• 미국학
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• 제44권2호
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• pp.35-65
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• 2021

U.S. lawmakers tend to organize sub-party groups focusing on regions, ideologies, policies, and foreign affairs. Examples include the conservative Freedom Caucus loyal to Trump and the Congressional Black Caucus promoting the interests of African Americans. Then how do these legislative groups affect the making of U.S. foreign policy? Paying special attention to the Korea caucus in U.S. Congress, we have analyzed the sources and processes of congressional caucus and foreign policy and have learned that structures and activities of the caucuses differ from one another. The Korea caucus seems to be a bipartisan group that focuses on issues such as trade, travel, and troubles provoked by Pyongyang. However, the Korea caucus is not really a solid voting bloc for policy alternatives; it is instead more of a constituency-oriented legislative group that prioritizes local interests. This research underscores the need for systematic and comprehensive study of U.S. legislative politics and foreign policy.

• 미국학
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• 제42권1호
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• pp.57-97
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• 2019

This study seeks to reveal why the U.S. House Democrats showed different levels of support in the voting of the U.S.-Morocco FTA, U.S.-Bahrain FTA, and U.S.-Oman FTA. Existing studies focusing on the constituency or members' ideology do not properly account for the variance of these three FTA voting results. All of these FTAs, however, were promoted as a part of the president's foreign policies. If so, FTA support in Congress could depend on representatives' evaluation of the presidential foreign policy. Based on this, the study analyzes how representatives' evaluation of President Bush's foreign policy changed according to the period of the three FTA votes. The vote on the FTAs has been influenced by their evaluation of the presidential foreign and national security policies.

• 기술혁신연구
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• 제13권3호
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• pp.257-287
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• 2005

The purpose of this paper is to develop a desirable government policy for attracting highly skilled professional foreign human resources. To achieve the purpose, following research methods were pursued; 1) a review on the current status of government policy on highly qualified foreign professionals, 2) case studies on foreign governments' policy on the issue, 3) a survey over Korean firms which are employing foreign high-tech professionals. Based on above research results, policy suggestions for the Korean government are recommended as follows: formulating a basic framework of the government policy to attract foreign high-tech professionals, revising the nonimmigrant visa policy for foreign professionals, collecting and distributing personnel data of foreign applicants for jobs In Korea, developing external and internal public relations, revising the method of supporting small and medium-sized firms, taking a systematic approach to attract korean-American scientists, redesigning sponsorship programs for inviting world famous scholars and scientists, increasing global joint research projects, facilitating favorable infrastructure for foreign engineers and scientists.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• 제11권4호
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• pp.327-357
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• 2023

Adopting the Tools of Liberalism and Clash of Civilizations theories of international relations, this study examines the perceptions of 25,406 Arabs in 11 Arab countries as expressed in an Arab Barometer survey exploring their perceptions of violence against the United States (US), American citizens as "good," President Donald Trump's foreign policy in the Middle East, increasing economic relations with the US, and welcoming American foreign aid. As aspects of the Clash of Civilizations theory, this study examines religiosity, religious ritual practices, and political Islam and, as aspects of liberalism, this study explores the roles of online media as well as perceptions about US foreign aid in the prediction of the criterion variables. The findings suggest that religious indicators, and aspects of the Clash of Civilizations generally, were negative predictors of the perceptions, while social media and motivations for US foreign aid as aspects of liberalism, positively predicted the perceptions. The study discusses the results in relation to implications for policy makers.

• 미국학
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• 제44권1호
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• pp.155-182
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• 2021

This study explores how American war films modify or reenact American exceptionalism depending on political and social situations in the United States. To this end, it analyzes the two war films, Saving Private Ryan and We Were Soldiers that were released before and after the 9/11 attacks as a critical juncture in the twenty first century, respectively. While the former conducts a partial modification on American exceptionalism in order to restore the national identity and moral authority of the United States lost ever since the Vietnam War, the latter demonstrates a complete reenactment of American exceptionalism in accordance with the foreign policy of the Bush administration and neoconservatism. It concludes with the illumination that the examination of American war films within the framework of American exceptionalism is efficacious in understanding from a broad perspective how American exceptionalism is utilized depending on political and social situations in the United States.

• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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• 제11권3호
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• pp.277-296
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• 2023

The South Korean ethnic diaspora US lobby shows efficacy as an interest group in generating influence in American foreign and domestic public policy making. The persuasive portrayal of South Korea as a critical Cold War US ally reinforced US amenability to pro-South Korea lobbying. Also, the South Korean US diaspora is a comparatively recent immigrant group, thus its lingering resistance to assimilation facilitates its political mobilization to lobby the US government. One source of this influence includes the foundational legacy of proselytizing Western and particularly American religious social movement representatives in Korean religiosity and society. US protestant Christianity acquired a strong public association with emerging Korean nationalism in response to Japanese imperialism and occupation. Hostility towards Japanese colonialism followed by the threat from Soviet-sponsored, North Korean Communism meant Christianity did not readily become a cultural symbol of excessive external, US interference in South Korean society by South Korean public opinion. The post-Cold War shift in US foreign policy towards targeting so-called rogue state vestiges of the Cold War including North Korea enhanced further South Korea's influence in Washington. Due to essential differences in the perceived historical role of American influence, extrapolation of the South Korean development model is problematic. US hegemony in South Korea indicates that perceived alliance with national self-determination constitutes the core of soft power appeal. Civilizational appeal per se in the form of religious beliefs are not critically significant in promoting American polity influence in target polities in South Korea or, comparatively, in the Middle East. The United States is a perceived opponent of pan-Arab nationalism which has trended towards populist Islamic religious symbolism with the failure of secular nationalism. The pronounced component of evangelical Christianity in American core community nationalism which the Trump campaign exploited is a reflection of this orientation in the US.

