• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.31 no.2
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• pp.295-308
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• 1996

1. Retrospect of Political Geographic Studies since Liberation, 1945 : 1) Period from 1945 to mid 1960s : There was not political geography as a science in Korea at the time of liberation from Japan 1945. At that time were not pure political geographers in Korea. In 1947, Moon-Hwa Pyo, economics professor, published a book titled Outline of Korean Geopolitics. This book was a first one in the field of political geography and available at that time in the logical descriptions. Bok-Hyon Choi was a first political geographer who in 1959 wrote a book titled Political geography for the collegians of Seoul National University. Professor Choi introduced American-style political geography through the book above mentioned. In 1963, Kie-Joo Hyong published an article titled "Korean Unification: Possibility from the Geopolitical Viewpoint" which was a first article published by Korean young scholar who studied geography in this country. 2) Period from late 1960s to late 1980s : Both Yoon Cha and Duck-Soon Im published frequently several articles of political geography or geopolitics respectively in 1968-1969. And they issued geopolitical disputes on Korean geopolitical structure and an application of rimland theory to Korean peninsula in 1969 through a magazine named Joung-Kyong Younku (the political and economic researches). The disputes played an important role of showing political geography (or geopolitics) to political sciences especially international political Science. Active researches still continued in 1970s. In that atmosphere the first Korean book of political geography written by a post-liberation scholar (Duck-Soon Im) titled Principles of Political Geography was published in 1973. This book was influenced much by American political geography after Second World War. In 1980s, the researches continued more actively. Especially administrative districts, capital cities, and sub-capital cities were frequently studied during this period. 3) Period from late 1980s to Present: Recent Studies : 1985 was a year of much production of articles of political geography. The first Ph.D thesis of political geography published in the same year in our country. And since 1985 produced many M.A. articles. Several categories of esearches of political geography was made in the period from late 1980s to present. Capital cities, Korean unification, administrative districts, urban politics, elections, sub-capital cities, and defense walls were important research categories. Reviewing the researches from 1945 to present. I found eight categories of political geography in Korea: capital cities, administrative districts, geopolitical structure of Korean peninsula, division and unification of Korea, sub-capital cities, defense walls, elections, and urban politics. Each category includes several scholars respectiveiy. 2. Study Tasks and Prospects in Korean Political Geography: In relation to Korean circumstances there are three study-tasks. The first task of Korean people is unification of two Koreas. Political geographers of Korea must al survey titled Survey Methods of Human Geography for collegians. This book was first one on survey part in Korea. The book however, is insufficient in comprehensiveness in aspects too. I think that the important tasks of general-synoptic human geography in Korea are \circled1 publication of comprehensive books of human geography in the aspects and methodologies for collegians and \circled2 acceptance of academic world of human geography in Korea of variety in methodologies of human geography for future progress. progress.

• Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
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• v.43 no.5
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• pp.763-773
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• 1996

Background : Behçet's syndrome is a chronic multisystemic disease affecting many organs such as skin, mucosa, eye, joint, central nervous system and blood vessels. Lung involvement occurs in 5% of Behçet's syndrome and is thought to be due to the pulmonary vasculitis leading to thromboembolism, aneurysm and arteriobronchial fistula. Pulmonary vasculitis in Behçet's syndrome is a unique clinical feature, differing from other vasculitis affecting the lung and is one of the major causes of death. Therefore, we examined the incidence, the clinical features, the radioloic findings and the clinical courses of the lung involvement in Behçet's syndrome. Methods: We retrospectively reviewed the medical records and radiologic studies of 10 cases of the lung involvement in Behçet's syndrome diagnosed at Yongdong Severance Hospital and Severance Hospital from 1986 to 1995. We analysed the clinical features, the radiological findings, the treatment modalities and the clinical courses. Results: 1) The incidence of the lung involvement in Behçet's syndrome was 2%(10/487). The male to female ratio was 8 : 2 and the mean age was 34 years. The presenting symptom was hemoptysis in 5 of 10 cases, and massive hemoptysis was noted in 2 cases. Other pulmonary symptoms were cough(6/10), dyspnea(4/10), and chest pain(2/10). Other manifestations were oral ulcers(10/10), genital ulcers(9/10), skin lesions(7/10), and eye lesions(6/10). 2) The laboratory findings were nonspecific. The posteroanterior views of chest radiographies showed multiple infiltrates(6/10), nodular or mass-like opacities(4/10), or normal findings(2/10). The chest CT scans showed multifocal consolidations(6/8), and aneurysms of the pulmonary aneries(4/8). The pulmonary angiographies were performed in 3 cases, and showed pulmonary artery aneurysms in 2 cases. The ventilation-perfusion scans in 2 cases of normal chest x-ray showed multiple mismatched findings. 3) The patients were treated with combination therapy consisting of corticosteroids, cyclophosphamide, and colchicine or anticoagulant agents. Surgical resection was performed in one case with a huge aneurysm. 4) We have followed up nine of ten cases. Three cases are well-being with medical therapy, two cases are severely disabled now and four cases died due to massive hemoptysis, massive pulmonary embolism, or sepsis. Conclusion : Pulmonary vasculitis is a main feature of the lung involvement of Behçet's syndrome, causing hemorrhage, aneurysmal formation, and/or thromboemboism. The lung involvement of Behçet's syndrome is uncommon but is one of the most serious prognostic factors of the disease. Therefore, an aggressive diagnostic work-up for early detection and proper treatment are recommended to improve the clinical course and the survival.

• Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
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• v.43 no.5
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• pp.701-708
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• 1996

Background : To evaluate the effect of the balloon dilatation in tuberculous bronchial stenosis, we performed balloon dilatation in 13 cases which had airway obstruction in main bronchus with the impairment of pulmonary function. Material and Methods: Thirteen women with tuberculous bronchial stenosis(9cases : left main bronchus, 4 cases: right main bronchus) underwent fluoroscopically guided balloon dilatation under the local anesthesia. Among the these patient, 9 cases were active endobronchial tuberculosis, and 4 cases were inactive. Immediate and long term follow-up(average 15.6months) assessments were done focused on change on PIT. The increase of FVC or FEV1 more than 15% after the procedure was considered effective. Complications after dilatation were evaluated in all patients. Result : 1) There were an decrease of self-audible wheezing in 75%(6/8), improvement of dyspnea in 62.5%(5/8), improvement of cough and expectoration in 50%(3/6), and improvement of chest discomfort in 50%(1/2). 2) Significant improvement of PFT was noted in 42.9%(3/7) of which respiratory symptoms duration was below 6 months. 8m, significant improvement of PFT was noted in only 25%(1/4) of which respiratory symptoms duration was above 12 months. 3) Active stage was 69.2%(9/13) and inactive was 30.8%(4/13). There was an significant improvement of PFT in 44.4%(4/9) of active stage, but, only 25%(1/4) of inactive stage was improved. 4) In 61.5%(8/13), FVC and FEV1 were increased to 35.5%, and 22.2% at post-dilatation 7 days. After 1 month later, FVC and FEV1 were increased to 54.7%, and 31.8% in 5 cases(38.5%). 4 cases in which long-term follow-up(average 19.8months) was possible the improvement of FVC, and FEV1 were 30.5%, and 10.1%. 5) Just after balloon dilatation therapy, transient leukocytosis or fever was noted in 30.8%(4/13), and blood-tinged sputum was noted in 30.8%(4/13). However, serious complication, such as pneumothorax, pneumomediastinum or mediastinitis, was not noted. Conclusion : We conclude that tuberculous bronchial stenosis, which is on active stage, and short dulation of respiratory symptoms was more effective on balloon dilatation than inactive stage or long duration of respiratory symptoms. Furthermore, balloon dilatation is easier, much less invasive and expensive than open surgery. and cryotherapy or photoresection. Because of these advantage, we think that balloon dilatation could be the first choice for treating bronchial stenosis and could be done at first in early stage if unresponsiveness with steroid therapy is observed.

• Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
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• v.43 no.5
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• pp.709-719
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• 1996

