• Pediatric Infection and Vaccine
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• 제12권2호
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• pp.166-177
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• 2005

목 적 : DNA 제한 효소 분석법을 이용한 아데노바이러스의 유전체형 분석 방법은 많은 연구자들이 서로 다른 종류의 제한 효소와 명명법을 사용하여 분류함으로써, 아직까지 체계적인 분류 체계가 정립되어 있지 않다. 본 연구는 Li와 Wadell이 제안한 제한 효소 분석법과 명명법을 이용하여 국내에서 최근 14년 동안 분리된 아데노바이러스 혈청형 1, 2, 5형에 대한 유전체형을 분류하고, 그 분자 역학과 유전체형 상호 간의 연관성을 밝히고자 시행하였다. 방 법 : 1990년 11월부터 2003년 2월까지 하기도 감염으로 서울대학교병원 소아과에 입원하였거나, 인접 지역의 종합병원 소아과에 입원한 소아들로부터 채취한 비인두 흡인물을 검체로 하여 HEp-2 세포주에서 배양 후 간접면역형광검사로 확인하고, 분리된 아데노바이러스를 항혈청 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 11에 대한 세포독성 효과를 관찰함으로 혈청형을 결정하였다. 혈철형 1, 2, 5형을 대상으로 DNA를 추출하고 12가지 제한 효소 BamHI, BcI, BglI, BglII, BstEII, EcoRI, HindIII, HpaI, SalI, SmaI, XbaI, XhoI로 절단한 후 전기영동 시키고 나타나는 분절 형태를 각 혈청형의 표준주와 비교하여 분석하였다. 유전체형간의 상관성을 비교하기 위하여 PCRF 분석을 시행하였다. 결 과 : 아데노바이러스 분리주 382주를 대상으로 혈청형을 확인한 결과, 1형 33(9%), 2형 45(12%), 3형 107(28%), 4형 16(4%), 5형 24(6%), 6형 8(2%), 7형 116(30%), 11형 9(2%), 그 외의 형들이 24(6%)주로 각각 나타났다. 변이 유전체형은 혈청형 1형 18종류, 2형 25종류, 5형 10종류가 분류되었으며 Ad1p1-Ad1p7, Ad1a, Ad1b, Ad1b1-Ad1b3, Ad1c, Ad1d, Ad1e, Ad1e1, Ad1e2, Ad1f; Ad2p1-Ad2p11, Ad2a, Ad2a1-Ad2a6, Ad2b, Ad2c, Ad2d, Ad2e, Ad2e1-Ad2e3; Ad5p1, Ad5p2, Ad5a, Ad5a1-Ad5a7로 명명되었다. 본 연구에서는 표준주나 이전에 보고 된 유전체형과 일치하는 유전체형은 분리되지 않았다. 대부분의 유전체형은 전 연구기간 동안 1~2주만 분리되었고 일부 유전체형들은 산발적으로 2회 이상 반복 분리되었다. 유전체형 Ad1p5나 Ad5a1와 같이 유행성으로 분포하는 유전체형도 관찰되었다. 혈청형 1형 유전체형 간의 PCRF는 79~99%로 Genomic cluster 1과 2로 구분되었고, 2형과 5형은 각각 82~99%와 84~99%로 모두 80% 이상이었다. 결 론 : 본 연구를 통하여 국내에서 분리된 아데노바이러스 혈청형 1, 2, 5형의 다양한 유전체형을 체계적으로 분석할 수 있었다. 혈청형 1, 2, 5형이 주로 산발성 감염을 일으키는 것으로 알려져 왔으나, 유전체형에 따라 역학적 특징이 다르게 나타날 수 있으며, 이는 DNA의 변형에 의한 유전체형의 변화가 바이러스의 감염력과 생존력에 변화를 일으켰을 가능성을 시사한다. 본 연구 결과는 혈청형 1, 2, 5형의 비교 자료로 활용될 수 있을 뿐만 아니라, 변이 유전체형들에 대한 정보를 제공함으로써 백신 개발을 위한 기초 자료로 활용될 수 있을 것으로 기대된다.

• 한국식품영양과학회지
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• 제45권5호
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• pp.746-756
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• 2016

본 연구의 목적은 노인을 대상으로 하여 식품안전에 대한 위생 지식, 태도, 식품취급 행동을 파악함으로써 식품안전 위험요인을 진단하여 노인을 위한 식생활 안전 교육을 위한 기초자료로 제시하고자 하였다. 도시와 농촌지역의 65세 이상 노인 400명을 대상으로 2011년 4월 13일부터 28일까지 진행되었으며, 불성실한 응답을 제외한 358부를 자료 분석에 이용하였다. 응답자의 83.6%가 65세~80세, 69.5%가 단독거주 또는 노인 부부였으며, 49.2%가 50만 원 미만의 수입이었다. 노인들의 식품위생 지식은 '장을 볼 때 라면보다 냉동 오징어를 먼저 구입해야 한다'(도시 60.5%, 농촌 42.0%, P<0.001), '귤을 씻어서 먹어야 한다'(도시 75.4%, 농촌 49.7%, P<0.001), '간 쇠고기로 만든 고기완자전은 내부까지 완전히 익혀 먹어야 한다'(도시 95.4%, 농촌 90.2%, P<0.001)의 항목에서 도시 노인이 농촌 노인보다 유의적으로 높은 지식을 보였다. 식품위생 태도는 '나물은 맨손으로 무쳐야 맛이 좋다'(도시 34.9%, 농촌 33.2%, P<0.05)의 문항에서 도시 노인이 올바른 태도를 가지고 있었다. '먼저 구입한 식품을 먼저 먹으려고 한다'(도시 88.2%, 농촌 92.1%, P<0.001), '냉장고에 있는 음식이 조금이라도 이상하다고 느끼면 버리려고 한다'(도시 84.1%. 농촌 91.4%, P<0.001), '불고기를 조리할 때 고기가 완전히 익었는지 확인을 하려고 한다'(도시 88.8%, 농촌 87.8%, P<0.05), '돼지고기를 굽던 젓가락과 식사에 사용하는 젓가락을 구분하려고 한다'(도시 78.5%, 농촌 70.6%, P<0.001)의 문항에서 도시 노인과 농촌 노인의 태도에 유의적인 차이를 보였다. '점심때 밖에서 사 온 김밥을 식탁 위에 두었다가 저녁에 먹을 경우 상했을지 걱정을 한다'(도시 82.6%, 농촌 86.5%, P<0.05), '날달걀은 영양이 풍부하고 건강에 좋아서 마시는 것을 선호한다'(도시 71.8%, 농촌 76.7%, P<0.05), '생굴을 먹을 때 배탈이 날까 걱정을 한다'(도시 53.9%, 농촌 64.2%, P<0.05)의 문항에서 '그렇다'와 '매우 그렇다'라고 응답하였으며 유의적인 차이를 보였다. 식품위생 행동 분석 결과 대부분의 노인이 화장실에 다녀온 후, 외출에서 돌아온 후, 식사하기 전에는 손을 씻는다고 응답하였으나, 조리하는 도중 다른 일을 하고 다시 조리하게 될 경우 손을 씻는다고 응답한 노인은 도시 거주 노인(67.9%), 농촌 거주 노인(58.7%)으로 조사되었다. 생쇠고기를 자른 후 채소를 잘라야 할 때 도마세척 방법은 '흐르는 물로 도마를 닦는다'의 응답이 가장 많았다. '얼린 냉동고기를 해동하는 방법'에 대해서는 도시에 거주하는 노인들은 '싱크대 위 또는 식탁 위에서 해동시킨다'고 45명(33.8%)이 응답하였고, 농촌에 거주하는 노인들의 40명(39.6%)이 응답하였다. 노인들이 얼린 냉동고기를 해동하는 방법으로 싱크대 위나 식탁 위에서 해동한다는 응답이 가장 높은 비율을 보이는 것으로 보아 해동과정에서 발생할 수 있는 식중독의 위험성에 대해 인지하고 있지 못한 것으로 보인다. 노인을 대상으로 한 교육프로그램 개발은 물론 건강교육의 효과를 높이기 위한 학습동기 강화프로그램을 접목하거나 일회성이 아닌 지속 교육이 필요할 것으로 생각한다. 본 연구는 남성 노인의 비율보다 여성 노인의 비율이 상대적으로 더 높았으며, 설문조사가 복지관을 중심으로 수행되어 노인들이 경제적으로 여유롭지 못한 경우가 많아 중산층 이상의 일반노인들에게 확대 적용하기에는 한계가 있을 것으로 생각한다. 본 연구는 우리나라 노인의 식품안전 문제를 진단하여 노인 대상 식생활 안전 교육자료 개발과 교육을 위한 기초자료로 제공될 수 있을 것이다.

