• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.12 no.12
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• pp.661-671
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• 2012

The purpose of this study was to analyze the core policies of local government directors by performing centrality analysis on their core policies using network text analysis method. From the research results, it was verified to some extent that major policies of local government directors were changing during the path to arrive at 5th civil election. However, according to policy type by Peterson (development policy, allocation policy and redistribution policy) it was found that they still focused on development policies. However, it is encouraging that the government directors elected in the 5th election started to pay attention to 'Culture' which is one of allocation policies.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Surveying, Geodesy, Photogrammetry and Cartography
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• v.35 no.5
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• pp.415-422
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• 2017

Finding influential factors from given clustering result is a typical data science problem. Genetic Algorithm based method is proposed to derive influential factors and its performance is compared with two conventional methods, Classification and Regression Tree (CART) and Chi-Squared Automatic Interaction Detection (CHAID), by using Dunn's index measure. To extract the influential factors of preference towards political parties in South Korea, the vote result of $18^{th}$ presidential election and 'Demographic', 'Health and Welfare', 'Economic' and 'Business' related data were used. Based on the analysis, reverse engineering was implemented. Implementation of reverse engineering based approach for influential factor analysis can provide new set of influential variables which can present new insight towards the data mining field.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.3
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• pp.213-261
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• 2018

On May 9, 2018, regime change took place in Malaysia. It was the first regime change that took place in 61 years after independence in 1957. The regime change was an unexpected result not only in Malaysian experts but also in political circles. Moreover, the outcome of the election was more shocking because the opposition party was divided in this general election. The regime change in Malaysia was enough to attract worldwide attention because it meant the collapse of the oldest regime in the modern political system that exists, except North Korea and China. How could this have happened? In particular, how could the regime change, which had not been accomplished despite opposition parties' cooperation for almost 20 years, could be achieved with the divided opposition forces? What political implications does the 2018 general election result have for political change and democratization in Malaysia? How will the Malaysian politics be developed in the aftermath of the regime change? It is worth noting that during the process of finding answers, a series of general elections since the start of reformasi in 1998 tended to be likened to a series of "tsunami" in the Malaysian electoral history. This phenomenon of tsunami means that, even though very few predicted the possibility of regime change among academia, civil society and political circles, the regime change was not sudden. In other words, the regime in 2018 was the result of the desire and expectation of political change through a series of elections of Malaysian voters last 20 years. In this context, this study, in analyzing the results of the election in 2018, shows that the activation of electoral politics triggered by the reform movement in 1998, along with the specific situational factors in 2018, could lead to collapse of the ruling government for the first time since independence.

• Health Policy and Management
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• v.9 no.2
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• pp.55-76
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• 1999

In order to understand the local council members' attitudes to the health policy, we conducted mail surveys using self-administered questionaire for 2 months(February and March. 1995). The study subjects were 2.312 local council members in Korea, but only about 11% among whom. 257 persons, responded to 2 times mail survey. This response rate revealed that the local council members was not interested in health care fields. The main results were as follows; The respondents thought that the economic and income development was most important among 15 regional policy agendas and the health care was the 5th or 7th important agenda. They. who had more health needs of and poor access to health care, tended to think that the health care was more important. They considered lobbying to and persuading the civil servants as the best method to tackle the local health care policy agenda. The respondents, who had poor access to health care facilities. tended to set the highest priority for the expansion of public and private health care resources. They expected that the election of local governor would activate the public health program more than thought that the program was implemented more actively than other region. The main opinion of respondents was that the central government had to take over planning and financing for the public health program, and the basic local government had to implment the program and budgeting. The majority of respondents agreed the private dominant medical care delivery system and nation-wide uniformed financing mechanism. Over 60% of them suggested that they were ready to suffer environmental pollution inducing health hazards for the purpose of regional economic and income development. About 75% of them favour the campaign for antismoking regardless of reducing local government's revenue from sale tax.