• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.40
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• pp.357-386
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• 2007

At present, thirteen Buddhist bells of Unified Silla are known to the world: Six in Korea, five in Japan and two other bells, and three out of them are impossible to make out its original form. Therefore, we divided the form of Unified Silla Buddhist bells based on the ten other bells, and we tried out to prove the manufacturing technology by the comparison of the research material of Uncheon-dong bell and existing research materials of other bells, in other to find their linkage based on the alloy elemental composition. We divided Unified Silla Buddhist bell into two types: Type I has symmetric apsaras and regular patterns on its face and it was made in early Silla period; type II has asymmetric apsaras and irregular pattern arrangement and made in late Silla period. In particular, Uncheon-dong Buddhist bells is very similar to Komyoji[光明寺] temple bell from ninth century in Japan. It is peculiar that the apsaras on Uncheon-dong bell play vertical music instruments that are never seen in Unified Silla Buddhist bell. Most of Unified Silla Buddhist bell are compounded with Cu-Sn or Cu-Sn-Pb system. From eighth and ninth century, bells were cast with even composition of copper, tin and lead, and the bronze alloy ratio was similar to the record in Gogonggi[考工記], Jurye[周禮], a book from ancient China. Particularly, Uncheon-dong bell is in a rare case of Cu-Sn-Pb-As system. As had been rarely used in Unified Silla Buddhist bells, so we presented the relative research materials. As has the same nature as Pb. Because As easily volatilize at high temperature, it is hard to use. But it has its merit of solidity and durability. Pb enhances fluidity and thereby expresses the patterns more distinct; As makes the bell stronger. The result of lead isotope ratio could not exactly reveal a concrete producing center. However, over the analysis of our samples, hereby we suggest Uncheon-dong bell was made of materials from just one ore deposit.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.36 no.4
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• pp.1-17
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• 2018

This study was conducted to interpret the landscape of Songge Byeoleop(Korean villa) garden at Jogyedong, Bukhansan near Seoul which was built in the mid 17C. to restore through the literature reviews and field surveys. The results were as follows; Songge Byeoleop garden was a royal villa, constructed at King Injo24(1646) of Joseon dynasty by prince Inpyeong(麟坪大君), Lee, Yo(李?, 1622~1658), the third son of King Injo who was a brother of King Hyojong. It was a royal villa, Seokyang-lu under Mt. Taracsan of Gyendeokbang, about 7km away in the straight line from main building. It was considered that the building system was a very gorgeous with timber coloring because of owner's special situation who was called the great prince. The place of Songge Byeoleop identity and key landscape of the place were consisted with Gucheon waterfall and the sound of the water with multi-layered waterfall which might be comparable to the waterfall of Yeosan in China. After the destruction of the building, the place was used for the royal tomb quarry, but there was a mark stone for forbidden quarry. The Inner part of Songge Beoleop, centered with Jogedongcheon, Chogye-dong, composted beautifully with the natural sceneries of Gucheon waterfall, Handam and Changbeok, and artificial structures, such as Bihong-bridge, Boheogak, Yeonghyudang and Gyedang. In addition, the existing Chinese characters, 'Songge Beoleop' and 'Gucheoneunpog' carved in the rocks are literary languages and place markings symbolizing with the contrast of the different forests and territories. They gave the names of scenery to the rock and gave meaning to them. Particularly, Gucheon waterfall which served as a visual terminal point, is a cascade type with multi-staged waterfall. and the lower part shows the topographical characteristics of the Horse Bowl-shaped jointed with port-holes. On the other hand, the outer part is divided into the spaces for the main entrance gate, a hanging bridge character, a bridge connecting the inside and the outside, and Yeonghyudang part for the purpose of living. Also in the Boheogak area, dual view frame structures are made to allow the view of the four sides including the width and the perimeter of the villa. In addition, at the view point in Bihong-bridge, the Gucheon water fall divides between the sacred and profane, and crosses the Bihong-bridge and climbs to the subterranean level.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.2
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• pp.136-153
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• 2021

