• The Journal of Asian Finance, Economics and Business
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.43-52
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• 2018

This research aims to evaluate the current state of technology of enterprises in Vietnam in comparison with several countries in the AEC economic community, thereby to propose several recommendations to Vietnamese enterprises in order able to promote technology innovation activities, create competitiveness with enterprises in the region. Qualitative research methods are used through statistics and comparative descriptions from data collected from various sources: WEF, World Bank, CIEM, General Statistic Office. The study results show that Vietnamese enterprises still have many limitations in technology, originated from their small business scale (capital and labor), the current research capacity is still low, the funding for this activity is not high and the accessibility of the capital is still difficult. According to the Global Competitiveness Index, Vietnam's science and technology indexes are low compared to other AEC-developed countries including the availability of the latest technology; the acquisition of technology at the enterprise level; the capacity of improvement; quality of scientific research organizations..., which shall be a major barrier for Vietnamese enterprises to have to overcome to be able to create the competitiveness when entering the global market. From then on, the authors proposed solutions for two subjects, enterprises and government, to help Vietnamese enterprises to overcome this barrier.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.95-129
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• 2017

This study surveys and reviews political change, economic performance, and regional cooperation that were carried out in 2016 by Southeast Asian countries and ASEAN. This paper reports that what has followed the inauguration of new governments in Myanmar, the Philippines, Vietnam, and Laos fails to live up to the expectation and optimism that arose in the aftermath of elections and party congresses that took place in the first half of the year. In other countries such as Malaysia, Thailand, and Cambodia, where authoritarian regimes are faced with strong oppositions, the prospects for democratic change worsened to a substantial degree, as schisms and internal strives complicated the opposition camp as a result of instigation and intervention by the authoritarian leaders and their followers. In stable political systems, both democratic and authoritarian, no significant changes that may entail serious political implications were noticed. In 2016, the national economy of almost each and every country continued its slow but steady recovery that had started in 2014 and grew by 5% on the average. For 2017 onward, however, the earlier optimism that it would grow at least as fast dimmed down as uncertainty about the world economy looms larger due to the unexpected win by Donald Trump as U.S. president and the expected 'hard landing' of the Chinese economy around 2018. ASEAN declared the launch of the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) only one day before the New Year, but its track record looked already bad and unpromising by the end of 2016. ASEAN leaders were tied up by their domestic politics and affairs too tightly to take time off to work seriously to observe the schedule as laid out in the AEC Blueprint 2025. Korea's relationship with Southeast Asian countries and ASEAN was "as good as it gets" in 2016 as ever but could become subject to tough review in the near future, if the Ministry of Foreign Affairs is found out to have been implicated in the ongoing Choi Sun Sil scandal and if the opposition wins the next presidential election to be held by this year.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.17 no.1
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• pp.112-129
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• 2018

Produced by Chinese local television stations, Maritime Silk Road is a documentary which adopts ancient Maritime Silk Road as a historical nostalgia to interpret "the Belt and Road Initiative", a contemporary Chinese economic, political, and cultural strategy put forward by Chinese government mainly aiming at the countries of Southeast Asia. The main body of this article has three parts and the first part analyses how the documentary adopts computer-generated imagery (CGI) to create a historical nostalgia about ancient Maritime Silk Road in the period of Imperial China. At the same time, this part also presents a sense of diasporic nostalgia of the overseas Chinese. This historical and diasporic nostalgia is related to Chinese President Xi Jinping's political discourse: "Chinese dream" that propagandises to build a strong China put forward by Xi in 2013. The second part analyses how this historical and diasporic nostalgia legitimates Xi's "Chinese dream" and how it responds to recent territorial dispute when China continuously claims its territorial sovereignty in the South China Sea. In this light, the documentary repeatedly mentions two political rhetoric: "coexistence" (gongcun) and "mutual benefit"(huli gongying) as a practical strategy to deal with the dispute between China and some countries of Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). In the third section, the concept of "community of common destiny" (mingyun gongtongti) is adopted by the documentary to depict a convenient and effective organization of China and ASEAN, which is framed as an ultimate goal that Chinese government is depicted as the potential leader of this nostalgic community. At the same time, by providing different and even opposite viewpoints, this article discusses three controversial political rhetoric to present how historical and diasporic nostalgia is politicalized and served for Chinese diplomacy and national interest. Overall, this article argues that the documentary creates a glorious ancient Maritime Silk Road, as a sense of nostalgia, to expand China's economic and political influence, to respond to the controversial issues, and to reassert China's leadership as the centre of Asia.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.229-254
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• 2023

