• Title/Summary/Keyword: An Area of Border

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Analysis of Spatial Changes in the Forest Landscape of the Upper Reaches of Guem River Dam Basin according to Land Cover Change (토지피복변화에 따른 금강 상류 댐 유역 산림 경관의 구조적 변화 분석)

  • Kyeong-Tae Kim;Hyun-Jung Lee;Whee-Moon Kim;Won-Kyong Song
    • Korean Journal of Environment and Ecology
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    • v.37 no.4
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    • pp.289-301
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    • 2023
  • Forests within watersheds are essential in maintaining ecosystems and are the central infrastructure for constructing an ecological network system. However, due to indiscriminate development projects carried out over past decades, forest fragmentation and land use changes have accelerated, and their original functions have been lost. Since a forest's structural pattern directly impacts ecological processes and functions in understanding forest ecosystems, identifying and analyzing change patterns is essential. Therefore, this study analyzed structural changes in the forest landscape according to the time-series land cover changes using the FRAGSTATS model for the dam watershed of the Geum River upstream. Land cover changes in the dam watershed of the Geum River upstream through land cover change detection showed an increase of 33.12 square kilometers (0.62%) of forests and 67.26 square kilometers (1.26%) of urbanized dry areas and a decrease of 148.25 square kilometers (2.79%) in agricultural areas from the 1980s to the 2010s. The results of no-sampling forest landscape analysis within the watershed indicated landscape percentage (PLAND), area-weighted proximity index (CONTIG_AM), average central area (CORE_MN), and adjacency index (PLADJ) increased, and the number of patches (NP), landscape shape index (LSI), and cohesion index (COHESION) decreased. Identification of structural change patterns through a moving window analysis showed the forest landscape in Sangju City, Gyeongsangbuk Province, Boeun County in Chungcheongbuk Province, and Jinan Province in Jeollabuk Province was relatively well preserved, but fragmentation was ongoing at the border between Okcheon County in Chungcheongbuk Province, Yeongdong and Geumsan Counties in Chungcheongnam Province, and the forest landscape in areas adjacent to Muju and Jangsu Counties in Jeollabuk Province. The results indicate that it is necessary to establish afforestation projects for fragmented areas when preparing a future regional forest management strategy. This study derived areas where fragmentation of forest landscapes is expected and the results may be used as basic data for assessing the health of watershed forests and establishing management plans.

Problems of Water Use and Estimation of Water Right in North Han River Shared by North and South Korea (II) - Estimation of Water Right in Downstream Area (남북공유하천 북한강의 물이용 문제점 및 수리권 추정 (II) -하류유역 수리권 추정)

  • Ahn, Jong-Seo;Lee, Gwang-Man;Jung, Kwan-Sue
    • Journal of Korea Water Resources Association
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    • v.44 no.4
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    • pp.315-325
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    • 2011
  • There are not many practical measures to solve a water conflict, when a hydromorphologically asymmetric situation in international rivers exists whereby downstream users may not affect upstream users but upstream users do cause downstream impacts. In taking advantage of this merit, North Korea has built Imnam Dam in upstream of North Han River and uses water for trans-basin hydropower generation. As an impact of this dam South Korean' area as a downstream user has been suffered from water deficit and dry river. It is very critical for South Korea to solve a key problem such as water allocation for water supply and river maintenance. Therefore, this study is aim to suggest alternatives for equitable water allocation in consideration of special circumstances between the South and the North. For this, reviewing the allocation methods of water rights is carried using lessons obtained from international river cases. The results show that the minimum desired streamflow is calculated at 7.3 $m^3/sec$; water budget analysis by the equitable distribution of streamflows at the border line of the North Han River, the difference in water supply deficiency is at 3.7 $m^3/sec$ before and after Imnam Dam; in the determined distribution method, the difference in water deficiency is at 11.38 $m^3/sec$. These results show that South Korea should be secured 11.38 $m^3/sec$ from North Korean's Imnam Dam in respective of water use right and sound river maintenance.