• 한국인구학
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• 제11권2호
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• pp.54-66
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• 1988

I. Introduction Since the 1970's drug abuse among young people has increasingly become a social problem in Korea. In the 1980's, drug abuse, especially glue sniffing, has become the cause of many unfortunated incidents resulting in harm to others as well as the abusers themselves. Taking into consideration of the seriousness of this problem, the Republic of Korea National Red Cross initiated a nation-wide research programme, to understand the present situation and to raise the level of public awareness. The goal of this research was to begin a nation - wide campaign against drug abuse. The research team was composed of the Advisary Committee members and the staff of the Youth Department of the Republic of Korea National Red Cross. The data were collected in February 1988 with the collaboration of the staff and volunteers in the local Chapters. The respondents were allocated nation-wide by the quota sampling method. The questionnaires were distributed to the respondents in three groups :2, 700 to junior and senior high school students, 605 to working youths, and 916 to delinquent youths. A total of 4, 221 questionnaires were collected. II. Characteristics of the Respondents The respondents in each group were selected evenly from rural and urban areas. The general characteristics of the respondents can be described as follow: in case of students, the proportions between male and female respondents, and between senior high school and junior high school students were almost evenly distributed. In case of working youths, the proportion of females (80.5%) was higher than those of the students and the delinquents groups. Delinquent youths were defined as those currently being under custody of the centers for juvenile delinquents. Of this number, 38.8% and 68.2% were junior and senior high school drop-outs respectively. The majority of them (92.6%) were male. As for the family background of the respondents, the proportion of those residing in poverty - stricken areas, and the proportion of those from broken families were higher in case of working youths and delinquent youths than those in case of students. III. Present Patterns of Drug Abuse The following summarizes the presents of drug abuse, as tabulated from the results of the survey. 1. Smoking The percentage of youths who smoke was 36% in the student group, 32% m the working youths group, and 94.4% in the delinquent youths group. 2. Alcohol 50.3% of students, 71.6% of working youths, and 93.3% of delinquent youths has experienced drinking alcohol beverages. 3. Tonic: non - alcoholic, caffeinated beverages popular in Korea and Japan The percentage of those who have used tonic at least once was over 90% in all of the three groups. 4. Sedative About 70% of each group has used sedative with the proportion of working youths use higher than those in other groups. 5. Stimulants Those who have used stimulants comprised around 15% in each group. 6. Tranquilizers Somewhat less than 5% of students and working youths, and 28% of delinquent youths, have used tranquilizers. 7. Hypnotics The users of hypnotics amounted to 0.4% of students, 2.6% of working youths and 7.1% of delinquent youths. 8. Marihuana Those who have used marihuana indicated 0.7% of students, 0.8% of working youths, and 13% of delinquent youths. 9. Glue-sniffing The percentage of glue-sniffing was 3.7%, 5% in the students group and in the youths group respectively, but the proportion was unusually high, at 40.7% in the delinquent youths group. From the results of the survey the present situation of drug abuse in Korea can be summarized as follows: 1. A high percentage of Korean youths have experienced smoking cigarettes and drinking alcoholic beverages. 2. Tonics (non - alcoholic, caffeinated beverages), antipyretic analgesics and stimulants quite regularly used. 3. Tranquilizers, hypnotics, marihuana and glue-sniffing are more widely used among delinquent youths than the other youths. From this fact, there exists a correlation between drug abuse and juvenile delinquency. IV. Time-series Analysis of the First Experience of Drug Abuse and Deviant Behaviour The respoundents were asked when they were first exposed to drugs and when they committed deviant acts. By calculating the average age of each experience, the following pattern was found (See Figure 1). Youths are first exposed to drugs by abuse of tonic(non - alcoholic, caffeinated beverages). At the age of 13, they amoke cigarettes, the use of antipyretic analgesics begins at 14 year old, while at the age of 15, they use tranquilizers, and at 16 hynotics. The period of drug abuse which starts from drinking caffeinated beverages and smoking cigarettes and ends in the use of hypnotics takes about three years. During this period, other delinquent behaviours begin to surface, that is, at the age of 13 when smoking cigarettes begins, the delinquent behaviour pattern starts with truancy. Next, they start taking money from others by using physical force. Prior to the age of 15, they are suspended from school, become hostile to adults, begin running away from home, and start using stimulants and alcohol. Soon they become involved even in glue-sniffing and in the use of marihuana. At the age of 15, they begin to see adult videos and carry weapons. Sexual promiscuity and usage of tranquilizers follows the viewing of adult videos. Consequently, by the time they reach the age of 16, they visit drinking establishments, and are picked up by police for committing delinquent acts. And finally, they come to use hypnotic - type drugs. From the above descriptions, drug abuse can be assumed to have a close correlation with delinquent behaviour. V. Social Factors Related to Drug Abuse As for the Korean youths, glue-sniffing is found to he related to aggressive delinquency, in such cases as run - aways, being picked up by the police, and taking money by force. Smoking cigarettes and drinking alcohol is found to be related to seeing adult videos and visiting drinking establishments. Hypnotics and marihuana were found to be representive of drugs which are related to degenerational delinquency, irrespective of social delinquency. The social factors connected with these drug abuse are as follows: 1. Individual factors Male students were more heavily involved in the usage of drug than females. Youths who do not attend church were more likely to be involved in drugs than those who attend. 2. Family factors The youths who were displeased with their mothers smoking and those who thought their parents did not love each other, or those whose parents had used drugs without prescription, were more likely to he drug users. 3. School factors Those youths who found school life boring, were unsuccessful in their studies, spend most of their time with friends, feel their teachers smoke too much, those who had a positive perception of their teachers smoking were likely to he drug users. To sum up, drug abusers depend on the influence of their parents, teachers and peers. IV. Reasons for Drug Abuse Korean students have mainly used drugs to release stress (42.8%), to stay awake (19.7%), and because of the easy accessibility of drugs( 16.6%). Other reasons are due to their ignorance of the side effects of the drugs (3.6%), natural curiosity (4.2%), and to increase strength(3.O%). From the above facts, the major reasons for drug abuse among Korean youths are to release stress and to stay awake in order to prepare exams. Furthermore, since drugs are readily available, we can conclude that drug abuse is caused by the school system(such as entrance exams) in Korea. VII. Conclusion Drug usage among Korean youths are relatively less common than those of western youths. In some cases, such as, glue-sniffing and use of stimulants, the pattern of drug abuse is found. Moreover, early drug abuse is evident, and it has a close connection with deviant behaviour, resulting in juvenile delinquency. Drug abuse cannot be attributed to any one social factor. Specifically, drug abuse depends on parents, peers, teachers and other members of the community, and also is influenced by social institutions such as the entrance exam system. Every person and organization concerned with youth must participate collectively in restraining drug abuse. Finally, it is suggested that social agencial working for youth welfare should make every effort to tackle this serious problem confronted by the Korean youths today.