• East Asian Economic Review
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• 제18권2호
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• pp.143-161
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• 2014

This paper examines the effects of global liquidity expansion on advanced and emerging economies by using panel VAR methodology. The results show that global liquidity expansion tends to boost economy by increasing GDP growth and stock prices. However, we find that the effects are asymmetric. The effects of global liquidity on GDP and stock prices are greater and more persistent in emerging economies than in liquidity recipient advanced economies. Moreover, global liquidity appreciates emerging economies' exchange rates more persistently than those of advanced economies. Lastly, while global liquidity expansion increases foreign portfolio investment inflows to Asian countries and liquidity recipient advanced economies, there is no evidence for Latin American countries.

• Asian review of World Histories
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• 제2권1호
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• pp.81-104
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• 2014

The popular uprisings that took place in the Arab world, and led to the overthrow of four heads of states, namely Zine El-Abidine Ben Ali (January 14, 2011) of Tunisia, Hosni Mubarak (February 11, 2011) of Egypt, Muammar al-Gaddafi (August 23, 2011) of Libya and Ali Abdullah Saleh (November 23, 2011) of Yemen, have attracted the attention of the world media and policy makers in the West and the Middle East, and triggered their concern for the political future of the region. This article does not offer a comprehensive assessment of these uprisings, but rather analyzes the coverage of Time and Newsweek of the underlying causes of the uprisings and their anticipated consequences. It also investigates how the two magazines have highlighted the scenarios that may pose a real challenge to Arab regimes supported by the American administration, and internationally reshape the priorities of American foreign policy in the region. These issues are examined from the two magazines' perspectives, which under line the features of U.S. foreign policy in the region, where the White House is more concerned about the security of the state of Israel, control of the Arab oil and suppression of "Muslim fundamentalism."

• 비교문화연구
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• 제22권
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• pp.203-221
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• 2011

With the beginning of systemized research on Latin American region as a part of the third world in the mid-60s, Latin American regional studies in Korea acquired a steppingstone for development through the establishment of Hankook University of Foreign Studies Central & South American Regional Study, the creation of Central & South America Research Center, and Latin American Society established in the mid-80s. Latin American regional studies achieved quantitative and qualitative growth with the natioal globalization policy in the 90s, and research centers related to Latin America in Seoul National University, Pusan University of Foreign Studies, Dankook University, and Sunmoon University have contributed to the activation of regional studies. In spite of such achievements, Latin American regional studies, which have developed with 40 years of history, still possess problems that need to be solved. This study achieves qualitative analysis on theses published from 2000 to March 2001 in main Latin America regional study academic journals in Korea to analyze Latin American regional study trend of the recent 10 years in order to search measures for activating Latin American regional studies. Academic journals used in analysis include "Ibero America Research" of Seoul National University Research Center of Central & South America, Spain, "Central & South America Research" of Hankook University of Foreign Studies Research Center of Central & South America, "Ibero America Research" of Pusan University of Foreign Studies Central & South America Center, and "Latin America Research" published by Latin American Society. According to analysis on publication ratio of published theses according to field, it was presented that culture and politics fields occupied the highest ratio. Social and cultural fields, the elementary studies of regional research which have previously presented a weak research tendency, have achieved noticeable development during the past 10 years. According to analysis on researched nations, Latin America regional study was weighted in particular nations, and nations of economic size and political influence within region were selected as main subjects of research. Furthermore, several nations were not researched at all. For the last 10 years, the depth and width of the Latin America regional study had been decided by the degree of political, economic, social, and cultural significance occupied by the nation. It can be said that studies based on overall understanding on regional countries of Latin America have been relatively weak in individual nation study. Furthermore, studies that separate issues to achieve analysis based on the awareness theory of individual branches can be regarded dominant among studies based on entire Latin America. These studies still possess limitations in failing to deviate from the outline of particular region and topic.

• 한국과 국제사회
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• 제2권2호
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• pp.157-184
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• 2018

이 연구는 파키스탄에서 9/11 테러 이후 외교정책 결정 과정을 추적하기 위해 4단계 "위기에서의 국가 행동 모델"을 적용했다. 그것은 알카에다의 미국에 대한 불길한 공격과 테러에 맞서 싸우기 위한 부시 대통령의 후속 선언이 t1 단계의 세계와 지역의 정치 안보 차원을 변화시켰다고 주장한다. 이웃 국가인 파키스탄의 지원은 테러와의 전쟁에서 불가피했고, 미국은 이슬람 바드의 협력을 얻기 위해 강압적인 외교를 취했다. 결과적으로, 미국의 요구를 수용하지 않을 경우 파키스탄은 국가의 기본 가치/목표에 대한 위협을 인식하고 동시에 시간 압박은 t2 단계에서 의사결정자들의 심리적 스트레스를 증폭시켰다. 따라서 의사결정 포럼은 t3 단계에서 시작되었고 파키스탄은 외교 정책 위기를 완화시킨 t4 단계로 미국에 합류하기로 결정했다.