Collision of New and Old Control Ideologies, Witnessed through the Moving of Jeong-regun (Tomb of Queen Sindeok) and Repair of Gwangtong-gyo (정릉(貞陵) 이장과 광통교(廣通橋) 개수를 통해 본 조선 초기 지배 이데올로기의 대립)

  • Nam, Hohyun
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.53 no.4
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    • pp.234-249
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    • 2020
  • The dispute involving the construction of the Tomb of Queen Sindeok (hereinafter "Jeongreung"), King Taejo's wife in Seoul, and the moving of that tomb, represents the most clearly demonstrated case for the collision of new and old ideologies between political powers in the early period of Joseon. Jeongreung, the tomb of Queen Sindeok from the Kang Clan, was built inside the capital fortress, but in 1409, King Taejong forced the tomb to be moved outside the capital, and the stone relics remaining at the original location were used to build the stone bridge, Gwangtong-gyo. In an unofficial story, King Taejong moved the tomb outside the capital and used the stone items there to make the Cheonggyecheon Gwang-gyo so that the people would step upon the area in order to curse Lady Kang. In the final year of King Taejo, Lady Kang and King Taejong were in a politically conflictual relationship, but they were close to being political partners until King Taejo became the king. Sillok records pertaining to the establishment of Jeongreung or Gwangtong-gyo in fact state things more plainly, indicating that the moving of Jeongreung was a result of following the sangeon (a written statement to the king) of Uijeongbu (the highest administrative agency in Joseon), which stated that having the tomb of a king or queen in the capital was inappropriate, and since it was close to the official quarter of envoys, it had to be moved. The assertion that it was aimed at degrading Jeongreung in order to repair Gwangtong-gyo thus does not reflect the factual relationship. This article presents the possibility that the use of stone items from Jeongreung to repair Gwangtong-gyo reflected an emerging need for efficient material procurement that accompanied a drastic increase in demand for materials required in civil works both in- and outside the capital. The cause for constructing Jeongreung within the capital and the cause of moving the tomb outside the capital would therefore be attributable to the heterogeneity of the ideological backgrounds of King Taejo and King Taejong. King Taejo was the ruler of the Confucius state, as he reigned through the Yeokseong Revolution, but he constructed the tomb and Hongcheon-sa, the temple in the capital for his wife Queen Sindeok. In this respect, it is considered that, with the power of Buddhism, there was an attempt to rally supporters and gather the force needed to establish the authority of Queen Sindeok. Yi Seong-gye, who was raised in the Dorugachi clan of Yuan, lived as a military man in the border area, and so he would not have had a high level of understanding in Confucian scholarship. Rather, he was a man of the old system with its 'Buddhist" tendency. On the other hand, King Taejong Yi Bang-won was an elite Confucian student who passed the national examination at the end of the Goryeo era, and he is also known to have held a profound understanding of Neo-Confucianism. To state it differently, it would be reasonable to say that the understanding of symbolic implications for the capital would be more profound in a Confucian state. Since the national system that was ruled by laws had been established following the Three-Kingdom era, the principle of burial outside of the capital that would have seen a grave constructed on the outskirts of the capital was not upheld, without exception. Jeongreung was built inside the capital due to the strong individual desire of King Taejo, but since he was a Confucian scholar prior to becoming king, it would not have been accepted as desirable. After taking the throne, King Taejong took the initiative to begin overhauling the capital in order to reflect his intent to clearly realize Confucian ideology emphasizing 'Yechi' ("ruling with good manners") with the scenic view of the Capital's Hanyang river. It would be reasonable to conclude accordingly that the moving of Jeongreung was undertaken in the context of such a historic background.