This study observes the language attitude and maintenance of the border community in Telok Melano, Lundu (Sarawak, Malaysia) and Desa Temajuk, Sambas (West Kalimantan, Indonesia). The main objective of this study is to study the language attitudes of two cross-border community who shares the socio-cultural, language, and economic realms. The research data is collected qualitatively through conversation recordings, face-to-face interviews, and participant observations. In this preliminary study, twelve informants (six from Telok Melano and six from Desa Temajuk) were chosen based on the quota sampling method. The questions for the interview were set according to three characteristics of language choice proposed by Garvin and Mathiot (1968), namely language loyalty, language pride, and the awareness of norms. The result of this study indicates that language loyalty, language pride, and awareness of the norms towards the speakers' mother tongue and national language are relatively high. In terms of identity maintenance issues, this study found that the community in Telok Melano (Sarawak), originally identify themselves as "Sambas Malays," shifted to "Sarawak Malays" after the formation of Malaysia in 1963. This preliminary study serves as a basis for further research particularly on the complexity of issues concerned with the border communities in the Southwest of Sarawak.

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.21 no.4
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• pp.101-124
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• 2017

This study is to examine the current situation of the AEC (ASEAN Economic Community) and analyze macroeconomic situation of Vietnam since the launch of AEC. According to recent trade indicators, Vietnam is expected to be more productive in the manufacturing and processing sectors because it is at the heart of the global value chains (GVCs) in electronics, telephones, and textiles and shoes industry. Vietnam has signed or is negotiating free trade agreements with various countries around the world including Korea, Israel, EU and RCEP and so on. Therefore, it is expected that Vietnam's trade dependency and FDI inflows to Vietnam increase more and more. However, the fact that the proportion of exports by foreign-invested companies accounts for about 70% of the total exports implies the uncertainty of Vietnam's economy in the future. Attracting FDI investment can further reduce the competitiveness of domestic companies in Vietnam. Therefore, in order for Vietnam to maintain sustainable development in the future, it is necessary to reform the momentum of foreign-invested enterprises to the development of Vietnamese companies.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.1
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• pp.1-20
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• 2018

Southeast Asia witnessed a paradox of political stagnation and economic development in 2017. The 'dual order' of security dependence on America and economic dependence on China was sustained in East Asia. In this regard, Southeast Asia of two faces was quite similar to broader East Asia. On one hand, the old socialist group with totalitarian nostalgia lurked in the buffer zone between totalitarianism and authoritarianism, while the original capitalist group under democratic disguise roamed in the gray zone between authoritarianism and democracy. On the other, the old socialist group with the legacy of the planned economy succumbed to the temptation of the Beijing Consensus on state capitalism, while the original capitalist group with the myth of the market economy was exposed to the pressure of the Washington Consensus on liberal capitalism. The ASEAN Community representing the regional integration of Southeast Asia was caught in the strategic predicament of a looming 'new cold war' between the continental and maritime powers.

• Journal of Fisheries and Marine Sciences Education
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• v.19 no.1
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• pp.53-73
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• 2007

There exists historically intimate relationship between the fisheries of the three countries of Northeast Asia in terms of the same fishing ground and similar resources. This means that if one of the countries fail to manage their fisheries properly, it will harm the others. Especially, if the EEZ straddling and Trans-Boundary Fish Stocks aren't managed by the cooperation of the three countries, the exhaustion of resources will be more likely to be accelerated. Considering the aspects mentioned, this paper refers to the necessity of fisheries cooperation between Korea, China, and Japan. Next, it analyzed the joint control cases of Norway/Russia Management of Shared Fish Stocks in the Barents Sea, Management of South Tasman Rise in Orange roughy, Agreement on Fisheries between the European Economic Community and the Kingdom of Norway, Conservation and management of pollack resources in the central Bering Sea, and drew a conclusion for ourselves. Last of all, it suggests a step-by-step strategy of promoting joint control between three countries, and the plan of the establishing and managing the organization of joint fisheries control. About the joint control, "The Joint Statement of promoting collaboration between Korea, China, and Japan" has been announced at ASEAN in October 7th, 2003 and the summit talk of the three countries. In the joint statement, the three countries came to an agreement which says, "Cooperation in Fishery Resource Conservation : The three countries will cooperate, bilaterally or trilaterally, to promote the sustainable use and conservation of fishery resource through the effective fishery management". Not only the consistent collaboration between the government is necessary, but also continuous exchange and related study on a Non-governmental level is also needed for the viable outcome in the near future. When deducting the result for the joint fisheries control, this writer hopes the contents of this study will be helpful.