The restitution of cultural heritage located abroad has been going on for 107 years, starting with the return of the Jigwangguksa Tower to Beopcheonsaji Temple in Wonju after it was taken during the Japanese occupation in 1915. The Overseas Cultural Heritage Foundation, established in 2012, has laid the foundation for retrieval, preservation, restoration, and exchange of cultural heritage through research cooperation and the purchasing of cultural heritage items. The pace of the collection of cultural heritage objects and the locating of others has increased every year since its establishment, and the number of returned, rather than recovered, cultural heritage items has also increased. The present study aimed to complete a value inquiry of the cultural relics of Waryongmae (臥龍梅) and a restitution of cultural heritage as the main focuses. The process of recovering relics from Waryongmae has been recorded in the book The Cultural Property Returned into Our Arms, published by the above-mentioned foundation. This record was revised and supplemented to try and raise its cultural value by adding elaborate storytelling to the process of recovering the Waryongmae that grew in the courtyard of Changdeokgung Palace. The cultural value of Waryongmae is that it is unique. The Waryongmae is the first living cultural heritage, and therefore has cultural value due to its uniqueness. Second, the Waryongmae has unique cultural value due to its restitution and return to Korea twice, once in 1992, and another time in 1999. The first restitution was special in that it was featured by the Japanese media, and the second was special in that it was intensively reported by the Korean media. Third, 42 Waryongmae cultural content types were explored, including nineteen visual contents, eleven interactive contents, and twelve skate contents.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.97
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• pp.69-86
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• 2020

Haenghaeng Ilgi (Diary of a Royal Trip) (koo 7152; hereafter Ilgi) in the collection of the National Museum of Korea provides an account of Crown Prince Sado's incognito royal visit to Pyeongyang in the fourth month of 1761. Ilgi was written by Ham Daeil, a low-ranking military officer in Pyeongyang. Ham was singled out for praise by Crown Prince Sado (1735-1762) and served the prince from the seventh day of the fourth month to the first day of the fifth month. Ilgi documented the deeds of Crown Prince Sado during this period and provides detailed information on his incognito visit to Pyeongyang, which was not officially recorded. Ilgi shows characteristics differentiating it from many other diaries. For example, the quality of the paper, neat handwriting, and well-organized sentences differ from those of common diaries. These distinctions indicate that Ilgi is closer to an official document than a private diary written by an individual. Since Ilgi records Crown Prince Sado's incognito visit to Pyeongyang, is only vaguely known otherwise, its contents need to be examined in terms of whether or not they are fully factual. As the first step in such verification, It is traced that Ham Daeil's family history which turned out to match what is written in Ilgi. Moreover, Ilgi mentions about Prince Crown Sado's writing a piece of calligraphy, and a matching piece of calligraphy written by Sado still survives today. It can be confirmed that the contents of Ilgi are factual in at least these regards. However, although Crown Prince Sado was known to have met people from various social classes during his visit to Pyeongyang, Ilgi focuses only on Crown Prince Sado and Ham Daeil. This suggests the possibility that the surviving version of Ilgi may be an edited condensation based on original texts containing more complete information on Crown Prince Sado's visit. Ilgi is presumed to have been produced during the generation of Ham Jeonghui, a son of Ham Daeil. The dates of birth and death of Ham Daeil fall during the reign of King Yeongjo. It is unlikely that any records regarding Crown Prince Sado would have been published while King Yeongjo, who was hostile to Sado, ruled the country. Ilgi also provides strong evidence that Ham Jeonghui presented the subsequent king, King Jeongjo, with the calligraphy by Crown Prince Sado and the diary. It is unclear if the book Ham Jeonghui presented him was the same as the extant version of Ilgi. Nonetheless, considering the situation at the time when King Jeongjo was pursuing several projects to honor his father Sado, it is highly probable that Ilgi was produced during the reign of King Jeongjo. The periods of presenting the calligraphy and the diary respectively overlapped with the production of Hyeollyungwon, the royal tomb of Crown Prince Sado, and Sado's sixtieth birthday. Therefore, is it considered reasonable that Ham Jeonghui produced Ilgi to promote his own social ambitions.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.25
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• pp.381-410
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• 2009