Supraclavicular Brachial Plexus block with Arm-Hyperabduction (상지(上肢) 외전위(外轉位)에서 시행(施行)한 쇄골상(鎖骨上) 상완신경총차단(上腕神經叢遮斷))

  • Lim, Keoun;Lim, Hwa-Taek;Kim, Dong-Keoun;Park, Wook;Kim, Sung-Yell;Oh, Hung-Kun
    • The Korean Journal of Pain
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    • v.1 no.2
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    • pp.214-222
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    • 1988
  • With the arm in hyperabduction, we have carried out 525 procedures of supraclavicular brachial plexus block from Aug. 1976 to June 1980, whereas block with the arm in adduction has been customarily performed by other authors. The anesthetic procedure is as follows: 1) The patient lies in the dorsal recumbent position without a pillow under his head or shoulder. His arm is hyperabducted more than a 90 degree angle from his side, and his head is turned to the side opposite from that to be blocked. 2) An "X" is marked at a point 1 cm above the mid clavicle, immediately lateral to the edge of the anterior scalene muscle, and on the palpable portion of the subclavian artery. The area is aseptically prepared and draped. 3) A 22 gauge 3.5cm needle attached to a syringe filled with 2% lidocaine (7~8mg/kg of body weight) and epineprine(1 : 200,000) is inserted caudally toward the second portion of the artery where it crosses the first rib and parallel with the lateral border of the muscle until a paresthesia is obtained. 4) Paresthesia is usually elicited while inserting the needle tip about 1~2 em in depth. If so, the local anesthetic solution is injected after careful aspiration. 5) If no paresthesia is elicited, the needle is withdrawn and redirected in an attempt to elicit paresthesia. 6) If, after several attempts, no paresthesia is obtained, the local anesthetic solution is injected into the perivascular sheath after confirming that the artery is not punctured. 7) Immediately after starting surgery, Valium is injected for sedation by the intravenous route in almost all cases. The age distribution of the cases was from 11 to 80 years. Sex distribution was 476 males and 49 females (Table 1). Operative procedures consisted of 103 open reductions, 114 skin grafts combined with spinal anesthesia in 14, 87 debridements, 75 repairs, i.e. tendon (41), nerve(32), and artery (2), 58 corrections of abnormalities, 27 amputations above the elbow (5), below the elbow (3) and fingers (17), 20 primary closures, 18 incisions and curettages, 2 replantations of cut fingers. respectively (Table 2). Paresthesia was obtained in all cases. Onset of analgesia occured within 5 minutes, starting in the deltoid region in almost all cases. Complete anesthesia of the entire arm appeared within 10 minutes but was delayed 15 to 20 minutes in 5 cases and failed in one case. Thus, our success rate was nearly 100%. The duration of anesthesia after a single injection ranged from $3\frac{1}{2}$ to $4\frac{1}{2}$, hours in 94% of the cases. The operative time ranged from 0.5 to 4 hours in 92.4% of the cases(Table 3). Repeat blocks were carried out in 33 cases when operative times which were more than 4 hours in 22 cases and the others were completed within 4 hours (Table 4). Two patients of the 33 cases, who received microvasular surgery were injected twice with 2% lidocaine 20 ml for a total of $13\frac{1}{2}$ hours. The 157 patients who received surgery on the forearms or hands had pneumatic tourniquets (250 torrs) applied without tourniquet pain. There was no pneumothorax, hematoma or phrenic nerve paralysis in any of the unilateral and 27 bilateral blocks, but there was hoarseness in two, Horner's syndrome in 11 and shivering in 7 cases. No general seizures or other side effects were observed. By 20ml of 60% urcgratin study, we confirm ed the position of the needle tip to be in a safer position when the arm is in hyperabduction than when it is in adduction. And also that the humoral head caused some obstraction of the distal flow of the dye, indicating that less local anesthetic solution would be needed for satisfactory anesthesia. (Fig. 3,4).

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The Characteristic of Shang Yang's Legal Reforms and Thought - Focusing on the application of the three-step theory of norms - (상앙의 변법과 법치사상의 특성 - 규범 3단계설의 적용을 중심으로 -)

