• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.177-206
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• 2022

At different times in the 19^th century, the Straits Settlements and Cochinchina were both colonies that the British and the French captured the earliest in their process of invasion of Malaya and Vietnam, respectively. This study examines the transitional stage from the traditional school system to colonial school system in the Straits Settlements and Cochinchina. This could also be considered an experimental stage for building later education systems in their expanded colonies, namely British Malaya and French Indochina, from the closing decades of the 19^th century to the middle of the 20^th century. This study, exploiting various sources and applying the comparative approach, identifies the factors that affected the different attitudes and choices of policy towards traditional education models of indigenous communities (the Malays and Vietnamese) pursued by the British in the Straits Settlements and the French in Cochinchina.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.21 no.1
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• pp.249-286
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• 2011

This study examines the nature of the world order or the international relations of the 19th century Vietnam. Those who are familiar with the Chinese world order based on the tributary system, have applied the quasi-Chinese world order concept to Vietnam by the terms of 'smaller dragon,' 'little China,' and 'Chinese model.' According to this way of understanding, Vietnamese empire was the imitation or the small sized version of the Chinese empire. Examples are to label Vietnamese emperor as the "Southeast Asian version of the Chinese emperor" or "an absolute photocopy of the Chinese world order." But the author of this article raises questions to this framework of the Chinese Model, and looks for the Vietnamese own world order based on the Southeast Asian tradition. Two issues are discussed in this study. First is the Vietnamese relationships with Southeast Asia. According to author, the first concern of Vietnam in relation to diplomatic relations was to the Mainland Southeast Asian countries. To clarify the contacts with Southeast Asia and Western powers, Vietnamese relationships with the regions of Island Southeast Asian countries were also examined. Second issue is to see the ways how Vietnam maintained its own world order in the course of wars and diplomacy with China. Author argues that the world order of the 19th century Vietnam was closer to the traditional world order of mandala in the Southeast Asia than to the quasi Chinese world order. The relationships among the countries were rather equal than hierarchical. Vietnam regarded the countries of Southeast Asia especially Thailand and Burma as the equal countries. China was one of the equal countries to the eyes of Vietnamese leaders and Vietnam did not have enough room to embody the quasi Chinese world order though the Vietnamese rulers used the titles of emperor, which was the Vietnamese version of Southeast Asian 'king.' In conclusion, the world order of Vietnam is summarized into the two facets of $l{\hat{a}}n$ giao(diplomatic relations with neighbors) and bang giao(diplomatic relations between two countries i.e. Vietnam and China). $l{\hat{a}}n$ giao was to the countries of Southeast Asia while the bang giao was the term and concept for the diplomatic relationship with China. These two relationships composed Vietnamese foreign relationship, ngo?i giao. Author claims that these two relations were based on the spirit of equality that emerged from the beginning of the 19th century.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.13 no.2
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• pp.69-108
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• 2021

Based on research of documents left by Vietnamese feudal dynasties, the current article reports how it initially reconstructed the process of Vietnamese tribute activity of Southeast Asia from the 10^th to 19^th century and demonstrates the significance of these activities to how Vietnam is considered central rather than peripheral as a nation. Tribute activity took place during a period when Vietnam was an independent country; feudal dynasties of Vietnam were independent and autonomous dynasties. Vietnam had just escaped from the 1,000-year invasion of China and more recently gotten out from the control of the French colonialists. From the demonstration of the tribute activity, otherwise called requesting investiture, the current article places it in relation to the contemporary Chinese "tributary system" to draw out the characteristics and its essence. At the time the current article explores the underlying causes that contributed to shaping the core characteristics of this "tributary system" and its significance to power relationships.

• Journal of Ginseng Culture
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• v.1
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• pp.78-92
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• 2019

Among the Southeast Asian countries, Vietnam had the most cultural exchange with Korea. Through Confusion and Chinese character, which were the common measure for two countries, Korea and Vietnam could communicate and share a sentiment with each other. Two countries showed an enormous interest in each other, and hence they could keep good relationship without official diplomatic relations. During the early 19th century, Korean Ginseng had gained tremendous popularity in Vietnam. Vietnamese believed the stamina of Minh Mang, who had 142 sons and daughters, originated from ginseng. Minh Mang bestowed ginseng on old courtiers for their contribution, which made them more loyal to the king. This tradition was inherited to the future generations, and soldiers who fought with Thai, Cambodia and France also received ginseng for their contribution. In other words, ginseng was the very important key for enforcement of patriotism. Due to the tradition, Korean ginseng has been considered as the premium ginseng in Vietnam. It is presumed that ginseng flew into Vietnam through 4 routes; 1) as an imperial gift from Chinese emperor, 2) by the Vietnamese ambassadors who went to Beijing for a tribute, 3) through private trade and 4) from Ryukyu or Japan, which were the hub of international trade. From 15th to 18th century, ambassadors from Chosun and Vietnam actively interacted in Beijing. Through their interchange, Vietnamese royal family could learn about the value of ginseng. The fact that there were many Shilhak scholars among the ambassadors from Joseon, such as Seo Geojeong and Seo Hosu who had profound knowledge of ginseng proves the theory. It is also possible that reputation of ginseng was already established in Vietnam during Silla period. Ko Byung, an bureaucrat from Tang Dynasty who ruled Vietnam for 10 years in middle 9th century and a friend of Choi Chiwon, might have delivered the knowledge of ginseng to the upper class in Vietnam. This hypothesis, however, should be proven by literatures. Hence, further research about the trace of Korean ginseng in Vietnamese history and literary works still remains to be done.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.1-29
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• 2010