It is a very important book about painting theory, that "Xuanhehuapu"(宣和畵譜) was wrote by Emperor Huizhong(徽宗) in Song Dynasty. Fundamental discussions and studies in the relation of socio-economical base in Song Dynasty are still more needed. And accordingly, it is necessary to advent upgraded aesthetical articles. Li xue(理?) deeply influenced upon paintings and its theories in Song Dynasty. Similarly, Taoism(道家) and Zen Buddhism(?宗) also did. But some people who have not found "Xuanhehuapu" important meaning and rich and complicated aesthetic thought, gave low and even negative valuation to it. There is rich aesthetic in "Xuanhehuapu", which is not as simple and narrow as some people imagined. It was deeply influenced by the aesthetic thought of Confucianism(Lixue 理學), Taoism(Zhuangzi 莊子) and "Zhouyi"({周易}). I will be analytical in a few aspects "Xuanhehuapu" of aesthetics thought. 1. The calligraphy and painting is one flesh. 2. learn a good lesson from painting. 3. The handicrafts(Art, 藝) and Tao(道) unify. 4. It is a Art taxology. 5. It use a new art criticism methods.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.69
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• pp.451-479
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• 2017

The objective of this study is to examine the tasks for listing martial arts of "Muyedobotongji" on the UNESCO Representative List of Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity. The conclusions are like below. First, "Muyedobotongji" was published in 1790(14th year of King Jeongjo). The 24 martial arts of "Muyedobotongji" were basically divided into three types like stabbing, chopping & cutting, and hitting. Second, the value of martial arts of "Muyedobotongji" is highly evaluated because it has systematically put together the martial arts of three countries like Korea, China, and Japan of the 18th century, suitable for the actual status of Joseon Dynasty, in the new perspective. The value of "Muyedobotongji" as a Memory of the World is the martial arts book emphasizing the practicality, so that everyone including officers and soldiers could easily learn. Third, the procedure of registering martial arts of "Muyedobotongji" in the UNESCO Representative List of Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity has three stages including preparation/submission, screening, and decision, which takes two years. Especially, the screening assistance organization, as an organization under the Intangible Cultural Heritage Convention Intergovernmental Committee is composed of total six countries(one for each area) out of 24 member countries. Fourth, the tasks for listing martial arts of "Muyedobotongji" in the UNESCO Representative List of Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity are like following. (1) It would be necessary to conduct a total inspection of the collection of "Muyedobotongji". (2) It would be necessary to designate the martial arts of "Muyedobotongji" as the municipal/provincial/national intangible cultural heritage. (3) It would be needed to standardize the practical martial arts technique/movement of "Muyedobotongji". (4) The historical evidence of martial arts costumes/weapons of "Muyedobotongji" should be studied. (5) A committee for the registration of martial arts of "Muyedobotongji" in the UNESCO Representative List of Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity should be organized. (6) There should be a close cooperation system between relevant departments like the World Heritage Team of Cultural Heritage Administration and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. (7) Domestic/foreign data related to martial arts of "Muyedobotongji" should be comprehensively collected to meet the registration standard of UNESCO. (8) The registration type of Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity should be prepared.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.69
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• pp.563-592
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• 2017