  • Lee, Jong-sung
    • Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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    • v.147
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    • pp.333-356
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    • 2018
  • Shang Yang was a person who, as a representative of the former School of Law, not only had an effect of thought on Han Fei Tzu, but also put a cornerstone of Qin Shi Huang's great universal unification by placing small and weak Qin Dynasty in a border area in the rank of a newly rising powerful nation. He is especially regarded as a person who valued laws and established the theoretical framework of legalist thought of School of Law systematically. To begin with, this writing examines the contents of the enforcement of legal reforms relevant to the prerequisite of Shang Yang's legal thought in historical archives, and confirms that Shang Yang succeeded in accomplishing legal reforms twice and that the aim of the legal reforms was to realize national prosperity and military power for the universal unification. This writing also takes notice of the fact that Shang Yang's legal thought went through specific steps for unifying the legal authority and the power of the monarch. Especially this writing focuses on applying the three-step theory of norms that was presented in the western social and political norm theory to Shang Yang's legal thought and on examining the characteristic and meaning explicitly. In short, the social and political norms go through emergence, cascade, and internalization. This writing aims to confirm that Shang Yang's legal thought also went through these three steps and was specified. Specifying this critical mind, this writing is a result which discusses that Shang Yang's legal thought went though the steps of the selective prescriptivism of emergence, the monarchical absolutism through sever punishment, and the internal monarchism for national prosperity and military power, and that the thought was systemized. Finding that the contents of Shang Yang's legal thought correspond to the three-step theory of norms and produce the individual meaning is the independent characteristic of this writing. It is the aim of this writing that the system and meaning of Shang Yang's legal thought will be confirmed more explicitly through this contextual examination.

Observation of Ice Gradient in Cheonji, Baekdu Mountain Using Modified U-Net from Landsat -5/-7/-8 Images (Landsat 위성 영상으로부터 Modified U-Net을 이용한 백두산 천지 얼음변화도 관측)

  • Lee, Eu-Ru;Lee, Ha-Seong;Park, Sun-Cheon;Jung, Hyung-Sup
    • Korean Journal of Remote Sensing
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    • v.38 no.6_2
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    • pp.1691-1707
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    • 2022
  • Cheonji Lake, the caldera of Baekdu Mountain, located on the border of the Korean Peninsula and China, alternates between melting and freezing seasonally. There is a magma chamber beneath Cheonji, and variations in the magma chamber cause volcanic antecedents such as changes in the temperature and water pressure of hot spring water. Consequently, there is an abnormal region in Cheonji where ice melts quicker than in other areas, freezes late even during the freezing period, and has a high-temperature water surface. The abnormal area is a discharge region for hot spring water, and its ice gradient may be used to monitor volcanic activity. However, due to geographical, political and spatial issues, periodic observation of abnormal regions of Cheonji is limited. In this study, the degree of ice change in the optimal region was quantified using a Landsat -5/-7/-8 optical satellite image and a Modified U-Net regression model. From January 22, 1985 to December 8, 2020, the Visible and Near Infrared (VNIR) band of 83 Landsat images including anomalous regions was utilized. Using the relative spectral reflectance of water and ice in the VNIR band, unique data were generated for quantitative ice variability monitoring. To preserve as much information as possible from the visible and near-infrared bands, ice gradient was noticed by applying it to U-Net with two encoders, achieving good prediction accuracy with a Root Mean Square Error (RMSE) of 140 and a correlation value of 0.9968. Since the ice change value can be seen with high precision from Landsat images using Modified U-Net in the future may be utilized as one of the methods to monitor Baekdu Mountain's volcanic activity, and a more specific volcano monitoring system can be built.

A Study on the Vascular Flora and its Management Plan at The Forest Genetic Resource Reserve of Mt. Munsu (Gimpo) (문수산(김포) 산림유전자원보호구역 관속식물상 변화 및 관리방안)