• 한국유통학회지:유통연구
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• 제17권2호
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• pp.63-92
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• 2012

본 연구는 소비자가 지각하는 유통업체의 위치기반 모바일 쇼핑정보 서비스에 대한 정보의 상황관련성과 정보자극에 대한 PAD 감정변수들(환기, 지배력, 즐거움) 간의 상호 인과관계와 이용의도에 대한 이들의 효과를 실증 연구 하였다. 미국 내 모바일 이용자를 대상으로 무작위 표본추출법에 근거하여 추출되었고, 총 335명의 사용가능한 응답이 수거되었다. 분석결과, 환기와 상황관련성은 즐거움에 정(+)의 영향을 주었으나 지배력은 즐거움에 유의한 영향력을 나타내지 않았다. 즐거움은 이용의도에 정(+)의 영향을 주었다. 본 연구를 통해 위치기반 모바일 서비스에 대한 소비자의 인지적 반응과 감정적 반응을 통합적으로 살펴보았으며, PAD 감정차원간의 체계적인 관계를 규명하였다. 연구결과를 바탕으로 모바일 쇼핑서비스 개발자, 유통업체, 그리고 마케팅 실무자를 위한 시사점을 논의하였으며, 연구의 한계점과 더불어 향후 연구 방향을 제시하였다.

• Journal of the Korean Wood Science and Technology
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• 제2권4호
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• pp.4-14
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• 1974

