Changes of Weed Community in Lowland Rice Field in Korea (한국(韓國)의 논 잡초분포(雜草分布) 현황(現況))
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- Korean Journal of Weed Science
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- v.15 no.4
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- pp.254-261
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- 1995
The nationwide weed survey was conducted in lowland rice fields over whole country of Korea in 1992 in order to determine a change of weed community and to identify a major dominant weed species and/or problem weed. Based on morphological characteristics of weeds, population ratio of broad leaf weed was 42.6%, grasses weed-9.0%, sedges-33.4% and others were 15.0%. Annual weed was 33.4% while perennial weed was 66.6% in terms of life cycle of weeds. Meanwhile, there was different weed occurrence as affected by planting method of the rice plant. In hand transplanted paddy fields predominant weed species was Sagittaria trifolia L., Monochoria vaginalis Presl., and Aneilema japonica Kunth. In machine transplanted rice fields of infant and young rice seedling Eleocharis kuroguwai Ohwi. and S. trifolia L. were more predominant. There was high occurrence of M. vaginalis, Echinochloa crus-galli L., and Leesia japonica Makino in water seeding while E. crus-galli and Cyperus serotinus Rottb. were predominant weed species in dry seeded rice. Monoculture of the rice plant would cause to high occurrence of E. kuroguwai, S. trifolia, M. vaginalis, E. crus-galli, and Sagittaria pygmaea Miq and there was higher population of S. trifolia, S. pygmaea, M. vaginalis, E crus-galli, and E. kuroguwai in double cropping system based on rice culture. In particular, there was high different weed occurrence under different transplanting times. E. kuroguwai, S. trifolia, S. pygmaea, M. vaginalis, and C. serotinus were higher population at the transplanting of 25 May and S. trifolia, E crus-galli, C. serotinus, and M. vaginalis at 10 June and S. pygmaea, E. kuroguwai, M. vaginalis, S. trifolia, and E. crusgalli at 25 June in Korea, respectively. Autumn tillage in terms of tillage time would cause more predominant weed species such as S. trifolia, E. kuroguwai, M. vaginalis, and S. pygmaea while spring tillage was higher population of E. kuroguwai, S. trifolia, E. crusgalli, M. vaginalis, and S. pygmaea. In plain area of paddy field there was higher occurrence of E. kuroguwai, S. trifolia, M. vaginalis, E. crus-galli, and S. pygmaea and in mid-mountainous area S. trifolia, E. kuroguwai, M. vaginalis, E. crus-galli, and Ludwigia prostrate Roxb. while in mountainous area S. trifolia, M. vaginalis, Potamogeton distinctus Ben., E. kuroguwai, and E. crus-galli were. In 1992 the most ten predominant weed species at the rice field of Korea based on summed dominant ratio(SDR) were E. kuroguwai > S. trifolia > E. crus-galli > M. vaginalis > S. pygmaea > C. serotinus > L. prostrate > P. distinctus > A. japonica > Scirpus juncoides Roxb.
Lumbago is the common disease in the human, many people have been sicked the Lumbago. As the traditional methods of Lumbago treatment, acupuncture, moxibustion, herb medicines have been applied to a patient, nowadays, new methods have been applied physical remedy, Yakchim (Korean herb acupuncture) remedy, Chuna remedy to. This report was collected 73 Lumbago patients by name, sex, age, motive, symptoms, X-ray, CT, MRI, lRCT, Sasang constitution type, Sasang herb medicine, Yakchim, Chuna, period of remedy, satisfaction of remedy, at the "WooRee Korean Medical Clinic" during 21 months from Sep. 14, 1994 to May 25, 1996. And this report was studied about the distribution of the Sasang constitution type, the Sasang herb medicine, the effect, the period. The results were as follows: 1. Lumbago patients were distributed like that; Taeum-ln (太陰人) 47 (66.3 %), Soyang-In 16 (21.9 %), Soum-In (13.7 %), Taeyang-In (太陽人) 0. This was different from distribution of Donguisuseibowon (東醫壽世保元), Taeum-In (太陰人) 50%, Soyang-In (少陽人) 30 %, Soum-In (少陰人) 20 %, Taeyang-In (太陽人) little, this report shows that the number of Taeum-In (太陰人) is more than that of Donguisuseibowon and the number of Soum-In is less than that of Donguisuseibowon. 2. The average satisfaction of remedy was 60.3 %, Taeum-In's satisfaction was 66.0 %, Soum-In's satisfaction was 56.3 %, Soyang-In's satisfaction was 60.0 %. 