This paper is to examine philosophy of Jurye(周禮, national rituals) described on GyeongJeMunGam and GyeongJeMunGamByeolJip. As it is widely known, Sambong Jeong Do-Jeon (三峯 鄭道傳), regardless of evaluation by posterity, is definitely a figure who established 500 years of Joseon with almost everything handled by his own hands from presenting founding principle of Joseon to organizing the bureaucratic system. In the third year of King Taejo (1394) with Jurye as an ideological model for social innovation, Jeong Do-Jeon wrote Joseongyeonggukjeon and offered it to the king. Joseongyeonggukjeon is a sort of guide for new codes written by Jeong Do-Jeon as a part of defining culture and institutions of the new dynasty, which is based on Confucianism, the ruling idea of the new dynasty. GyeongJeMunGam supplements the section ChiJeon(治典: Articles for Governing) of JoSeonGyeongGukJeon(the first constitution of Joseon Dynasty) mainly to specify the duties and jobs of the prime minister; and also the duties and jobs of the highest secretaries of the kings, and provincial and county governors, whereas GyeongJeMunGamByeolJip consists of the section GunDo specifying the duties and jobs of the kings and the section Euiron additionally explaining about the kings' duties and jobs in the viewpoint of the philosophy of the Book of Change. That is, GyeongJeMunGam finely describes not only the changes, advantages and disadvantages of prime minister system of every dynasty of China and Korea but also the prime minister's duties/jobs and attitude for kings; and it also specifies the duties and jobs of the kings' highest secretaries, guards, provincial and county governors; on the other hand, GyeongJeMunGamByeolJip says that the king should play the symbolic figure setting their mind in right ways and train themselves with virtue through the idea of GunJuSuShin (君主修身: ) to point out a good and capable prime minister and make him govern the country without using their power fully.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.70
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• pp.211-255
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• 2018

A classical lyrics novel 'Jeobuin-jeon' is basically old Korean novel in aspect of contents even though it has lyrics for a song formally. In other words, it shows classic poetry but also expends its genre to novel 'Jeobuin-jeon' which belongs to Jae-yeon Park's selection, presents 'Analects' at a book cover and writes its title inside. In addition, it rewrites the story of 'Jeobuin-jeon' at the beginning that means it is novel. It is considered there might be an unclear reason why it could not be marked as an novel outside. 'Jeobuin-jeon' of Jae-yeon Park's selection helps readers grasp the novel by adding Chinese characters for additional explanation based on Korean characters depending on cases. Used words in this novel is estimated being written from the late $19^{th}$ century to the beginning of the $20^{th}$ century. 'Jeobuin-jeon' is assumed being written by woman as it emphasizes that woman should learn letters and take care of the relationship among parents-in-law, husband, sibling, servant and daughter-law. Besides, this novel intends to punish bad characters through 'Jeobuin's good manners by including afterlife-story with 'Bulddong-Aemi'. 'Jeobuin-jeon''s narration is 7 steps and it reaches the peak when 'Bulddong-Aemi' and 'Jeobuin' changes their life each other. Afterward, 'Jeobuin' meets her parents-in-law and passes the crisis. The story ends through 'Bulddong-Aemi' is punished. It is very creative by developing the story with looking back the past would make a change in narration.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.25
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• pp.197-222
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• 2009