  • Yun, Ho Geun;Lee, Ah young;An, Jong Bin;Hwang, Tae Young;Lee, Jong Won
    • Korean Journal of Plant Resources
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    • v.34 no.4
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    • pp.311-338
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    • 2021
  • This study was investigated to find out the distribution of vascular flora and remarkable plants and its factors and management plan in the forest genetic resource reserve of Mt. Munsu, located in the DMZ and DMZ border area in Gimpo, Gyeonggi-do province. The survey was carried out 17 times from April 2019 to October 2020. First of all, in the forest genetic resource reserve of the Mt. Munsu, a total of 444 taxa in 95 families, 276 genera, 395 species, 13 subspecies, 33 varieties and 3 forms. This result was found to be about 9.09% of the total 4,881 taxa of vascular plants in Korea. In addition, endemic plants were classified as 6 taxa. Floristic special and rare plants were identified as 39 taxa and 3 taxa, respectively. Lastly, the invasive alien plants that appeared in Mt. Munsu of the forest genetic resource reserve were observed in 58 taxa. Moreover, the naturalization rate was 13.1% and the urbanization index was calculated to be 18.0%. As a result of comparing the vascular flora at the forest genetic resource reserve on Mt. Munsu identified in this study with previous studies, it was found the number of taxa was decreased compared to the previous studies, despite the fact that the recent survey section was wider and more varies routes were investigated. In particular, it was confirmed that the number of rare and endemic plants decreased significantly, and the number of invasive plants greatly spread to forest roads and hiking trails. Therefore, it is considered that the forest rest year system should be introduced for the conservation and management of native plants in the forest genetic resource reserve.

Paleozoic Strata in the Lankawi Geopark, Malaysia: Correlation with Paleozoic Strata in the Korean Peninsula (말레이시아 랑카위 지질공원의 고생대 퇴적층: 한반도 고생대 퇴적층과의 대비)

  • Ryu, In-Chang
    • Economic and Environmental Geology
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    • v.43 no.4
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    • pp.417-427
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    • 2010
  • The Lankawi archipelago is located in 30 km western offshore near the Thailand-Malaysia border in west coast of the Malay Peninsula and consists of 99 (+5) tropical islands, covering an area of about $479km^2$. Together with biodiversity in flora and fauna, the Lankawi archipelago displays also geodiversity that includes rock diversity, landform diversity, and fossil diversity. These biodiversity and geodiversity have led to the Lankawi islands as a newly emerging hub for ecotourism in Southeast Asia. As a result, the Lankawi islands have been designated the first Global Geopark in Southeast Asia by UNESCO since July 1st, 2007. The geodiversity of Lankawi Geopark today is a result of a very long depositional history under the various sedimentological regimes and paleoenvironments during the Paleozoic, followed by tectonic and magmatic activities until the early Mesozoic, and finally by surface processes that etched to the present beautiful landscape. Paleozoic strata exposed in the Lankawi Geopark are subdivided into four formations that include the Machinchang (Cambrian), Setul (Ordovician to Early Devonian), Singa (Late Devonian to Carboniferous), and Chuping (Permian) formations in ascending order. These strata are younging to the east, but they are truncated by the Kisap Thrust in the eastern part of the islands. Top-to-the-westward transportation of the Kisap Thrust has brought the older Setul Formation (and possibly Machinchang Formation) from the east to overlay the younger Chuping and Singa formations in the central axis of the Lankawi islands. Triassic Gunung Raya Granite intruded into these sedimentary strata, and turned them partially into various types of contact metamorphic rocks that locally contain tin mineral deposits. Since Triassic, not much geologic records are known for the Lankawi islands. Tropical weathering upon rocks of the Lankawi islands might have taken place since the Early Jurassic and continues until the present. This weathering process played a very important role in producing beautiful landscapes of the Lankawi islands today.

A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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Territorial Expansion the King Võ (Võ Vương, 1738-1765) in the Mekong Delta: Variation of Tám Thực Chi Kế (strategy of silkworm nibbling) and Dĩ Man Công Man (to strike barbarians by barbarians) in the Way to Build a New World Order (무왕(武王, 1738-1765) 시기 메콩 델타에서의 영토 확장 추이: 제국으로 가는 길, '잠식지계(蠶食之計)'와 '이만공만(以蠻攻蠻)'의 변주)