3. The effective herb medicines were as follows, Soyang-In used the Hyong Bang Ji Hwang Tang (荊防地黃湯), Yuk Mi Ji Hwang Tang (六味地黃樓), Soum-In used the Sib Yi Mi Goan Jung Tang (十二味寬中湯), Taeum-In used the Chung Sim Yon Ja Tang (淸心蓮子陽), Chung Pae Sa Gan Tang (淸師爾肝湯), Yeol Da Han So Tang (熱多寒少湯). 4. The period of remedy was about 6 weeks. The period of remedy of each types was as follows, Taeum-In was about 5.7 weeks, Soum-In was about 6.8 weeks, Soyang-In was about 4.2 weeks. 5. The method of Lumbago remedy is divided three types, sprain Lumbago, Pyobyong (表病 : outside Syndromes) Libyong (裡病 : inside symdromes). Soum-In's methods are Pyobyong's ascending the Yang (陽), adding the Gi (氣) [升陽益氣], and Libyong's descending the inside Yim (裡陰) [裡陰降氣], Soyang-In's methods are Pyobyongs's decending the outside-Yim [表陰降氣], and Libyong's ascending the cool Yang (濟陽) [淸陽上升]. Taeum-In's methods are Pyobyong's ascending the Lung's Yang (肺陽升氣), and Libyong's colding the dried hot liver (淸肝燥熱). Taeyang's methods are strong the liver and making Yim. (補r肝生陰) 6. There are two methods for using the YakChim (Korean herb-acupuncture) by Sasang constitution medicine, one is to select the Yakchim, the other is to choice the point for appling the Yakchim. The first, to select the Yakchim, the other is follows; Soum-In can select the bee Venom, Soyang-In can select the H.O. (Hong Whoa 紅花), Taeum-In can select the I (Hodo 胡挑), V, O.K. (Ungdarn, 薦膽), Uwhang 牛黃, Sa-Hyang 麝香, etc., Palgang Yakchim (eight principles Korean herb-acupuncture (八剛藥鐵)) could made by abstracted Sasang herb medicine. The second, to choice the points for applying the Yakchim are used in the TaeGiuk Acupuncture method (太梗針法), Sacho (四焦, four warmer) by Sasang constritutional physiology and pathology.
A field survey and experiment was conducted from 1996 to 1998 to develop rational technology for turfgrass vegetation of runway side of Incheon International Airport on the reclaimed tidal land in Young-Jong Island. Backfill of the experimental site was finished on August 1995. The experimental site was 8 ha located in the middle of the construction place for the main parking lot in front of the terminal building construction. The experimental field was drained by main open ditch, and divided three main plots, no subsurface tile drain, subsurface tile drain spacing with 22.5m, and with 45 m, respectively. The 17 sub plots were designed to test the effect of soil covering with red earth loam by 5 cm and 20 cm depth, application of chemical compound fertilizers and livestock manures, dressing of artifical soils and hydrophylic soil conditioners. The tested turfgrasses were three transplanting indigenous turfgrasses, Zoysia koreana, Zoysia sinica and Zoysia japonica, and two hydroseeding mixed exotic turgrasses, cool type I(tall fescue 30%, kentucky blue grass 40%, perenial ryegrass 30%), and cool type II(tall fescue 40%, perenial ryegrass 20%, fine fescue 20%, alkaligrass 20%). The soil backfilled with dredged seasand was sand textured with high salt concentration and low fertility. The soil showed high pH, low organic matter and low available phophate contents. The percolation rate was fast with high hydraulic conductivity. Desalinization was fast after installation of the main open drainage system. No subsurface tile drainage effect was found showing little difference in turfgrass growth. The covering and visual growth of turfgrasses were the best in the 20-cm soil covering with compound fertilizer treatment. The covering and visual growth of turfgrasses were satisfactory in the 5 cm soil covering with compound fertilizer treatment and with livestock manure treatments. The hydrophillic soil conditioner treatments were effective but expensive at present. The coverage and visual quality of turfgrasses were good for Zoysia koreana and Zoysia japonica. The coverages of turfgrasses by the hydroseeding with the mixed exotic turfgrasses were less than transplanting of native turfgrasses. In conclusion, for the runway side vegetation purposes, the subsurface tile drainage might not necessary as main open ditch drainage be sufficient due to fast percolation rate of the backfilled dredged seasand. The 5 cm soil covering with red earth might be sufficient for the runway side, but the 20 cm soil covering might be necessary for the runway side where high density of turfgrass coverage was necessary to protect from the airplance air blow.