The total forest land area in Korea accounts for some 67 percent of the nation's land total. Its productivity, however, is very low. Consequently, forest production accounts for only about 2 percent of the gross national product and a minor proportion of no more than about 5 percent versus primary industry. In this case, however, only the direct income from forestry is taken into account, making no reference to the forestry output induced by other industrial sectors. The value added Or the induced forestry output in manufacturing the primary wood products into higher quality products, makes a larger contribution to the economy than direct contribution. So, this author has tried to analyze the structure of forestry and compute the repercussion effect and the induced output of primary forest products when utilized by other industries for their raw materials, Hsing the input-output table and attached tables for 1963 and 1966 issued by the Bank of Korea. 1. Analysis of forestry structure A. Changes in total output Durng the nine-year period, 1961-1969, the real gross national product in Korea increased 2.1 times, while that of primary industries went up about 1. 4 times. Forestry which was valued at 9,380 million won in 1961, was picked up about 2. 1 times to 20, 120 million won in 1969. The rate of the forestry income in the GNP, accordingly, was no more than 1.5 percent both in 1961 and 1962, whereas its rate in primary industries increased 3.5 to 5.4 percent. Such increase in forestry income is attributable to increased forest production and rise in timber prices. The rate of forestry income, nonetheless, was on the decrease on a gradual basis. B. Changes in input coefficient The input coefficient which indicates the inputs of the forest products into other sectors were up in general in 1966 over 1963. It is noted that the input coefficient indicating the amount of forest products supplied to such industries closely related with forestry as lumber and plywood, and wood products and furniture, showed a downward trend for the period 1963-1966. On the other hand, the forest input into other sectors was generally on the increase. Meanwhile, the input coefficient representing the yolume of the forest products supplied to the forestry sector itself showed an upward tendency, which meant more and more decrease in input from other sectors. Generally speaking, in direct proportion to the higher input coefficient in any industrial sector, the reinput coefficient which denotes the use of its products by the same sector becomes higher and higher. C. Changes in ratio of intermediate input The intermediate input ratio showing the dependency on raw materials went up to 15.43 percent m 1966 from 11. 37 percent in 1963. The dependency of forestry on raw materials was no more than 15.43 percent, accounting for a high 83.57 percent of value added. If the intermediate input ratio increases in any given sector, the input coefficient which represents the fe-use of its products by the same sector becomes large. D. Changes in the ratio of intermediate demand The ratio of the intermediate demand represents the characteristics of the intermediary production in each industry, the intermediate demand ratio in forestry which accunted for 69.7 percent in 1963 went up to 75.2 percent in 1966. In other words, forestry is a remarkable industry in that there is characteristics of the intermediary production. E. Changes in import coefficient The import coefficient which denotes the relation between the production activities and imports, recorded at 4.4 percent in 1963, decreased to 2.4 percent in 1966. The ratio of import to total output is not so high. F. Changes in market composition of imported goods One of the major imported goods in the forestry sector is lumber. The import value increased by 60 percent to 667 million won in 1966 from 407 million won in 1963. The sales of imported forest products to two major outlets-lumber and plywood, and wood products and furniture-increased to 343 million won and 31 million won in 1966 from 240million won and 30 million won in 1963 respectively. On the other hand, imported goods valued at 66 million won were sold to the paper products sector in 1963; however, no supply to this sector was recorded in 1963. Besides these major markets, primary industries such as the fishery, coal and agriculture sectors purchase materials from forestry. 2. Analysis of repercussion effect on production The repercussion effect of final demand in any given sector upon the expansion of the production of other sectors was analyzed, using the inverse matrix coefficient tables attached to the the I.O. Table. A. Changes in intra-sector transaction value of inverse matrix coefficient. The intra-sector transaction value of an inverse matrix coefficient represents the extent of an induced increase in the production of self-support products of the same sector, when it is generated directly and indirectly by one unit of final demand in any given sector. The intra-sector transaction value of the forestry sector rose from 1.04 in 1963 to 1, 11 in 1966. It may well be said, therefore, that forestry induces much more self-supporting products in the production of one unit of final demand for forest products. B. Changes in column total of inverse matrix coefficient It should be noted that the column total indicates the degree of effect of the output of the corresponding and related sectors generated by one unit of final demand in each sector. No changes in the column total of the forestry sector were recorded between the 1963 and 1966 figures, both being the same 1. 19. C. Changes in difference between column total and intra-sector transaction amount. The difference between the column total and intra-sector transaction amount by sector reveals the extent of effect of output of related industrial sector induced indirectly by one unit of final demand in corresponding sector. This change in forestry dropped remarkable to 0.08 in 1966 from 0.15 in 1963. Accordingly, the effect of inducement of indirect output of other forestry-related sectors has decreased; this is a really natural phenomenon, as compared with an increasing input coefficient generated by the re-use of forest products by the forestry sector. 3. Induced output of forestry A. Forest products, wood in particular, are supplied to other industries as their raw materials, increasng their value added. In this connection the primary dependency rate on forestry for 1963 and 1966 was compared, i. e., an increase or decrease in each sector, from 7.71 percent in 1963 to 11.91 percent in 1966 in agriculture, 10.32 to 6.11 in fishery, 16.24 to 19.90 in mining, 0.76 to 0.70 in the manufacturing sector and 2.79 to 4.77 percent in the construction sector. Generally speaking, on the average the dependency on forestry during the period 1963-1966 increased from 5.92 percent to 8.03 percent. Accordingly, it may easily be known that the primary forestry output induced by primary and secondary industries increased from 16, 109 million won in 1963 to 48, 842 million won in 1966. B. The forest products are supplied to other industries as their raw materials. The products are processed further into higher quality products. thus indirectly increasing the value of the forest products. The ratio of the increased value added or the secondary dependency on forestry for 1963 and 1966 showed an increase or decrease, from 5.98 percent to 7.87 percent in agriculture, 9.06 to 5.74 in fishery, 13.56 to 15.81 in mining, 0.68 to 0.61 in the manufacturing sector and 2.71 to 4.54 in the construction sector. The average ratio in this connection increased from 4.69 percent to 5.60 percent. In the meantime, the secondary forestry output induced by primary and secondary industries rose from 12,779 million Wall in 1963 to 34,084 million won in 1966. C. The dependency of tertiary industries on forestry showed very minor ratios of 0.46 percent and 0.04 percent in 1963 and 1966 respectively. The forestry output induced by tertiary industry also decreased from 685 million won to 123 million won during the same period. D. Generally speaking, the ratio of dependency on forestry increased from 17.68 percent in 1963 to 24.28 percent in 1966 in primary industries, from 4.69 percent to 5.70 percent in secondary industries, while, as mentioned above, the ratio in the case of tertiary industry decreased from 0.46 to 0.04 percent during the period 1963-66. The mining industry reveals the heaviest rate of dependency on forestry with 29.80 percent in 1963 and 35.71 percent in 1966. As it result, the direct forestry income, valued at 8,172 million won in 1963, shot up to 22,724 million won in 1966. Its composition ratio lo the national income rose from 1.9 percent in 1963 to 2.3 per cent in 1966. If the induced outcome is taken into account, the total forestry production which was estimated at 37,744 million won in 1963 picked up to 105,773 million won in 1966, about 4.5 times its direct income. It is further noted that the ratio of the gross forestry product to the gross national product. rose significantly from 8.8 percent in 1963 to 10.7 percent in 1966. E. In computing the above mentioned ratio not taken into consideration were such intangible, indirect effects as the drought and flood prevention, check of soil run-off, watershed and land conservation, improvement of the people's recreational and emotional living, and maintenance and increase in the national health and sanitation. F. In conclusion, I would like to emphasize that the forestry sector exercices an important effect upon the national economy and that the effect of induced forestry output is greater than its direct income.

• 한국가축번식학회지
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• 제24권1호
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• pp.1-18
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• 2000