In 1835, quickly after the Cambodian king Ang Chan died, Vietnamese emperor Minh Mang started to proceed his ambition to grab the territory of Cambodia. As the first step, he stationed big forces led by Truong Minh Giang in Phnom Phen, and appointed the Ang Chan's second daughter, Mei, as the successor of her father but with the humble title of Chan Lap Quan Chu, or the Prefecture sovereign of Cambodia. This article discusses the ways how the Vietnamese leaders manipulated the status of the Cambodian queen with each step of protection, assimilation, and finally a rupture. The author seeks for Vietnamese own theory of annexation in the process. In doing so, the author claims that Vietnamese tough policy of annexation was closely interwoven with the unequal relationship between the Vietnamese emperors and the Cambodian queen, i. e. men and woman. The first chapter discusses how and why the second daughter was chosen, and what in reality the status of the queen was under the protection of Vietnamese general Truong Minh Giang. Second chapter shows how much Mei was bullied by the Vietnamese. She was kidnapped to Vietnam, and was even regarded by the Cambodian people that she became the 'lover' or the 'concubine' of the general Truong Minh Giang. Third chapter deals with Vietnam's retreat forced by the Cambodian resistance together with the Thai intervention, and discusses how much Vietnam tried to maintain its authority over Cambodia through the queen Mei. Cambodia, in the 19th century, was a experimental place for the 'mission of civilization' from the side of Vietnam. Mei was a main character in this period from the beginning to the end. The conclusion of this article stresses that the desire of Vietnam ('civilized') to assimilate Cambodia ('barbarious') was strengthened by the psychology of the male master (Vietnam) to domesticate the female subject (Cambodia). The relationship between Vietnam and Cambodia was not only political but also gender oriented. In this epic, the existence of the queen Mei should be regarded as an important key to understanding of the Vietnamese theory for the annexation of Cambodia.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.21 no.3
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• pp.1-42
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• 2011

In terms of seaborne contacts of Vietnamese court with foreign countries had two directions in the 19th century. One was with Island Southeast Asian ports such as Singapore, Malacca, Penang, Batavia, and Manila. The other direction was to Canton. The Canton contact of Vietnam again can be interpreted as one of the two directions of Vietnamese contact with China. The inland route far to Beijing was based on the political and diplomatic consideration, while the closer route to Canton by the court vessels was more for the economic consideration as the case for the contact with the Island Southeast Asia. In this article, author discusses three issues to illuminate the nature of the trips of the court vessels of the Nguyễn dynasty to Canton. First is to clarify detail itinerary of the trip from the Thuận An Estuary to the City of Canton via Đà Nãng and Hanan. Unlike to the Western ships that visited Canton but anchored at the Huang Fu, Vietnamese square-rigged/copper-bottomed ships sailed up the Pearl river to the Guangzhou city front to stay for four or five months before they returned to Vietnam. In the second chapter, various kinds of observation of the Vietnamese officials are discussed. If the objects of the observation are divided into two categories, one is the world Westerners in Canton, and the other is the world of Chinese. In a same place, Canton, the Vietnamese officials could have enough chance to compare the two worlds clearly. An important consequence for the Vietnamese officials was to conclude that the mechanical technology of the Westerners was better than that of Chinese. This kind of conclusion led the Vietnamese court to send court personnels to learn Western technologies and languages in the port cities of Island Southeast Asia and to enlarge contacts with them. In the last chapter, author tries to find out the items that the Vietnamese mission purchased in Canton in exchange to the Vietnamese products. The items that the Vietnamese mission purchased included ceramics, silk, books, and medicines. With the support of the Chinese settlers in Vietnam the mission was able to be involved in the deal of illegal items such as opium, and possibly some kinds of precious ginseng from Korea. Overall, the process of the itinerary, observation, and purchase during the trip to Canton was the way to form the new point of view of Vietnamese intellectuals towards China standing from the side of Westerners. To the Vietnamese who experienced both Canton/Macao and the Western worlds in the port cities of Island Southeast Asia China was not the only center of the world, nor the Westerners could be looked down as the barbarians. In Canton, a peripheral region looked from the imperial capital Beijing, but the most internationalized city of China at that time, Vietnamese officials were training themselves to overcome China.

