• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.69-91
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• 1990

A major change in tariff rates was made in January 1989 in Korea. The benchmark tariff rate, which applies to about two thirds of all commodity items, was lowered to 15 percent from 20 percent. In addition, the variation in tariff rates among different types of commodities was reduced. This paper examines the economic impact of the tariff reform using a multisectoral general equilibrium model of the Korean economy which was introduced by Lee and Chang(1988), and by Lee(1988). More specifically, this paper attempts to find the changes in imports, exports, domestic production, consumption, prices, and employment in 31 different sectors of the economy induced by the reform in tariff rates. The policy simulations are made according to three different methods. First, tariff changes in industries are calculated strictly according to the change in legal tariff rates, which tend to over-estimate the size of the tariff reduction given the tariff-drawback system and tariff exemption applied to various import items. Second, tariff changes in industries are obtained by dividing the estimated tariff revenues of each industry by the estimated imports for that industry, which are often called actual tariff rates. According to the first method, the import-weighted average tariff rate is lowered from 15.2% to 10.2%, while the second method changes the average tariff rate from 6.2% to 4.2%. In the third method, the tariff-drawback system is internalized in the model. This paper reports the results of the policy simulation according to all three methods, comparing them with one another. It is argued that the second method yields the most realistic estimate of the changes in macro-economic variables, while the third method is useful in delineating the differences in impact across industries. The findings, according to the second method, show that the tariff reform induces more imports in most sectors. Garments, leather products, and wood products are those industries in which imports increase by more than 5 percent. On the other hand, imports in agricultural, mining and service sectors are least affected. Domestic production increases in all sectors except the following: leather products, non-metalic products, chemicals, paper and paper products, and wood-product industries. The increase in production and employment is largest in export industries, followed by service industries. An impact on macroeconomic variables is also simulated. The tariff reform increases nominal GNP by 0.26 percent, lowers the consumer price index by 0.49 percent, increases employment by 0.24 percent, and worsens the trade balance by 480 million US dollars, through a rise in exports of 540 million US dollars and a rise in imports of 1.02 billion US dollars.

• Korean Journal of Food Science and Technology
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• v.46 no.4
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• pp.395-403
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• 2014

This study aimed to investigate the activities of phytochemical and bioactive components from 24 new varieties of red pepper obtained by crossbreeding different Korean red pepper lines. The ASTA (American Spice Trade Association) color values ranged from 116.69 to 249.83 and the total carotenoid content ranged from 3.19 to 6.11 mg/g dried red pepper. The free sugar content ranged from 43.41 to 199.54 mg/g, and the fructose content was found to be higher than the glucose content. The ascorbic acid, total polyphenol, and flavonoid contents were found to be 8.08-11.53 mg/g, 7.93-14.26 mg gallic acid/g, and 4.24-10.07 mg quercetin/g dried pepper, respectively. Overall, the total polyphenol contents of the new varieties were found to be higher than the average content of Korean red peppers. The total capsaicinoid content in the new varieties varied widely from 0.42 to 237.87 mg/100 g dried pepper. The pepper-methanol extract antioxidant activities of 'variety 2, 4, 8, 9' were higher than others. A high correlation was observed between the antioxidant activities and the polyphenol contents (r=0.804, r=0.701).

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.36
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• pp.347-377
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• 2003