Background: The immediate hoot response to LPS is the production of proinflammatory cytokines that act as intercellular mediators in inflammatory reactions, including acute lung injury. These "early response" cytokines transmit signals from recognition cells to target or effector cells. This host response is further amplified by the expression of leukocyte chemoattractants, growth factors, and adhesion molecules, resulting in an array of proinflammatory events. This experiment was performed to define the lung origin of proinflammatory cytokines, such as TNF-
A costume reveals the social characteristics of the era in which it is worn, thus we can say that the history of change of the costume is the history of change of the living culture of the era. Since the Three States era, the costume structure of this country had been affected by the costume system of the China's historical dynasties in the form of the grant therefrom because of geographical conditions, which affection was conspicuous for the bureaucrat class, particularly including but not limited to the Kings' familities. Such a grant of the costume for the bureaucrat class (i.e., official uniform) was first given by the Dang-dynasty at the age of Queen Jinduck, the 28th of the Shilla-dynasty. Since then, the costume for the bureaucrats had consecutively been affected as the ages had gone from the unified Shilla, to the Koryo and to the Yi-dynasty. As the full costumes officially used by government officials (generally called "Baek Gwan") in the Yidynasty, there existed Jo-bok, Gong-bok and Sang-bok. Of such official costumes, Gong-bok was worn at the time of conducting official affairs of the dynasty, making a respectful visit for the expression of thanks or meeting diplomatic missions of foreign countries. It appears no study was made yet with regard to the Gong-bok while the studies on the Jo-bok and the Sangbok were made. Therefore, this article is, by rendering a study and research on the styles of costumes of civil servants' stone images erected at the Kings' tombs of the Yi-dynasty, to help the persons concerned understand the Gong-bok, one of the official costume for Baek Kwan of that age and further purports to specifically identify the styles and changes of the Gong-bok, worn by Baek Gwan during the Yi-dynasty, consisting of the Bok-doo (a hat, four angled and two storied with flat top), Po (gown), Dae (belt), and Hol (small and thin plate which was officially held by the government officials in hand, showing the courtesy to and writing brief memorandums before the King) and Hwa (shoes). For that purpose, I investigated by actually visiting the tombs of the Kings of the Yi-dynasty including the Geonwon-neung, the tomb of the first King Tae-jo and the You-neung, the tomb of the 27th King Soon-jong as well as the tombs of the lawful wives and concubines of various Kings, totalling 29 tombs and made reference to relevant books and records. Pursuant. to this study, of the 29 Kings' tombs the costume styles of civil servants' stone images erected at the 26 Kings' tombs are those of Gong-bok for Baek-gwan of the Yi-dynasty wearing Bok-doo as a hat and Ban-ryeong or Dan-ryenog Po as a gown with Dae, holding Hol in hand and wearing shoes. Other than those of the 26 tombs, the costume styles of the Ryu-neung, the tomb of the Moon-jo who was the first son of 23rd King Soon-jo and given the King's title after he died and of the You-neung, the tomb of the 27th King Soon-jong are those of Jobok with Yang-gwan (a sort of hat having stripes erected, which is different from the Bok-doo), and that of the Hong-neung, the tomb of the 26th King Go-jong shows an exceptional one wearing Yang-gwan and Ban-ryeong Po ; these costume styles other than Gongbok remain as the subject for further study. Gong-bok which is the costume style of civil servants' stone images of most of the Kings' tombs had not been changed in its basic structure for about 500 years of the Yi-dynasty and Koryo categorized by the class of officials pursuant to the color of Po and materials of Dae and Hol. Summary of this costume style follows: (1) Gwan-mo (hat). The Gwan-mo style of civil servants' stone images of the 26 Kings' tombs, other than Ryu-neung, Hong-neung and You-neung which have Yang-gwan, out of the 29 Kings' tombs of the Yi-dynasty reveals the Bok-doo with four angled top, having fore-part and back-part divided. Back part of the Bok-doo is double the fore-part in height. The expression of the Gak (wings of the Bokdoo) varies: the Gyo-gak Bok-doo in that the Gaks, roundly arisen to the direction of the top, are clossed each other (tombs of the Kings Tae-jong), the downward style Jeon-gak Bok-doo in that soft Gaks are hanged on the shoulders (tombs of the Kings Joong-jong and Seong-jong) and another types of Jeon-gak Bok-doo having Gaks which arearisen steeply or roundly to the direction of top and the end of which are treated in a rounded or straight line form. At the lower edge one protrusive line distinctly reveals. Exceptionally, there reveals 11 Yang-gwan (gwan having 11 stripes erected) at the Ryu-neung of the King Moon-jo, 9 Yang-gwan at the Hong-neung of the King Go-jong and 11 Yang-gwan at the You-neung of the King Soon-jong; noting that the Yang-gwan of Baek Kwan, granted by the Myeong-dynasty of the China during the Yi-dynasty, was in the shape of 5 Yang-gwan for the first Poom (class) based on the principle of "Yideung Chaegang" (gradual degrading for secondary level), the above-mentioned Yang-gwans are very contrary