New Zealand, Palmerston North 지역의 낙농가 80여 개 낙농가에 1998년 2월부터 1998년 7월까지 우편설문지에 의해 조사되었다. 주어진 질문항목은 1). General characteristics (10개 질의), 2). Milk yield and feed supplementary (7개질의), 3). Reproductive efficiencies (14개 질의), 4). Reproductive disorders (12개 질의) 4개 항목을 포함하는 합계 43개의 질문을 내포하고 있었다. 낙농가의 응답자 38농가 (47.5%)에서 회수된 질의문 4개 항목중 1). 2). 항목에 해당되는 낙농사업에 있어서 일반적인 낙농 사육현황, 보조사료 그리고 우유 생산 등을 집계 분석하여 장단점을 파악하고, 우리나라 낙농인 (특히 제주도)들에게 인식시켜 보다 낳은 경제적 이익을 주기 위한 목적으로 수행된 바 이 결과를 요약하면 다음과 같다. 1. 낙농사육경력은 38개 낙농가 중 기록된 농가가 21개 (45%)였는데, 이중 15년 미만경력이 3농가(7.9%), 15~19년 경력은 7농가 (18.4%), 20~25년의 경험 농가가 6개 농가 (15.8%)였고, 26년 이상 경력을 가진 농가수는 5농가 (13.2%)로 대체로 우리나라보다 경력기간의 길고 많은 경험을 갖고 있는 낙농부국이었다. 낙농가의 노동력 투입에 있어서 주인 자신이 직접 경영하고 있는 농가는 21농가 (55.3%)였으며, Sharemilker에 의존하여 운영하는 농가가 10농가 (26.3%), 그리고 가족노동력이 투입된 2농가 (3.5%), Manager 가 주로 주관하여 운영되는 3농가 (5.3%), 일하는 사람을 두고 있는 농가 18농가 (31.6%)였으며, Part time 인력을 쓰는 농가는 2농가 (3.5%)뿐이고 기타가 1농가 (1.8%)로 나타내고 있었다. 이러한 사항은 낙농농가 당 1.5 인에 해당됨으로 경제적 이익 향상을 위해서 임금투입이 아주 낮았다. 2. 사육기반인 방목지와 경작지를 분석하여 보면 사육규모별 (200, 300, 400두) 방목지는 각각 56, 90, 165.3ha로 평균 107.8ha이었고, 경작지도 각각 51, 78, 165ha로서 사육규모별 차이가 컸다(P＜0.01). 이와 같은 결과는 낮은 비용으로 우유를 생산하고 우유제품 95%를 세계 각국으로 수출할 수 있는 기반이 되고 있음을 입증 할 수 있었다. 낙농가의 전반적인 기록여부사항은 응답농가 (38 농가) 중 10농가 (26.3%)가 computer, 벽기록장을 이용하는 농가수가 15농가(39.5%), 그리고 낙농수첩을 사용하고 있는 낙농가는 36농가(95%)로 가장 높았으며, 두 가지로 기록하고 있는 농가 수는 23농가(70%)로 높은 편이었다. 3. 한편, 환경면에 있어서 분뇨 처리 시설 분야는 큰 도시를 제외한, 공해를 인식하지 못할 정도로 깨끗하여 아직은 철저하지 않아서 공해처리는 문제화되지 않고 있었다. 그러므로, Pond system 이 26농가(68.4%)로 제일 많았으며, 다음에 매일 분을 제거하여 쌓아 놓아서 저장해 놓고 유기질 비료로서 이용하는 농가가 8농가(21.1%), 1 농가(2.6%)에서 Bunker system으로 저장되었고 기타의 방법으로 저장하는 것이 3농가(7.9%)로 대부분 유기질 비료가 부족하여 화학 비료를 많이 사용하고 있는 형편이며 한국의 30~40여년 전 환경 상태와 유사하였다. 4. 우유 착유 시설 조사에서는 Harringbone 시설이 33농가(86.9%)였고, 다음으로 Walkthrough 구조가 3농가(7.9%), Rotary system 과 기타 구조식이 각각 1개 농가(2.6%)로 세계 낙농 선진국으로 인정 할 수 있으나, 축사시설은 거의 없고 착유시설만 설치되어 있어서 기후환경의 이점을 최대로 살려 경제성 향상을 시도하고 있었다. 5. 착유일수와 두당, 년간 비유량에 관해서 착유일수는 평균 275일, 건유기간 약 87일로 New Zeal-and 의 평균 착유일수 228일 보다 약 47일정도 긴 결과를 보여주고 있다. 착유두수 당 우유 총생산량을 보면 년간 평균 3,990kg 이었고, 우유 건물량 (ms)은 약 319kg였다. 그리고 매일 두당 우유건물량 (ms)은 평균 1.2kg, 우유량은 15.5kg(건물 12.5%로 환산), 우유지방은 평균 4.83%로 외국의 수치 보다 상당히 높았고, 우유 단백질은 평균 3.57% 이었다. 6. 결론으로 Palmerstone North 지역의 낙농업은 뉴질랜드의 중심지로 목장운영의 경험과 경력 약 20년으로, 우리나라의 6~9년 보다 길고, 전체 호당 평균 사육두수는 약 355두로서, 우리나라 최근 호당 35두에 비하여 차이가 심했다. 목장에는 사육우사는 거의 없고 단지 충실한 착유실만 있을 뿐으로 대부분의 목장은 가축 노동력인 부부 두 사람 (1.5 인)에 의해서 착유가 실시되고 있으며, 특이한 것은 철저히 봄에만 분만 (93%) 을 유도하는 계절번식을 시도하여 착유기간은 240~280일로 겨올동안은 착유를 하지 않고, 당해년 그 무리의 비유량과 body score에 의해서 건유기가 결정되어 휴식기로 들어감으로서 우리나라와는 다방면(경영형태포함)에서 많은 차이점이 있었다. 그리고 젖소에는 전혀 농후사료를 급여하지 않고 완전히 방목을 위주로 사육되기 때문이며 착유량은 약 3,500kg로 우리나라의 절반이지만 집유시 우유량 보다 유지율에 따라서 환금됨으로 유지율이 4,5%로 상당히 높은 수준으로 개량하여 왔으며, 세계에서 가장 낮은 가격의 우유를 생산하는 낙농부국으로서 우리나라도 노동력 절감과 대규모 사육을 위한 실질적인 면은 물론 경영면에 더욱 치중하여야 할 것이다.

• 한국산림과학회지
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• 제80권1호
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• pp.72-81
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• 1991

