• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
• /
• v.21 no.3
• /
• pp.454-462
• /
• 2021

The purpose of this paper is to compare and analyze the status of ship departures by major ports in Korea. To this end, we collected necessary data from the National Statistical Office (National Statistical Portal), "Transportation·Logistics ⇨ Ship Departure Status by Port". The analysis period is 141 months from January 2009 to September 2020. The increase rate was higher in the order of Yeosu, Pyeongtaek Dangjin, Gwangyang, Busan, Incheon and Ulsan. In the analysis of the rate of change, Yeosu showed an uptrend while other ports showed a modest downtrend. In the scatter analysis, the total ship departure shows a high degree of synchronization with other ports except Yeosu. As a result of the empirical analysis, the recent trend of ship departures is slowly falling below 0%, and the current movement is expected to continue for the time being. As the southern logistics of China and ASEAN and northern logistics of Eurasia become active, the role of major ports is expected to expand further. It is necessary to develop a differentiated logistics service for each port and find an efficient way to increase the volume of goods by deriving factors for improving logistics.

• Asia-Pacific Journal of Business
• /
• v.12 no.4
• /
• pp.289-297
• /
• 2021

Purpose - This study analyzed the correlation between economic liberalization and foreign direct investment. The purpose of this study is to seek ways to attract foreign direct investment from developing countries. Design/methodology/approach - This study analysed with observations of 19 from 2000 to 2018 using a fixed effect model, a random effect model, and a two-way fixed effect model. Findings - First, it was found that economic liberalization had a positive effect on attracting foreign direct investment in the early stages of economic liberalization. Second, it was found that economic liberalization in the deepening stage of economic liberalization had a negative effect on attracting foreign direct investment. In general, it was found that the higher the level of economic liberalization in developing countries is not accompanied by innovative changes in the industrial structure, the higher the level of economic liberalization is likely to decrease the inducement of foreign direct investment due to negative factors such as an increase in labor costs. Overall, this study approved that Economic liberalization have a non-linear (inverted U-shape) relationship with the inflow of foreign direct investment. Research implications or Originality - First, this study attempted to expand the variables for the determinants of FDI by analyzing economic factors which is a determinent of FDI. Second, economic liberalization generally has a positive effect on foreign direct investment, but it proved that it does not have only positive effects as a factor of attracting foreign direct investment in developing countries. The advantage of low wages in ASEAN countries acts as a factor for foreign direct investment, but as the degree of economic liberalization increases, the environment such as government size, guarantee of property rights, international trade freedom, fiscal soundness, and regulations change positively. On the other hand, it can be suggested that if the industrial level is less, it may lead to a loss of comparative advantage and a decrease in investment.

• SUVANNABHUMI
• /
• v.10 no.2
• /
• pp.121-142
• /
• 2018

Area studies are sometimes framed as focused on specific localities, rooted in deep linguistic, cultural and historical knowledge, and hence empirically rich but, as a result, as yielding non-transferable/non-translatable findings and hence as theoretically poor. In Europe and North America some social science disciplines like sociology, economics and political science routinely dismiss any reference to local specifics as parochial "noise" interfering with their universalizing pretensions which in reality obscure their own Euro-American parochialism. For more qualitatively oriented disciplines like history, anthropology and cultural studies the inherent non-universality of (geographically constricted) area studies presents a predicament which is increasingly fought out by resorting to philosophical concepts which usually have a Eurocentric pedigree. In this paper, however, I argue that concepts with arguably European pedigree - like religion, culture, identity, heritage and art - travel around the world and are adopted through vernacular discourses that are specific to locally inflected histories and cultural contexts by annexing existing vocabularies as linguistic vehicles. In the process, these vernacularized "universal" concepts acquire different meanings or connotations, and can be used as powerful devices in local discursive fields. The study of these processes offer at once a powerful antidote against simplistic notions of "global"/"universal" and "local," and a potential corrective to localizing parochialism and blindly Eurocentric universalism. I develop this substantive argument with reference to my own professional, disciplinary and theoretical trajectory as an anthropologist and historian focusing on Vietnam, who used that experience - and the empirical puzzles and wonder encountered - in order to develop theoretical interests and questions that became the basis for larger-scale, comparative research projects in Japan, China, India, South Africa, Brazil and Europe. The subsequent challenge is to bring the results of such larger, comparative research "home" to Vietnam in a meaningful way, and thus overcome the limitations of both area studies and Eurocentric disciplines.