Background: Surgical resection is the only way to cure non-small cell lung cancer(NSCLC) and the prognosis of NSCLC in patients who undergo a complete resection is largely influenced by the pathologic stage. After surgical resection, recurrences in distant sites is more common than local recurrences. An effective postoperative adjuvant therapy which can prevent recurrences is necessary to improve long tenn survival Although chemotherapy and radiotherapy are still the mainstay in adjuvant therapy, the benefits of such therapies are still controversial. We initiated this retrospective study to evaluate the effects of adjuvant therapies and analyze the prognostic factors for survival after curative resection. Method: From 1990 to 1995, curative resection was perfomled in 282 NSCLC patients with stage I, II, IIIa, Survival analysis of 282 patients was perfonned by Kaplan-Meier method. The prognostic factors, affecting survival of patients were analyzed by Cox regression model. Results: Squamous cell carcinoma was present in 166 patients(59%) ; adenocarcinoma in 86 pmients(30%) ; adenosquamous carcinoma in II parients(3.9%); and large cell undifferentiated carcinoma in 19 patients(7.1%). By TNM staging system, 93 patients were in stage I; 58 patients in stage II ; and 131 patients in stage rna. There were 139 postoperative recurrences which include 28 local and 111 distant failures(20.1% vs 79.9%). The five year survival rate was 50.1% in stage I ; 31.3% in stage II ; and 24.1% in stage IIIa(p <0.0001). The median survival duration was 55 months in stage I ; 27 months in stage II ; and 16 months in stage rna. Among 131 patients with stage rna, the median survival duration was 19 months for 81 patients who received postoperative adjuvant chemotherapy only or cherne-radiotherapy and 14 months for the other 50 patients who received surgery only or surgery with adjuvant radiotherapy(p=0.2982). Among 131 patients with stage IIIa, the median disease free survival duration was 16 months for 21 patients who received postop. adjuvant chemotherapy only and 4 months for 11 patients who received surgery only(p=0.0494). In 131 patients with stage IIIa, 92 cases were in N2 stage. The five year survival rate of the 92 patients with N2 was 25% and their median survival duration was 15 months. The median survival duration in patients with N2 stage was 18 months for those 62 patients who received adjuvant chemotherapy and 14 months for the other 30 patients who did not(p=0.3988). The median survival duration was 16 months for those 66 patients who received irradiation and 14 months for the other 26 patients who did not(p=0.6588). We performed multivariate analysis to identify the factors affecting prognosis after complete surgical resection, using the Cox multiple regression model. Only age(p=0.0093) and the pathologic stage(p<0.0001) were significam prognostic indicators. Conclusion: The age and pathologic stage of the NSCLC parients are the significant prognostic factors in our study. Disease free survival duration was prolonged with statistical significance in patients who received postoperative adjuvant chemotherapy but overall survival duration was not affected according to adjuvant therapy after surgical resection.

• Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
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• v.43 no.5
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• pp.736-745
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• 1996

Background : It is known that pulmonary rehabilitation improves dyspnea and exercise tolerance in patient with chronic lung disease, although it does not improve pulmonary function. But there is a controversy whether this improvement after pulmonary rehabilitation is due to increased aerobic exercise capacity. We performed this study to evaluate the effect of pulmonary rehabilitation for 6 weeks on the pulmonary function, gas exchange, exercise tolerance and aerobic exercise capacity in patients with chronic lung disease. Methods : Pulmonary rehabilitations including education, muscle strengthening exercise and symptom-Umited aerobic exercise for six weeks, were performed in fourteen patients with chronic lung disease (COPD 11, bronchiectasis 1, IPF 1, sarcoidosis 1 ; mean age $57{\pm}4$ years; male 12, female 2). Pre- and post-rehabilitaion pulmonary function and exercise capacity were compared. Results: 1) Before the rehabilitation, FVC, $FEV_1$ and $FEF_{25-75%}$ of the patients were $71.5{\pm}6.4%$. $40.6{\pm}3.4%$ and $19.3{\pm}3.8%$ of predicted value respectively. TLC, FRC and RV were $130.3{\pm}9.3%$, $157.3{\pm}13.2%$ and $211.1{\pm}23.9%$ predicted respectively. Diffusing capacity and MVV were $59.1{\pm}1.1%$ and $48.6{\pm}6.2%$. These pulmonary functions did not change after pulmonary rehabilitation. 2) In the incremental exercise test using bicycle ergometer, maximum work rale ($57.7{\pm}4.9$) watts vs. $64.8{\pm}6.0$ watts, P=0.036), maximum oxygen consumption ($0.81{\pm}0.07$ L/min vs. $0.96{\mu}0.08$ L/min, P=0.009) and anaerobic threshold ($0.60{\pm}0.06$ L/min vs. $0.76{\mu}0.06$ L/min, P=0.009) were significantly increased after pulmonary rehabilitation. There was no improvement in gas exchange after rehabilitation. 3) Exercise endurances of upper ($4.5{\pm}0.7$ joule vs. $14.8{\pm}2.4$ joule, P<0.001) and lower extremity ($25.4{\pm}5.7$ joule vs. $42.6{\pm}7.7$ joule, P<0.001), and 6 minute walking distance ($392{\pm}35$ meter vs. $459{\pm}33$ meter, P<0.001) were significantly increased after rehabilitation. Maximum inspiratory pressure was also increased after rehabilitation ($68.5{\pm}5.4$ $CmH_2O$ VS. $80.4{\pm}6.4$ $CmH_2O$, P<0.001). Conclusion: The pulmonary rehabilitation for 6 weeks can improve exercise performance in patients with chronic lung disease.

• Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
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• v.54 no.4
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• pp.415-428
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• 2003

Background : This study assessed the efficacy and toxicity of etoposide and carboplatin(EC) combination regimen as a first line therapy for small cell lung cancer(SCLC), and determined the efficacy and toxicity of topotecan for relapsed SCLC. Methods : One hundred and ten patients with previously untreated SCLC received etoposide($100mg/m^2$ i.v., day 1 to 3) and carboplatin($300mg/m^2$ i.v., day 1) combination chemotherapy every 3 weeks. For patients with relapsed SCLC after EC therapy, topotecan($1.5mg/m^2$) was administered for 5 consecutive days every 3 weeks. Response rate, survival and toxicity profiles were assessed. Response was recorded as CR(complete remission), PR(partial remission), SD(stable disease) and PD(progressive disease). Results : One hundred and one patients were assessed for response to EC. Overall response rate to EC was 57.4%(CR 15.8%, PR 41.6%) with a time to progression of 10.3 months(median). The toxicity was tolerable and there was no treatment-related death. Twenty one relapsed SCLC patients were treated with topotecan. Of those who relapsed within 3 months of EC(refractory relapse, RR), 15.4%(2/13) showed PR, while of those who relapsed after 3 months(sensitive relapse, SR), 25%(2/8) exhibited PR. Grade 4 neutropenia was noted in 9.5% and 14.3% showed thrombocytopenia(G4). Conclusion : The EC regimen showed a moderate response rate for SCLC with minimal toxicity. The use of topotecan for relapsed SCLC warrants further investigation.

• Korean Journal of Cleft Lip And Palate
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• v.9 no.2
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• pp.85-92
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• 2006

Korean Cleft Lip and Palate Association (KCLPA) was founded in 1996. The first overseas charity operation was in Karachi, Pakistan, 2002 and our association has visited fourteen times in six countries for the free cleft surgery: Pakistan, Egypt, Kenya, Morocco, Jordan and Vietnam. The cumulated number of operated patients reaches to 280. Before our association, many Korean oral and maxillofacial surgeons have performed charity operations individually since 1964. It was started from Vietnam but the activity is now carried on in Africa, middle-east Asia, south-east Asia, China, and Korea as an official team. LG electronics, a Korean company helped to propagate our team's activity to middle-east Asia to Africa. This paper is a report concerning about the results of our association's charity activities especially in Kenya, east Africa. We provided free cleft surgery for 30 patients in 2004 and 27 patients in 2005, in Nairobi. As the blood test for HIV of the cleft patients was not allowed before and during surgery, our surgeons and nurses were cautious about every movement during the surgeries. Thus the operation time for each patient was longer than any other time. The attitude of the local hospital and the doctors seemed to be accustomed to this situation. They helped us in case of needle injuries. Safety of medical staff and patients is more important than the number of the patients operated in charity operation. This belief should be approached being parallel and multidisciplinary as an international cooperation, focusing on international funding for medical support and continuous education for local doctors who are willing to devote to their people.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.9
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• pp.555-652
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• 1996