본(本) 연구(硏究)는 우리나라 채석업체(採石業體)의 경영개선(經營改善)을 위한 기초자료(基礎資料)를 제공(提供)할 목적(目的)으로 실시(實施)되었다. 이를 위하여 골재용(骨材用) 채석업체(採石業體) 30개소(個所)와 건축용(建築用) 채석업체(採石業體) 46개소(個所)의 경영실태(經營實態)와 경영성과(經營成果), 생산요소(生産要素) 투입(投入)의 경제성(經劑性), 적정규모(適正規模) 등을 분석(分析)하였으며, 그 결과(結果)를 요약(要約)하면 다음과 같다. 1. 골재용(骨材用) 채석업체(採石業體)와 건축용(建築用) 채석업체(採石業體)의 경영주(經營主) 연령(年齡) 40재(才) 이상(以上)이 각각(各各) 97%, 89.1% 이었고, 고졸이상(高卒以上) 학력(學歷) 소지자(所持者)가 각각(各各) 90%, 85% 이었다. 또한, 경력면(經歷面)에서 10년(年) 이하(以下)의 경영주(經營主)는 골재용(骨材用) 채석업체(採石業體)에서 70%, 건축용(建築用) 채석업체(採石業體)에서 52% 이었다. 따라서, 두 채석업체(採石業體)에 대한 경영주(經營主)의 대부분(大部分)은 고령(高齡), 고학력(高學歷) 소지자(所持者)이며, 경력면(經歷面)에서는 골재용(骨材用) 채석업체(採石業體)가 건축용(建築用) 채석업체(採石業體)보다 다소 낮게 나타났다. 2. 골재용(骨材用) 채석업체(採石業體)에 대한 경영조직(經營組織)의 형태(形態)는 회사법인(會社法人)이 60%로 많은 반면(反面), 건축용(建築用) 채석업체(採石業體)는 개인업체(個人業體)가 76%로 많게 나타났다. 골재용(骨材用) 채석업체(採石業體)의 허가면적(許可面積)은 약(約) 2.86ha, 건축용(建築用) 채석업체(採石業體)는 1.66ha으로 나타났다. 여기에서, 골재용(骨材用) 채석업체(採石業體)가 건축용(建築用) 채석업체(採石業體)보다 큰 규모(規模)로 경영(經營)되고 있음을 알 수 있다. 3. 골재용(骨材用) 채석업체(採石業體)의 연평균(年平均) 채석량(採石量)은 1985년(年)의 $88.961m^3$에서 1988년(年)의 $144.028m^3$로 증가(增加)하여 안정(安定)된 상태(狀態)에서 경영(經營)되고 있다. 반면(反面)에, 건축용(建築用) 채석업체(採石業體)의 경우는 1985년(年)에 $4.155m^3$이었던 것이 1987년(年)에는 $19.462m^3$으로 크게 증가(增加)하였으나, 1988년(年)에는 $13.400m^3$으로 감소(減少)하였다. 즉, 건축용(建築用) 채석업체(採石業體)는 다소 불안정(不安定)한 상태(狀態)에서 경영(經營)되고 있으므로 정부(政府)의 지속적(持續的)인 육성책(育成策)이 필요(必要)하다. 4. 골재용(骨材用) 채석업체(採石業體)에서 높은 비율(比率)을 차지하고 있는 비용항목(費用項目)은 장비화석료(裝備貨惜料), 감가상각비(減價償却費), 연간급여액(年間給與額), 수리유지비(修理維持費)등으로 나타났다. 건축용(建築用) 채석업체(採石業體)는 연간급여액(年間給與額), 감가상각비(減價償却費), 연료비(燃料費), 납부세액(納付稅額) 등의 순(順)으로 나타났다. 연간(年間) 이익율(利益率)은 골재용(骨材用) 채석업체(採石業體)가 9.7%, 건축용(建築用) 채석업체(採石業體)가 2.6%로서 골재용(骨材用) 채석업체(採石業體)가 보다 유리(有利)하게 경영(經營)됨을 알 수 있다. 5. 골재용(骨材用) 채석업체(採石業體)의 생산탄력성(生産彈力性)은 종업원(從業員)이 0.559, 유동비(流動費)가 0.513, 자본용역(資本用役)이 0.185로 나타났으며, 계수(係數)의 합계(合計)가 1.257>1로 나타났다. 건축용(建築用) 채석업체(採石業體)의 생산탄력성(生産彈力性)은 종업원(從業員)이 0.492, 유동비(流動費)가 0.192, 자본용역(資本用役)이 0.498로서 계수(係數)의 합계(合計)가 1.172>1로 나타났다. 따라서, 두 업체(業體) 모두 생산규모(生産規模) 확대(擴大)의 경제성(經劑性)이 존재(存在)한다. 6. 골재용(骨材用) 채석업체(採石業體)의 한계가치(限界價値) 생산액(生産額)에 대한 기회비용(機會費用)의 비율(比率)은 종업원(從業員)이 2.54, 유동비(流動費)가 3.62, 자본용역(資本用役)이 1.45로 나타났다. 건축용(建築用) 채석업체(採石業體)는 종업원(從業員)이 2.47, 유동비(流動費)가 2.34, 자본용역(資本用役)이 19.67으로 니타났다. 따라서, 생산증대(生産增大)를 위한 결정적(決定的) 요인(要因)은 골재용(骨材用) 채석업체(採石業體)의 경우에는 유동비(流動費)와 종업원(從業員)이고, 건축용(建築用) 채석업체(採石業體)의 경우에는 자본용역(資本用役)으로 나타났다. 7. 골재용(骨材用) 채석업체(採石業體)의 손익분기점(損益分岐點)에 의한 매출액(賣出額)은 약(約) 5.87억(億)원, 이윤극대화(利潤極大化)를 위한 최적매출규모(最適賣出規模)는 약(約) 20억(億)원으로 나타났다. 건축용(建築用) 채석업체(採石業體)의 손익분기점(損益分岐點) 매출액(賣出額)은 2.2억(億)원, 이윤극대화(利潤極大化)를 위한 매출규모(賣出規模)는 약(約) 5억(億)원으로 나타났다.

• 한국산림과학회지
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• 제15권1호
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• pp.1-38
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• 1972

