. In Chinese culture, many rituals have evolved to help family members deal with their loss, over the past five thousand years. Confucianism taught the virtues of filial piety and righteousness. These rules and many customs added since the time of Cofucius, have been loyally followed and practiced by many Asian people. However, Buddhists have different ideas. They believe in karma and reincarnation and in predetermination of one's present life by good or bad deeds in the present life and past lives. Display of uncontrollable emotion is not encouraged. Continuity of family relations after death is very important. The ancient practice of the ancestor worship is still followed in many Asian households. Many Buddhist do not practice ancestor worship; family members honor the deceased by placing a memorial plate in the temple for continued chanting purposes. The mourning rituals have been dramatically curtailed in the past 50 years. For example, political, social and economic forces have shaped the current mourning practices of Chinese in different countries. There are many clinical implications in helping Asian to deal better with the emotional strains of the experience of loss. The therapiest must respect the cultural framework through which the client perceives family losses.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.4 no.2 s.8
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• pp.25-44
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• 1995

Bricks are the earliest man-made building materials. Small-size bar bricks were found in use in the Warring States Period(戰國時代) in China. During the Qin(秦) and the Han(漢) Dynasties, brick constructions were built on a larger scale, but most of them were tombs. In case of Korea, bricks were found in use in the Three Kingdoms Period, but also most of them were tombs. Starting from the Unified Silla Period(統一新羅時代), brick gradually became a universal practice to built Buddhist Pagodas with bar bricks. Brick pagodas emergence marked a stage where technological progress made it possible for man to built high-rise brick work, and their dvelopment further perfected masonry technique and enabled building technology to attain new heights. Though from the very start brick pagodas existed side by side with stone pagodas, at the enitial stage they were overshadowed by their wooden counterparts and stone counterparts, because masonry thechiques were then still rather primitive, while woodwork and stonework had already reached a fairly advaced stage. The pagodas in ancient Korea were closely related to the Chinese stupa, which consisted of three parts, namely, the base, the body and the spire. The fact was, soon after the stupas were introduced into Korea, the Korean stupas began to develop features of their own. Korean brick pagodas were made up of a single-storeyed square base, multi-storeyed square body with a small gate, and a steel post with several layers of lotus flower superimposed one on the other.

• Fashion & Textile Research Journal
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• v.6 no.2
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• pp.144-152
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• 2004

In this study, the settlement of this etiquette book and the five-class mourning-costume system throughout two dynasties is examined and analyzed.; According to the Chosun dynasty's efforts to practice Chu-Ja-Ga-Rye(朱子家禮, Chu Hsi's Book of Family Rituals) through legal intensification and enlightenment policies, the book's teachings had a general effect on society at large. As a result, the family system and funeral rites turned Confucian from a Shaman-Buddhist mixture. As the Confucian order was strengthened to highlight the authority of the male family head, the funeral rituals were based on Chu Hsi's Book of Family Rituals. So, the 100-day funeral of Koryo turned into the 3-year funeral in the Chosun dynasty. Also, the main and father's lines were valued, while the mother's and wife's lines were neglected. Even though there was no great difference of status or place between males and females in the Koryo dynasty, the settlement of Chu-Ja-Ga-Rye brought about the drop of women's status as they gradually began to be dependent on men.