Up to the present the scholastic achievements in the history of the medical system have been rather scare despite its importance in the Korean History. Hence, this dissertation attempts to examine the significance of the institute in the Korean History, covering the period from the ancient times through the early Chosun-Dynasty. In the ancient times, the medical practice relied primarily upon human instincts and experiences at the same time, shaman's incantations were widely believed to cure diseases, the workings of evil spirits supposedly. For the period from the Old Chosun through Samhan(巫堂), Chinese refugees brought a long medical knowledge and skills of the continent. New Chinese medicine, traditional practices and incantations were generally used at this time. Medicine and the medical system were arranged by the period of the Three Countries(三國時代). No definite record concerning Koguryo remains now. As for Paekje, however, history shows that they set up the system under the Chinese influence, assigning medical posts such as Euibaksa(medical doctor), Chaeyaksa(pharmacist), and Jukeumsa(medicine man) within Yakbu(department of medicine). Scientifically advanced, they sent experts to Japan, giving a tremendous influence on the development of the science on ancient Japan. After the unification of the three countries, Shilla had their own system after the model of Dang(唐). This system of the Unified Shilla was continued down to Koryo and became the backbone of the future ones. In the ancient time religion and medicine were closely related. The curative function of the shaman was absolute. Buddhism played a notable part in medical practice, too, producing numerous medical monks. The medical system of Koryo followed the model of Dang with some borrowings from Song(宋). Sangyakkuk(尙藥局) was to deal exclusively with the diseases of the monarch whereas Taeeuigam(太醫監) was the central office to handle the national medical administration and the qualification test and education for doctors. In addition, Dongsodaebiwon(東西大悲院), Jewibo(濟危寶), and Hyeminkuk(惠民局) were public hospitals for the people, and a few aristocrats practiced medicine privately. In 987, the 6th year of Songjong(成宗), local medical operations were installed for curing the sick and educating medical students. Later Hyonjong(顯宗), established Yakjom(clinics, 藥店) throughout the country and officials were sent there to see patients. Foreign experts, mainly from Song, were invited frequently to deliver their advanced technology, and contributed to the great progress of the science in Korea. Medical officials were equipped with better land and salary than others, enjoying appropriate social respect. Koryo exchanged doctors, medicine and books mainly with Song, but also had substantial interrelations with Yuan(元), Ming(明), Kitan(契丹), Yojin(女眞), and Japan. Among them, however, Song was most influential to the development of medicine in Koryo. During Koryo Dynasty Buddhism, the national religion at the time, exercised bigger effect on medicine than in any other period. By conducting national ceremonies and public rituals to cure diseases, Taoism also affected the way people regarded illness. Curative shamanism was still in practice as well. These religious practices, however, were now engaged only when medication was already in use or when medicine could not held not help any more. The advanced medical system of Koryo were handed down to Chosun and served the basis for further progress. Hence, then played well the role to connect the ancient medicine and the modern one. The early Chosun followed and systemized the scientific and technical achievement in medicine during the Koryo Dynasty, and furthermore, founded the basis of the future developments. Especially the 70 years approximately from the reign of Sejong(世宗) to that of Songjong(成宗) withnessed a termendous progress in the field with the reestablishment of the medical system. The functions of the three medical institute Naeeuiwon(內醫院), Joneuigam(典醫監), Hyeminkuk(惠民局) were expanded. The second, particualy, not only systemized all the medical practices of the whole nation, but also grew and distributed domestic medicaments which had been continually developed since the late Koryo period. In addition, Hyeminso(惠民局, Hwarinwon(活人院)) and Jesaenwon(濟生院)(later merged to the first) played certain parts in the curing illness. Despite the active medical education in the capital and the country, the results were not substantial, for the aristocracy avoided the profession due to the social prejudice against technicians including medical docotors. During the early Chosun-Dynasty, the science was divided into Chimgueui (acupuncturist), Naryogeui(specialist in scrofula) and Chijongeui (specialist in boil). For the textbooks, those for the qualification exam were used, including several written by the natives. With the introduction on Neoconfucianism(性理學) which reinforced sexual segregation, female doctors appeared for the female patients who refused to be seen by male doctors. This system first appeared in 1406, the sixth year of Taejong(太宗), but finally set up during the reign of Sejong. As slaves to the offices, the lowest class, female doctors drew no respect. However, this is still significant in the aspect of women's participation in society. They were precedents of midwives. Medical officials were selected through the civil exam and a special test. Those who passed exams were given temporary jobs and took permanent posts later. At that time the test score, the work experience and the performance record of the prospective doctor were all taken into consideration, for it was a specialized office. Most doctors were given posts that changed every six months, and therefore had fewer chances for a goverment office than the aristocracy. At the beginning the social status of those in medicine was not that low, but with the prejudice gradully rising among the aristocracy, it became generally agreed to belong to the upper-middle technician class. Dealing with life, however, they received social respect and courtesy from the public. Sometimes they collected wealth with their skills. They kept improving techniques and finally came to take an important share in modernization process during the late Chosun-Dynasty.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.9
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• pp.432-552
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• 1996