China is a country with large agricultural areas and subject to frequent calamities. Drought is the top of them. It has been a key problem for development of agriculture in the country. In the long struggle against drought, Chinese have accumulated many rational and irrational experiences. The Dragon Kings Belief, which is popular in North China and discussed in a thesis, is one of their irrational experiences. The belief was passed together with Buddhism from India to China in the Tang Dynasty. After it settled down, it was incorporated with the local five dragons belief and a set of beliefs in dragon kings came into existence. The emergence of the dragon kings belief ended the history that the title of rain got was not clear in China and Dragon kings finally got the status. Irrigation is the lifeblood of agriculture in China. In a Chinese mind, Dragon kings are the most important gods who take charge of rain and thus offer the lifeblood. In understanding the nature and characteristics of Chinese traditional culture, it is important for us to make clear the origin and evolution of the belief, find out its nature, function and operation. In the every year beginning of February of the Fanzhuang calendar in the people of Hebeisheng Zhaoxian, would all hold a festival to offer sacrifices to the $^{{\circ}TM}^{\prime}longpai$. Longpai was regarded as the core of the temple fair, thus the native sons came to call this festival; "longpaihui". In this region the'Fanzhuang longpaihui'developed into a well knownand grand temple fair. It was able to attract numerous pilgrims with its special magic power, occupying a place in $China^{{\circ}TM}$ 'eryueer'festival with festive dragon activities. The dragon is a common totem among Chinese nationals. The belief worship of the dragon dates from the start time of primitive societies. Dragon oneself the ancients worship's thunder lightning. In the worship of the great universe, at first afterwards this belief with the tribe's totem worships to combine to become the animal spirit. In ancient myths legends, along with folk religion and beliefs all hold a very important position. The longpaihui is a temple fair without a temple; this characteristic is a distinction between longpaihui and other temple fairs. As for longpaihui must of the early historical records are unclear. The originator of a huitou system has a kind of organized form of the special features rather, originator of a huitou not fix constant, everything follows voluntarily principle, can become member with the freedom, also can back at any time the meeting. There is a longpaihui for 'dangjiaren', is total representative director in the originator of a huitou will. 'banghui' scope particularly for extensive, come apparently every kind of buildup that help can return into the banghui, where is the person of this village or outside village of, the general cent in banghui work is clear and definite, for longpaihui would various businesses open smoothly the exhibition provides to guarantees powerfully. Fanzhuang longpaihui from the beginning of February to beginning six proceed six days totally. The longpai is used as the ancestry absolute being to exsits with the community absolute being at the same time in fanzhuang first took civil faith, in reality is a kind of method to support social machine in native folks realize together that local community that important function, it provided a space, a kind of a view to take with a relation, rising contact, communication, solidify the community contents small village, formation with fanzhuang. The fanzhuang is used as supplies for gathering town, by luck too is this local community trade exchanges center at the same time therefore can say the faith of the longpai, in addition to its people's custom, religious meaning, still have got the important and social function. Moreover matter worthy of mentioning, Longpai would in organize process, from prepare and plan the producing of meeting every kind of meeting a longpeng of the matter do, all letting person feeling is to adjust the popular support of, get the mass approbation with positive participate. Apart from the originator of a huitou excluding, those although not originator of a huitou, however enthusiasm participate the banghui of its business, also is too much for the number.

• Journal of Ginseng Culture
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• v.5
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• pp.32-51
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• 2023

Because red ginseng was exported in large quantities to the Qing Dynasty in the 19th century, a large-scale ginseng cultivation complex was established in Kaesong. Sibyunje (時邊制), a privately led loan system unique to merchants in Kaesong, made it possible for them to raise the enormous capital required for ginseng cultivation. The imperial family of the Korean Empire promulgated the Posamgyuchik (包蔘規則) in 1895, and this signaled the start of the red ginseng monopoly system. In 1899, when the invasion of ginseng farms by the Japanese became severe, the imperial soldiers were sent to guard the ginseng farms to prevent the theft of ginseng by the Japanese. Furthermore, the stateled compensation mission, Baesanggeum Seongyojedo (賠償金 先交制度), provided 50%-90% of the payment for raw ginseng, which was paid in advance of harvest. In 1895, rising seed prices prompted some merchants to import and sell poor quality seeds from China and Japan. The red ginseng trade order was therefore promulgated in 1920 to prohibit the import of foreign seeds without the government's permission. In 1906-1910, namely, the early period of Japanese colonial rule, ginseng cultivation was halted, and the volume of fresh ginseng stocked as a raw material for red ginseng in 1910 was only 2,771 geun (斤). However, it increased significantly to 10,000 geun between 1915 and 1919 and to 150,000 geun between 1920 and 1934. These increases in the production of fresh ginseng as a raw material for red ginseng were the result of various policies implemented in 1908 with the aim of fostering the ginseng industry, such as prior disclosure of the compensation price for fresh ginseng, loans for cultivation expenditure in new areas, and the payment of incentives to excellent cultivators. Nevertheless, the ultimate goal of Japanese imperialism at the time was not to foster the growth of Korean ginseng farming, but to finance the maintenance of its colonial management using profits from the red ginseng business.