to the principle and I do not touch such issue in this study, leaving for further study. (2) Po (gown). (a) Git (collar). Collar style of Po was the Ban-ryeong (round collar) having small neck-line in the early stage and was changed to the Dan-ryeong (round collar having deep neck-line) in the middle of the: dynasty. In the Dan-ryeong style of the middle era (shown at the tomb of the King Young-jo); a, thin line such as bias is shown around the internal side edge and the width of collar became wide a little. It is particularly noted that the Ryu-neung established in the middle stage and the You-neung in the later stage show civil servants in Jo-bok with the the Jikryeong (straight collar) Po and in case of the Hong-neung, the Hong-neung, the tomb of the King Go-jong, civil servants, although they wear Yang-gwan, are in the Ban-ryeong Po with Hoo-soo (back embroidery) and Dae and wear shoes as used in the Jo-bok style. As I could not make clear the theoretical basis of why the civil servants' costume styles revealed, at these tombs of the Kings are different from those of other tombs, I left this issue for further study. It is also noted that all the civil servants' stone images show the shape of triangled collar which is revealed over the Godae-git of Po. This triangled collar, I believe, would be the collar of the Cheomri which was worn in the middle of the Po and the underwear, (b) Sleeve. The sleeve was in the Gwan-soo (wide sleeve) style. having the width of over 100 centimeter from the early stage to the later stage arid in the Doo-ri sleeve style having the edge slightly rounded and we can recognize that it was the long sleeve in view of block fold shaped protrusive line, expressed on the arms. At the age of the King Young-jo, the sleeve-end became slightly narrow and as a result, the lower line of the sleeve were shaped curved. We can see another shape of narrow sleeve inside the wide sleeve-end, which should be the sleeve of the Cheom-ri worn under the Gong-bok. (c) Moo. The Moo revealed on the Po of civil servants' stone images at the age of the King Sook-jong' coming to the middle era. Initially the top of the Moo was expressed flat but the Moo was gradually changed to the triangled shape with the acute top. In certain cases, top or lower part of the Moo are not reveald because of wear and tear. (d) Yeomim. Yeomim (folding) of the Po was first expressed on civil servants' stone images of the Won-neung, the tomb of the King Young-jo and we can seemore delicate expression of the Yeomim and Goreum (stripe folding and fixing the lapel of the Po) at the tomb of the Jeongseong-wanghoo, the wife of the King Young-jo, At the age of the King Soon-jo, we can see the shape of Goreum similar to a string rather than the Goreum and the upper part of the Goreum which fixes Yeomim was expressed on the right sleeve. (3) Dae. Dae fixed on the Po was placed half of the length of Po from the shoulders in the early stage. Thereafter, at the age of the King Hyeon-jong it was shown on the slightly upper part. placed around one third of the length of Po. With regard to the design of Dae, all the civil servants' stone images of the Kings' tombs other than those of the Geonwon-neung of the King Tae-jo show single or double protrusive line expressed at the edge of Dae and in the middle of such lines, cloud pattern, dangcho (a grass) pattern, chrysanthemum pattern or other various types of flowery patterns were designed. Remaining portion of the waist Dae was hanged up on the back, which was initially expressed as directed from the left to the right but thereafter expressed. without orderly fashion,. to the direction of the left from the right and vice versa, Dae was in the shape of Yaja Dae. In this regard, an issue of when or where such a disorderly fashion of the direction of the remaining portion of waist Dae was originated is also presented to be clarified. In case of the Ryuneung, Hong-neung and You-neung which have civil servants' stone images wearing exceptional costume (Jo-bok), waist Dae of the Ryu-neung and Hong-neung are designed in the mixture of dual cranes pattern, cosecutive beaded pattern and chrvsenthemum pattern and that of You-neung is designed in cloud pattern. (4) Hol. Although materials of the Hol held in hand of civil servants' stone images are not identifiable, those should be the ivory Hol as all the Baek Gwan's erected as stone images should be high class officials. In the styles, no significant changes were found, however the Hol's expressed on civil servants' stone images of the Yi-dynasty were shaped in round top and angled bottom or round top and bottom. Parcicularly, at the age of the King Young-jo the Hol was expressed in the peculiar type with four angles all cut off. (5) Hwa (shoes). As the shoes expressed on civil servants' stone images are covered with the lower edges of the Po, the styles thereof are not exactly identifiable. However, reading the statement "black leather shoes for the first class (1 Poom) to ninth class (9 Poom)," recorded in the Gyeongkook Daejon, we can believe that the shoes were worn. As the age went on, the front tips of the shoes were soared and particularly, at the Hong-neung of the King Go-jong the shoes were obviously expressed with modern sense as the country were civilized.
본고(本稿)시리이즈의 제1보(第一報)에서 우리는 물리(物理), 사회과학(社會科學) 및 공학분야(工學分野)의 12,442명(名)의 과학자(科學者)와 기술자(技術者)에 대한 정보교환활동(情報交換活動)의 78례(例)에 있어서 일반과정(一般過程)과 몇 가지 결과(結果)를 기술(記述)한 바 있다. 4년반(年半) 이상(以上)의 기간(其間)(
Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.