• Journal of Arbitration Studies
• /
• v.17 no.1
• /
• pp.3-32
• /
• 2007

This age is called the age of global trade, and the World Trade Organization is a forerunner in promoting the global free trade through multilateral negotiations as the global level. On the other hand, regional economic cooperation such as North American Free Trade Agreement(NAFTA) is appearing, saying that promotion by WTO takes too much time. As is known to everybody, Europe is on the way of integrating member states through EU not to mention economic cooperation. Even in Asia such tendency is shown through ASEAN, Korea, China and Japan in Northeast Asia share geographical proximity, many common historical experiences, and similar cultural norms and values although they have disparities in stages of development, trade and economic policies, and financial and legal frameworks. Under the situation, efforts have been made between three countries of Korea, China and Japan for the conclusion of investment agreements including FTA. If the conclusion of the FTA between the three countries would be realized, it would promote regional trade and investment, contributing to economic growth in the Northeast Asian region. The writer in this paper reviewed the settlement of private commercial dispute including investment dispute arising from the FTA and investment agreements. The investment dispute is quite different from an ordinary commercial dispute arising from commercial transactions in view of disputing parties, applicable laws and rules, etc. Therefore it is a problem of vital importance that the parties interested in investment under the FTA as well as the relevant investment agreement should understand and cope with the settlement mechanism of investment disputes arising therefrom. The ICSID Convention provides facilities for the conciliation and arbitration of disputes between member countries and investors who qualify as nationals of other member countries. All contracting states of the ICSID Convention are required by the Convention to recognize and enforce the ICSID arbitral awards. The New York Convention(formally called "United Nations Convention on the Recognition and Enforcement of Foreign Arbitral Awards") is also applicable for the enforcement of arbitral awards to be rendered under the FTA. As to applicable rules, the UNCITRAL Arbitration Rules may be required for the settlement of investment disputes under the FTA. This Rules has adopted by the internationally recognized arbitral organizations although it was developed primarily for use in ad hoc arbitration. The promotion of arbitral cooperation may be realized through agreements between arbitral institutions. Especially under the NAPTA system, a central common system was established to resolve jointly private commercial disputes arising from such free trades by the initiative of arbitral organizations among the member countries. It is called Commercial Arbitration and Mediation Center for the Americas(CAMCA), which may be a good example for the settlement promotion of the private commercial disputes between Korea and other relevant countries.

• SUVANNABHUMI
• /
• v.2 no.1
• /
• pp.55-94
• /
• 2010

Even Faxian(法顯)'s Gaosengfaxianchuan (『高僧法顯傳』) and Iching(義淨)'s Nanhaijiguineifachuan (『南海寄歸內法傳』) are regarded as very important and useful documents to study the southeast asian buddhist culture, it is very difficult to grasp the contemporary state of those area because their descriptions are very brief and implicit. Therefore this essay aimed an in-depth reading their documents as original texts of modern understanding of those area, and tried to make a new views to approach the southeast asian buddhist culture by some more historically and concretely. At the early 5th century when Faxian(法顯) arrived, Buddhism was flourished in Sri Lanka. Because already a long time passed since the Saṇgha was schismatized into conservative and progressive at around the dominical year, he mentioned nothing about the conflict or disharmony of two orders. And the faith of Buddha tooth relic, which had been uprisen at 50 years ago from Faxian's visiting, was concretely established as a representative religion of Sri Lanka. According to his record, the carrying ritual of this Buddha tooth was performed very magnificently as similar with recent Korean Youngsan ceremony(靈山齋). In the mean time, it looks there were many sculptures of Buddha image made of precious stone of special product from Sri Lanka. The faith of Buddha-pāda(the Buddha's foot-prints) was also generalized at that time. The most famous monk of his contemporary Sir Lanka was Buddhaghosa, the author of Visuddhi-magga, but it is not sure that Faxian had met him. It can be suspected that the funeral in which Faxian participated could be belonged to him, or the Visuddhi-magga was writing at the peak during Faxian's staying. On the way to return to China, Faxian embarked an indigenous ship around Indonesia. It means there were no chinese trade ship which he can use. So the trade between china and southeast asia was advanced by south asian ships, and the chinese ships were not yet joined at that time so activity. And at least until that time, it looks there were no any remarkable buddhist movement in the southeast asian countries by where he stopped. In contrast, the southeast asian world which be seen by Iching had already experienced a lot of changes. He was impressed by the high quality buddhist culture of those area, and insisted to accept it to china. Further, he analyzed the sects of buddhism which were prevalent around the southeast asia in his contemporary time, and tried to make a good relationship with each native monks for learning from them. It looks the center of those exchanges may be Śrīvijaya of Indonesia. He also mentioned the situation of the late 7th century's Funan(扶南) in Cambodia. At that time, the buddhist Saṇgha was oppressed by newly rising Khmer(眞臘). On the other hand, he described the points of sameness and difference in detail between Indian and southeast asian buddhist culture in the field of ritual as like the practical use of garments, buddha images, and daily recited scriptures. There must be a lot of another aspects which this essay couldn't gather up or catch from these documents. Nevertheless, I hope this essay can help the researchers of this field and will wait for any advices and comments from them.