우리나라는 근래(近來) 고도경제성장(高度經濟成長)으로 인(因)하여 목재수요(木材需要)가 급증(急增)하고 있으나 국내생산재(國內生産材)가 공급율(供給率)은 수요량(需要量)의 20% 정도(程度)에 지나지 않아 많은 외재(外在)를 도입(導入)하고 있으므로 장래(將來)의 목재(木材) 수요공급(需要供給)의 균형(均衡)을 이룩하기 위하여 강력(强力)한 산림자원(山林資源) 조성사업(造成事業)의 추진(推進)이 요망(要望)된다. 산림자원(山林資源) 조성사업(造成事業)을 추진(推進)하는데 있어서 가장 중요(重要)한 것은 조림의욕(造林意慾)을 높이고 조림사업(造林事業)에 필요(必要)한 산업자본(産業資本)을 산림(山林)에 유치(誘致)하도록 하는 일인데, 이러한 역할(役割)을 할 수 있는 경제적시설(經濟的施設)의 하나가 산림보험제도(山林保險制度)의 실시(實施)인 것이다. 산림보험(山林保險)을 실시(實施)하면 산림재해(山林災害)가 보상(補償)되므로 자본가(資本家)는 안심(安心)하고 조림투자(造林投資)를 할 수 있을 뿐만 아니라 산림(山林)을 담보(擔保)로 한 금융(金融)의 길도 열리어 투자(投資)한 산림(山林)에 환금성(換金性)이 주어지므로 산업자본가(産業資本家)가 산림투자(山林投資)를 회피(回避)하지 않게 되어 산림자원(山林資源) 조성사업(造成事業)이 촉진(促進)될 수 있다. 이러한 관점(觀點)에서 외국(外國)에서는 19세기말(世紀末)부터 산림보험제도(山林保險制度)가 실시(實施)되기 시작(始作)하여 주요(主要) 임업선진국(林業先進國)에서는 모두 산림보험(山林保險)을 실시(實施)하고 있는 것이다. 산림보험(山林保險)을 실시(實施)하는데 있어서 가장 중요(重要)한 것은 장기간(長期間)에 걸친 산림재해(山林災害)의 통계자료(統計資料)를 정확(正確)히 조사(調査)하는 일과 그 나라의 여건(與件)에 맞는 산림보험제도(山林保險制度)를 창설(創設)하는 일이다. 과거(過去) 10년간(年間)(1961~1970)의 년평균(年平均) 산림재해상황(山林災害狀況)을 조사(調査)한 결과(結果)는 산림화재(山林火災)가 9,000여정보(餘町步), 곤충피해(昆蟲被害)가 570,000정보(町步), 병균피해(病菌被害)가 694정보(町步)로 나타났다. 특(特)히 그중 외국(外國)의 산림보험(山林保險)에서 재해보상(災害補償) 대상(對象)의 으뜸이 되고 있는 산림화재(山林火災) 피해상황(被害狀況)을 과거(過去) 18년간(年間)(1953~1970)에 걸쳐서 조사(調査)한 결과(結果)에 의하면 산화면적(山火面積) 위험율(危險率)이 $\frac{1.1853}{1,000}$였고 1960~1969년(年) 사이의 전국(全國) 산림화재면적(山林火災面積) 위험율(危險率)은 $\frac{1.3045}{1,000}$로서 유우럽에 비(比)하여 높았으나 일본(日本)에 비(比)하여 그리 높지 않았다. 또 과거(過去) 5년간(年間)(1966~1970)의 전국(全國)의 산화재적(山火材積) 위험율(危險率)은 $\frac{0.1991}{1,000}$로서 대단(大端)히 낮은데 이것은 우리나라 산림(山林)의 축적(蓄積)이 빈약(貧弱)한데서 온 결과(結果)였다. 이러한 산림재해상황(山林災害狀況)에 비추어 우리나라에서 산림보험(山林保險)을 실시(實施)하려면 어떠한 내용(內容)의 산림보험제도(山林保險制度)를 설립(設立)하는 것이 좋겠는가 하는 질문조사(質問調査)의 결과(結果)는 다음과 같았다. 1. 산림보험(山林保險)의 필요성(必要性) 산림보험(山林保險)은 산림담보(山林擔保)에 의(依)한 금융(金融)의 길을 열어주고(5.65%), 산림피해(山林被害)를 당(當)하였을 때 재조림비(再造林費)를 확보(確保)하게 하여(35.87%), 조림투자(造林投資)를 보증(保證)하는 수단(手段)(46.74%)으로 반드시 실시(實施)되어야 한다고 응답(應答)하였다. 2. 산림보험법(山林保險法) 산림(山林)의 특수성(特殊性)에 비추어 일반(一般) 손해보험(損害保險) 규정(規程)을 준용(準用)할 것이 아니라(8.35%), 산림보험(山林保險)을 위한 특별볍(特別法)을 제정(制定)하여야 한다고 응답(應答)하였다(88.26%). 3. 보험경영업체(保險經營業體)의 종류(種類) 일반(一般) 보험회사(保險會社)(17.42%)나 산림소유자(山林所有者) 상호조합(相互組合)(23.53%)에서 산림보험(山林保險)을 취급(取扱)할 수도 있겠으나, 산림보험(山林保險)의 특이성(特異性)에 비추어 국(國) 공영산림보험(公營山林保險)의 별도(別途)로 운영(運營)되어야 한다고 반응(反應)하였다(56.18%). 4. 보험사고(保險事故)의 종류(種類) 산림보험(山林保險) 사고(事故)를 산화(山火)에 국한(局限)시키거나(23.38%), 산화(山火) 및 기상해(氣象害)만을 포함(包含)시키면 된다는 의견(意見)도 있으나(14.32%), 산림보험(山林保險) 사고(事故)에 산화(山火), 기상해(氣象害), 병충해(病蟲害)까지 포함(包含)시켜야 한다는 의견(意見)이 가장 많았다(60.68%). 5. 보험사고(保險事故) 취급대상(取扱對象)의 종류(種類) 산림보험(山林보험) 취급대상(取扱對象) 수종(樹種)은 침엽수(針葉樹) 인공림(人工林)에 한정(限定)시키거나(13.47%), 침엽수(針葉樹)와 활엽수(濶葉樹)의 인공림(人工林)만을 포함(包含)시키기를 원(願)하는 반응자(反應者)도 있었으나(23.74%), 많은 반응자(反應者)가 수종(樹種), 임종(林種)(인공(人工), 천연(天然)) 구별(區別)없이 모두 포함(包含)시켜야 된다고 반응(反應)하였다(61.64%). 6. 보험사고(保險事故) 취급대상(取扱對象)의 범위(範圍) 산림보험(山林保險) 사고(事故) 취급대상(取扱對象) 범위(範圍)는 10년(年) 이하(以下)의 유령림(幼齡林)만 취급(取扱)하기를 원(願)하는 자(者)(15.23%), 20년(年) 이하(以下)의 임목(林木)만을 대상(對象)으로 하면 족(足)하다는 반응자(反應者)가 있었으나(32.95%), 많은 반응자(反應者)가 40년생(年生) 이하(以下)의 임목(林木)까지 포함(包含)하기를 바라고 있었다(46.37%). 7. 보험계약(保險契約) 기간(期間) 산림보험(山林保險) 계약기간(契約期間)은 1년(年) 단위(單位)가 좋다는 자(者)도 상당(相當)히 있었으나(31.74%), 과반수(過半數)가 5년(年) 단위(單位)로 계약(契約)하는 것을 바라고 있었다(58.68%). 8. 보험계약(保險契約)의 제한(制限) 5정보(町步) 미만(未滿)의 소면적(小面積)은 산림보험(山林保險) 대상(對象)에서 제외(除外)하고(20.78%), 단위(單位) 면적당(面積當) 일정(一定) 재적(材積) 또는 주수(株數)를 보유(保有)하고 있는 산림(山林)만을 계약대상(契約對象)으로 하는 것이 좋다고 반응(反應)하였다(63.77%). 9. 계약방법(契約方法) 산림보험(山林保險) 계약방법(契約方法)은 임의(任意)로 산림(山林)을 선택(選擇)하여 계약(契約)하기를 원(願)하는 자(者)(32.13%), 임의(任意)로 계약(契約)하되 소유산림(所有山林) 전체(全體)를 일괄(一括) 계약(契約)하도록 하는 방법(方法)을 택(擇)하여야 한다는 자(者)(33.48%), 특정임지(特定林地)(신식지(新植地), 보조조림지(補助造林地), 고가임지(高價林地))는 의무적(義務的)으로 계약(契約)하도록 하여야 한다는 반응자(反應者)(31.92%)로 나타나 비슷한 반응(反應)을 보였다. 10. 보험료율(保險料率) 산림보험(山林保險) 요율(料率)은 지역(地域)에 따르는 위험정도(危險程度)를 참작(參酌)하여 면적비례(面積比例)로 결정(決定)하여야 한다는 의견(意見)(31.59%)과 지역(地域) 위험율(危險率)을 참작(參酌)하여 보험가액(保險價額)에 따라 정(定)해야 한다는 의견(意見)이 있었으나(31.59%), 우리 나라에는 지역적(地域的) 위험율(危險率)에 큰 차이(差異)가 없을 것이므로 전국(全國) 일률적(一律的)인 보험료(保險料)를 보험가액(保險價額)에 따라 정(定)하기를 원(願)하는 경향(傾向)이 높았다(39.55%). 11. 보험료(保險料)의 납부(納付) 산림보험료(山林保險料)는 단기(短期)는 일시불(一時拂), 장기(長期)는 매년(每年) 납부(納付)하게 하는 의견(意見)도 있으나(13.80%), 단기(短期)는 고율(高率), 장기(長期)는 저율(低率)로 하되 단기(短期), 장기(長期)를 막론(莫論)하고 매년(每年) 납부(納付)하도록 하여야 한다고 반응(反應)하였다(86.71%). 12. 보험사무(保險事務) 취급기관(取扱機關) 산림보험(山林保險) 사무(事務)의 취급(取扱) 즉(即) 창구업무(窓口業務)의 취급(取扱)을 산림행정기관(山林行政機關)에 위탁(委託)하거나(18.75%), 일반(一般) 보험회사(保險會社)에 맡기기보다는(35.76%) 산림조합(山林組合)에 위탁(委託) 취급(取扱)하게 하고 보험료(保險料)의 일정율(一定率)을 환부(還付)해주는 것이 좋다고 반응(反應)하였다(44.22%). 13. 손해보상(損害補償)의 한도(限度) 산림보험(山林保險)의 손해보상(損害補償)은 유령림(幼齡林)이 피해(被害)를 입었을 때에는 재조림비(再造林費)를 한도(限度)로 하여 보상(補償)하는 것을 원칙(原則)으로 하고 성림(成林)의 경우(境遇)에는 손해액(損害額)의 80%정도(程度)를 한도(限度)로 하여 보상(補償)하기 보다는(29.70%) 실손(實損) 현재가액(現在價額)을 보상(補償)하거나(31.07%) 조림비(造林費)의 복리계산(複利計算) 합계액(合計額)을 보상(補償)하는 것을 바라고 있었다(36.99%). 14. 보험기금(保險基金)의 조성(造成) 산림보험(山林保險)의 기금조성(基金造成)은 손해(損害) 보상액(補償額)에서 일정액(一定額)을 공제(控除) 적립(積立)하여 조성(造成)하거나(15.65%), 임야세(林野稅)를 신설(新設)하여 기금(基金)을 확보(確保)하기 보다는(33.79%), 산림보험(山林保險) 무사고(無事故)로 인(因)한 잉여금(剩餘金)에서 일정액(一定額)씩을 적립(積立)하여 산림보험기금(山林保險基金)으로 하자는 의견(意見)에 많은 반응(反應)을 하였다(44.81%). 15. 산화(山火)의 원인(原因) 산림관계직(山林關係職)에 종사(從事)하고 있는 사람들의 과거(過去)의 경험(經驗)에 비추어 본 우리나라 산화(山火)의 주요원인(主要原因)은 실화(失火)(원인불명(原因不明), 32.39%), 담배불(28.89%), 화전(火田)(19.85%)에 의한 것으로 나타났는데 산림통계(山林統計)에 나타나 있는 산화(山火)의 주요원인(主要原因)과 일치(一致)하였다. 16. 산화경방(山火警防) 산림화재(山林火災) 경방조치(警防措置)로서 가장 중요(重要)하고 실효성(實効性)이 있으며 실천(實踐)할 수 있는 삼대대책(三大對策)으로는 (1) 방화선(防火線) 설치(設置)(23.84%), (2) 건조기(乾燥期)의 입산금지(入山禁止)(21.10%), (3) 메스콤에 의한 계몽교육(啓蒙敎育)(18.01%)이라고 반응(反應)하였다.