  • CHOI, Byung Wook
    • The Southeast Asian review
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    • v.27 no.2
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    • pp.37-76
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    • 2017
  • $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh has two faces in the history of territorial expansion of Vietnam into the Mekong delta. One is his heroic contribution to the $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ family gaining control over the large part of the Mekong delta. The other is his role to make the eyes of readers of Vietnamese history be fixed only to the present territory of Vietnam. To the readers, $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh's achievement of territorial expansion was the final stage of the nam $ti{\acute{\hat{e}}n$ of Vietnam. In fact, however, his achievement was partial. This study pays attention to the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ instead of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh in the history of the territorial expansion in the Mekong delta. King's goal was more ambitious. And the ambition was propelled by his dream to build a new world, and its order, in which his new capital, $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ was to be the center with his status as an emperor. To improve my assertion, three elements were examined in this article. First is the nature of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's new kingship. Second is the preparation and the background of the military operation in the Mekong Delta. The nature of the new territory is the third element of the discussion. In 1744, six years after this ascending to the throne, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương declared he was a king. Author points out this event as the departure of the southern kingdom from the traditional dynasties based on the Red River delta. Besides, the government system, northern custom and way of dressings were abandoned and new southern modes were adopted. $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương had enough tributary kingdoms such as Cambodia, Champa, Thủy $X{\tilde{a}}$, Hoả $X{\tilde{a}}$, Vạn Tượng, and Nam Chưởng. Compared with the $L{\hat{e}}$ empire, the number of the tributary kingdoms was higher and the number was equivalent to that of the Đại Nam empire of the 19th century. In reality, author claims, the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ real intention was to become an emperor. Though he failed in using the title of emperor, he distinguished himself by claiming himself as the Heaven King, $Thi{\hat{e}}n$ Vương. Cambodian king's attack on the thousands of Cham ethnics in Cambodian territory was an enough reason to the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ military intervention. He considered these Cham men and women as his amicable subjects, and he saw them a branch of the Cham communities in his realm. He declared war against Cambodia in 1750. At the same time he sent a lengthy letter to the Siamese king claiming that the Cambodia was his exclusive tributary kingdom. Before he launched a fatal strike on the Mekong delta which had been the southern part of Cambodia, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương renovated his capital $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ to the level of the new center of power equivalent to that of empire for his sake. Inflation, famine, economic distortion were also the features of this time. But this study pays attention more to the active policy of the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ as an empire builder than to the economic situation that has been told as the main reason for King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ annexation of the large part of the Mekong delta. From the year of 1754, by the initiative of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh, almost whole region of the Mekong delta within the current border line was incorporated into the territory of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương within three years, though the intention of the king was to extend his land to the right side of the Mekong Basin beyond the current border such as Kampong Cham, Prey Vieng, and Svai Rieng. The main reason was $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's need to expand his territory to be matched with that of his potential empire with the large number of the tributary kingdoms. King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ strategy was the variation of 'silkworm nibbling' and 'to strike barbarians by barbarians.' He ate the land of Lower Cambodia, the region of the Mekong delta step by step as silkworm nibbles mulberry leave(general meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực), but his final goal was to eat all(another meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực) the part of the Mekong delta including the three provinces of Cambodia mentioned above. He used Cham to strike Cambodian in the process of getting land from Long An area to $Ch{\hat{a}}u$ Đốc. This is a faithful application of the Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man (to strike barbarians by barbarians). In addition he used Chinese refugees led by the Mạc family or their quasi kingdom to gain land in the region of $H{\grave{a}}$ $Ti{\hat{e}}n$ and its environs from the hand of Cambodian king. This is another application of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man. In sum, author claims a new way of looking at the origin of the imperial world order which emerged during the first half of the 19th century. It was not the result of the long history of Đại Việt empires based on the Red River delta, but the succession of the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ new world based on $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$. The same ways of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man and $T{\acute{a}}m$ Thực Chi $K{\acute{\hat{e}}}$ were still used by $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ descendents. His grandson Gia Long used man such as Thai, Khmer, Lao, Chinese, and European to win another man the '$T{\hat{a}}y$ Sơn bandits' that included many of Chinese pirates, Cham, and other mountain peoples. His great grand son Minh Mạng constructed a splendid empire. At the same time, however, Minh Mạng kept expanding the size of his empire by eating all the part of Cambodia and Cham territories.