• Archives of design research
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• v.17 no.4
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• pp.15-26
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• 2004

After 19th century of Chosun Dynasty Gilsnagmunja-do such as longevity, good fortune, health, well-being which was explosively prevalent and Hyojemunja-do which was panoramically decorated with eight characters of filial piety, fraternal devotion, loyalty, trust, courtesy, commitment, integrity and humility for enlightment of the public under the name of political ideology are consistency or same origin in traditional concept of Orient. Therefore, in view of Western standard, they are showing an illustration and a photograph of characters in design. There are some differences in way of expressions. They were considerably popular not only in Chosun Dynasty but in China, Japan and Vietnam where belong to the cultural territory of chinese characters. Though, Hyojemunja-do which was built-up in the late period of Chosun Dynasty and developed fro chinese mode is a very peculiar iconography and mode of Chosun Dynasty. Hyojemunja-do is also classified from Chinese Nianhua designed for supply of Conficianism ethics or Folk Painting designed for practical use in chinese cultural territory. In the late period of 19th century, Hyojemunja-do which was re-built with creative modeling has been developed in peculiar mode in the province of Kyunggi, Kangwon(Kwan dong region), Kwanseo region, Jeju island and Namdo region by the diversified level of painters.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.37-76
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• 2017

$Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh has two faces in the history of territorial expansion of Vietnam into the Mekong delta. One is his heroic contribution to the $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ family gaining control over the large part of the Mekong delta. The other is his role to make the eyes of readers of Vietnamese history be fixed only to the present territory of Vietnam. To the readers, $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh's achievement of territorial expansion was the final stage of the nam $ti{\acute{\hat{e}}n$ of Vietnam. In fact, however, his achievement was partial. This study pays attention to the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ instead of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh in the history of the territorial expansion in the Mekong delta. King's goal was more ambitious. And the ambition was propelled by his dream to build a new world, and its order, in which his new capital, $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ was to be the center with his status as an emperor. To improve my assertion, three elements were examined in this article. First is the nature of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's new kingship. Second is the preparation and the background of the military operation in the Mekong Delta. The nature of the new territory is the third element of the discussion. In 1744, six years after this ascending to the throne, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương declared he was a king. Author points out this event as the departure of the southern kingdom from the traditional dynasties based on the Red River delta. Besides, the government system, northern custom and way of dressings were abandoned and new southern modes were adopted. $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương had enough tributary kingdoms such as Cambodia, Champa, Thủy $X{\tilde{a}}$, Hoả $X{\tilde{a}}$, Vạn Tượng, and Nam Chưởng. Compared with the $L{\hat{e}}$ empire, the number of the tributary kingdoms was higher and the number was equivalent to that of the Đại Nam empire of the 19th century. In reality, author claims, the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ real intention was to become an emperor. Though he failed in using the title of emperor, he distinguished himself by claiming himself as the Heaven King, $Thi{\hat{e}}n$ Vương. Cambodian king's attack on the thousands of Cham ethnics in Cambodian territory was an enough reason to the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ military intervention. He considered these Cham men and women as his amicable subjects, and he saw them a branch of the Cham communities in his realm. He declared war against Cambodia in 1750. At the same time he sent a lengthy letter to the Siamese king claiming that the Cambodia was his exclusive tributary kingdom. Before he launched a fatal strike on the Mekong delta which had been the southern part of Cambodia, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương renovated his capital $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ to the level of the new center of power equivalent to that of empire for his sake. Inflation, famine, economic distortion were also the features of this time. But this study pays attention more to the active policy of the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ as an empire builder than to the economic situation that has been told as the main reason for King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ annexation of the large part of the Mekong delta. From the year of 1754, by the initiative of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh, almost whole region of the Mekong delta within the current border line was incorporated into the territory of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương within three years, though the intention of the king was to extend his land to the right side of the Mekong Basin beyond the current border such as Kampong Cham, Prey Vieng, and Svai Rieng. The main reason was $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's need to expand his territory to be matched with that of his potential empire with the large number of the tributary kingdoms. King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ strategy was the variation of 'silkworm nibbling' and 'to strike barbarians by barbarians.' He ate the land of Lower Cambodia, the region of the Mekong delta step by step as silkworm nibbles mulberry leave(general meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực), but his final goal was to eat all(another meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực) the part of the Mekong delta including the three provinces of Cambodia mentioned above. He used Cham to strike Cambodian in the process of getting land from Long An area to $Ch{\hat{a}}u$ Đốc. This is a faithful application of the Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man (to strike barbarians by barbarians). In addition he used Chinese refugees led by the Mạc family or their quasi kingdom to gain land in the region of $H{\grave{a}}$ $Ti{\hat{e}}n$ and its environs from the hand of Cambodian king. This is another application of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man. In sum, author claims a new way of looking at the origin of the imperial world order which emerged during the first half of the 19th century. It was not the result of the long history of Đại Việt empires based on the Red River delta, but the succession of the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ new world based on $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$. The same ways of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man and $T{\acute{a}}m$ Thực Chi $K{\acute{\hat{e}}}$ were still used by $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ descendents. His grandson Gia Long used man such as Thai, Khmer, Lao, Chinese, and European to win another man the '$T{\hat{a}}y$ Sơn bandits' that included many of Chinese pirates, Cham, and other mountain peoples. His great grand son Minh Mạng constructed a splendid empire. At the same time, however, Minh Mạng kept expanding the size of his empire by eating all the part of Cambodia and Cham territories.