• SUVANNABHUMI
• /
• v.6 no.1
• /
• pp.107-135
• /
• 2014

Cham identities which are socially constructed and multilayered, display their markers in a variety of elements, including homeland attachment to the former Kingdom of Champa, religion, language and cultural traditions, to mention a few. However, unlike other contemporary diasporic experience which binds the homeland and the host country, the Cham diaspora in Cambodia has a unique pattern as it seems to have no voice in the political and economic spheres in Vietnam, its homeland. The relations between the Cham in Cambodia and Vietnam seem to be limited to cultural heritages such as Cham musical traditions, traditional clothing, and the architectural heritage. Many Cham people have established networks outside Cambodia with areas of the Muslim world, like Malaysia, Indonesia, southern Thailand and the Middle Eastern countries. Pursuing education or training in Islam as well as working in those countries, especially Malaysia has become a way for the Cham to widen their networks and increase their knowledge of particularly, Islam. Returning to Cambodia, these people become religious teachers or ustadz (Islamic teachers in the pondok [Islamic boarding school]). This has developed slowly, side by side with the formation of their identity as Cham Muslims. Among certain Cham, the absence of an ancient cultural heritage as an identity marker has been replaced by the Islamic culture as the important element of identity. However, being Cham is not a single identity, it is fluid and contested. Many scholars argue that the Cham in Cambodia constitute three groups: the Cham Chvea, Cham, and Cham Bani (Cham Jahed). The so-called Cham Jahed has a unique practice of Islam. Unlike other Cham who pray five times a day, Cham Jahed people pray, once a week, on Fridays. They also have a different ritual for the wedding ceremony which they regard as the authentic tradition of the Cham. Indeed, they consider themselves pure descendants of the Cham in Vietnam; retaining Cham traditions and tending to maintain their relationship with their fellow Cham in Central Vietnam. In terms of language, another marker of identity, the Cham and the Cham Jahed share the same language, but Cham Jahed preserve the written Cham script more often than the Cham. Besides, the Cham Jahed teaches the language to the young generation intensively. This paper, based on fieldwork in Cambodia in 2010 and 2011 will focus on the process of the formation of the Cham identity, especially of those called Cham and Cham Jahed.

• SUVANNABHUMI
• /
• v.3 no.1
• /
• pp.47-66
• /
• 2011

Malay society is rooted on the Islamic concept. That Islam influenced every corner of that Malay society which had ever been an edge of the civilizations of the Indus and Ganges. Once the letters of that Hindu religion namely Sanscrit was adopted to this Malay society for the purpose of getting the Malay language, that is, Bahasa Melayu down to the practical literation but in vain. The Sanscrit was too complicated for Malay society to imitate and put it into practice in everyday life because it was totally different type of letters which has many of the similar allographs for a sound. In the end Malay society gave it up and just used the Malay language without using any letters for herself. After a few centuries Islam entered this Malay society with taking Arabic letters. It was not merely influencing Malay cultures, but to the religious life according to wide spread of that Islam. Finally Arabic letters was to the very means that Malay language was written by. It means that Arabic letters had been used for Arabic language in former times, but it became a similar form of letters for a new language which was named as Malay language. This Arabic letters for Arabic language has no problems whereas Arabic letters for Malay language has some of it. Naturally speaking, arabic letters was not designed for any other language but just for Arabic language itself. On account of this, there occurred a few problems in writing Malay consonants, just like p, ng, g, c, ny and v. These 6 letters could never be written down in Arabic letters. Those 6 ones were never known before in trying to pronounce by Arab people. Therefore, Malay society had only to modify a few new forms of letters for these 6 letters which had frequently been found in their own Malay sounds. As a result, pa was derived from fa, nga was derived from ain, ga was derived from kaf, ca was derived from jim, nya was derived from tha or ba, and va was derived from wau itself. Where must these 6 newly modified letters be put on this Arabic keyboard? This is the very core of this working paper. As a matter of course, these 6 letters were put on the place where 6 Arabic signs which were scarecely written in Malay language. Those 6 are found when they are used only in the 'shift-key-using-letters.' These newly designed 6 letters were put instead of the original places of fatha, kasra, damma, sukun, tanween and so on. The main differences between the 2 set of 6 letters are this: 6 in Arabic orginal keyboard are only signs for Arabic letters, on the other hand 6 Malay's are real letters. In others words, 6 newly modified Malay letters were substituted for unused 6 Arabic signs in Malay keyboard. This type of newly designed Malay Jawi Script keyboard is still used in Malaysia, Brunei and some other Malay countries. But this sort of keyboard also needs to go forward to find out another way of keyboard system which is in accordance with the alphabetically ordered keyboard system. It means that alif is going to be typed for A key, and zai shall be typed when Z key is pressed. This keyboard system is called 'Malay Jawi-English Rumi matching keyboard system', even though this system should probably be inconvenient for Malay Jawi experts who are good at Arabic 'alif-ba-ta'order.