• 대한한의학원전학회지
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• 제20권4호
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• pp.211-250
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• 2007

1. The 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金娥), Yoshida Koton(吉田篁墩) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li '(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 1739${\sim}$1798) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai, Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 1749${\sim}$1787) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論) and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯) 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai 's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋司"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue", "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Rits(森立之 1807${\sim}$ 1885) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai, a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("神農本草經"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"(神農本草經) and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"("枳園隨筆") that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"("說文解字") to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據). Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬 1804${\sim}$1876) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai, and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園). He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi" and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan" but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 912-955) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 1755-1810) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi" and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi" are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng" is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"("素問識"), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan lu Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"("難經疏證"), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"("疾雅"), "Ming Yi Gong An"("名醫公案"), and "Yi Ji Kao"("醫籍考"). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), Yuan Jian(元堅 1795-1857) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(樂匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素間紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"(傷寒廣要), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("該腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(失數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', 'the founding of Ji Shou Guan and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai ' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

• 동국한의학연구소논문집
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• 제10권
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• pp.1-40
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• 2008

1.The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai(折衷派)' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金峨), Yoshida Koton(古田篁墩 $1745{\sim}1798$) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li'(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 $1739{\sim}1798$) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken(伊澤蘭軒) taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai(澀江抽齋), Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 $1749{\sim}1787$) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論") and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯). 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken(伊澤蘭軒) and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋詞"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue"("金匱要略"), "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Ritsi(森立之 $1807{\sim}1885$) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken(伊澤蘭軒) and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai(狩谷掖齋), a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"("神農本草經") and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"(枳園隨筆) that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"(說文解字) to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據), Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬, $1804{\sim}1876$) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai(安積艮齋), and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園), He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju"("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi"("金匱要略疏義") and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan"(老醫巵言) but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 $912{\sim}955$) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 $1755{\sim}1810$) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi"("傷寒論輯義") and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi"("金匱要略輯義") are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng"("醫勝") is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"(素問識), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan Ju Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"(難經疏證), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"(疾雅), "Ming Yi Gong An"(名醫公案), and "Yi Ji Kao"(醫籍考). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), Yuan Jian(元堅 $1795{\sim}1857$) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(禦匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素問紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"("傷寒廣要"), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("診腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(矢數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', the founding of Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.