In this treatise, the researcher closely examined the I-Xue(易學) compiled and edited by YulGok(栗谷) with a focus on the concept, namely Communication(疏通). I-Xue(易學) compiled by YulGok(栗谷) adopted the discourses of I-Xue(易學) or changes in the Song Dynasty of ancient China, and engrafted his own logics, dubbed Liqizhimiao(理氣之妙), thereunto. In YulGok(栗谷)'s I-Xue(易學), Liqizhimiao(理氣之妙) expresses a state of exchanging information and Communication(疏通), and, at this time, Communication(疏通) encompasses not only the meaning of communication between two heterogeneous factors but also the broader meaning of Communication(疏通) that embrace the Communication(疏通) between heaven and human beings. In his theories in relation to Tiyongyiyuan(體用一源) and Heluoxiangshulun(河洛象數論), YulGok(栗谷) also applied the logic of Communication(疏通). Although YulGok(栗谷) admits the general theory that substance and function have the same source, which understands principle and phenomenon as two forms of existence, he tried to place emphasis more on the aspect of Communication(疏通) by interpreting Li(理) and Xiang(象) in terms of the issues concerned with Li(理) and Jian(踐). In his theory concerned with Magic Squares and Circles, Images and Numbers, such a standpoint is being applied likewise. By emphasizing the fact that Hetu("河圖") may turn out to be Luoshu("洛書"), and vice versa, YulGok(栗谷) stressed that there are communicative relations that are required in order to communicate ideas to one another. In YulGok(栗谷)'s I-Xue(易學), the logic of Communication(疏通) is culminated with the discourse of Tianrenjiaoyu(天人交與). YulGok(栗谷), in his book Ishuce(易數策), uses such expression as Tianrenjiaoyuzhimiao(天人交與之?), and, at this time, he used this expression bearing Liqizhimiao(理氣之妙) in mind. The reason for using the expression, such as Jiaoyu(交與), in lieu of Heyi(合一) is that YulGok(栗谷) tried to emphasize such relations as that heaven and humans are required for interrelated relationship. Tianrenjiaoyu(天人交與) is an expression to indicate the close relationship between heaven and human beings, meanwhile, however, YulGok(栗谷) puts more emphasis on human efforts than those that of heaven. The reason for introducing human as the subjective figure in the Tianrenjiaoyu(天人交與) is that YulGok(栗谷) tried to stress practical efforts of humans.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.55
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• pp.265-291
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• 2014

Cheongeumrok is the journal of Gwonwoo(卷宇) Hong Chan-yu(1915-2005) during the period of January 9, 1969~January 14, 1982. He was personally involved in the foundation of a corporation called Yudohoi and also all of its operation, which makes him the most knowledgeable person about its history. His Cheongeumrok thus seems worthy enough as a proper material to arrange its history. Cheongeumrok consists of total 19 books, amounting to approximately 3,300 pieces of squared manuscript paper containing 200 letters per piece. He wrote it in Chinese and sometimes followed the Hangul-style word order while writing in Chinese. Many parts of the manuscript were written in a cursive hand with many Chinese poems embedded throughout it. The manuscript offers major information related to the corporation Yudohoi extracted from his journal. 1. There was a meeting of promoters to commemorate the foundation of the corporation in November, 1968, and it was in January, 1969 that it was established after getting a permit from the Ministry of Culture and Communication in January, 1969(Permit No. of Ministry of Culture and Communication: Da(다)-2-3(Jongmu(宗務)1732.5)). 2. Its office was moved from the original location of the 3rd floor of Wonnam Building, 133-1 Wonnam-dong, Jongro-gu, Seoul(currently Daekhak Pharmacy in front of Seoul National University Hospital) to Room 388 of Gwangjang Company, 4 Yeji-dong, Jongro-gu(office of Heungsan Social Gathering) and to second floor of KyungBo building, 21 Kyansu-dong, and to 3rd floor of Geongguk Building in Gyeongwoon-dong. 3. Its operational costs were covered by the supports of Seong Sang-yeong, the eldest son of Seong Jong-ho, the chairman of the board, later Kim Won-tae and Gwon Tae-hun, next chairmen of the board, and Hong Chan-yun, a director, since 1979. 4. His Confucian activities include participating in Seonggyungwan Seokjeonje (成均館 釋奠), joining in the erection of the Parijangseo(巴里長書) Monument and the publication of its commemorative poetry book, compiling the biographies(not completed) of Confucian patriotic martyrs for independence, and participating in the establishment of family rituals and regulations as a practice member. 5. His Yudohoi had a dispute with Seonggyungwan and lost a suit at the High Court in July, 1975 and Supreme Court in February, 1976. 6. There were discussions about its unification with Seonggyungwan Yudohoi, but there was hardly any progress. 7. Yudohoi started to provide full-scale courses on Confucian and Chinese classics under the leadership of Director Hong Chan-yu in 1979, and they have continued on today. Its courses for scholarship students including those for common citizens boast a history of 29 years and 220 graduates.