The influence of the four noted physicians of Geum-Won era(金元代) on the completion of the medicine in the Chosun dynasty(朝鮮朝) can be summarized as follows. 1. The four noted physicians of Geum-Won era were Yoo-Wan-So(劉完素), Jang-Jong-Jung(張從正), Lee-Go(李杲), Ju-Jin-Heung(朱震亨). 2. Yoo-Wan-So(劉完索) made his theory on the basic of Nae-Kyung("內經") and Sane-Han-Lon("傷寒論"), his idea of medicine was characterized in his books, for exemple, application of O-Oon-Yuk-Ki(五運六氣), Ju-Wha theory(主火論) and hang-hae-seng-je theory(亢害承制論). from his theory and method of study, many deviations of oriental medicine occurred. He made an effort for study of Nae-Kyung, which had been depressed for many years, on the contrary of the way old study that Nae-Kyung had been only explained or revised, he applied the theory of Nae-Kyung to clinical care. The theory of Yuk-Gi-Byung-Gi(六氣病機) and On-Yeul-Byung(溫熱病) had much influenced on his students and posterities, not to mention Jang-Ja-Wha and Ju-Jin-Heung, who were among the four noted physicians therefore he became the father of Yuk-Gi(六氣) and On-Yeul(溫熱) schools. 3. Jang-Jong-Jung(張從正) emulated Yoo-Wan-So as a model, and followed his Yuk-Gi-Chi-Byung(六氣致病) theory, but he insisted on the use of the chiaphoretic, the emetic and the paregoric to get rid of the causes, specially he insisted on the use of the paregoric, so they called him Gong-Ha-Pa(攻下派). He insisted on the theory that if we would strenthen ourselves we should use food, id get rid of cause, should use the paregoric, emetic and diaphoretic. Jang-Jong-Jung'S Gang-Sim-Wha(降心火) theory, which he improved Yoo-Wan-So's Han-Ryang(寒凉) theory influenced to originate Ju-Jin-Heung'S Ja-Eum-Gang-Wha(滋陰降火) theory. 4. Lee-Go(李杲) insisted on the theory that Bi-Wi(脾胃) played a loading role in the physiological function and pathological change, and that the internal disease was originated by the need of Gi(氣) came from the disorder of digestive organs, and that the causes of internal disease were the irregular meal, the overwork, and mental shock. Lee-Go made an effort for study about the struggle of Jung-Sa(正邪) and in the theory of the prescription he asserted the method of Seung-Yang-Bo-Gi(升陽補氣), but he also used the method of Go-Han-Gang-Wha(苦寒降火). 5. The authors of Eui-Hak-Jung-Jun("醫學正傳"), Eui-Hak-Ib-Moon("醫學入門"), and Man-Byung-Whoi-Choon("萬病回春") analyzed the medical theory of the four noted physicians and added their own experiences. They helped organizing existing complicated theories of the four noted physicians imported in our country, and affected the formation of medical science in the Choson dynasty largely. Eui-Hak-Jung-Jun("醫學正傳") was written by Woo-Dan(虞槫), in this book, he quoted the theories of Yoo-Wan-So, Jang-Jong-Jung, Lee-Go, Ju-Jin-Heung, especially, Ju-Jin-Heung was respected by him, it affected the writing of Eui-Lim-Choal-Yo("醫林撮要"). Eui-Hak-ib-Moon("醫學入門"), written by Lee-Chun(李杲), followed the medical science of Lee-Go and ju-jin-heung from the four noted physicians of Geum-Won era. Its characteristics of Taoism, idea of caring of health, and organization affected Dong-Eui-Bo-Kham("東醫寶鑑"). Gong-Jung-Hyun(龔延賢) wrote Man-Byung-Whoi-Choon("萬病回春") using the best part of the theories of Yoo-Wan-So, Jang-Jong-Jung, Lee-Go, Ju-Jin-Heung, this book affected Dong-Eui-Soo-Se-Bo-Won("東醫壽世保元") partly. 6. our medical science was developed from the experience of the treatment of disease obtained from human life, these medical knowledge was arranged and organized in Hyang-Yak-Jib-Sung-Bang("鄕藥集成方"), medical books imported from China was organized in Eui-Bang-Yoo-Chwi("醫方類聚"), which formed the base of medical development in the Chosun dynasty. 7. Eui-Lim-Choal-Yo("醫林撮要") was written by Jung-Kyung-Sun(鄭敬先) and revised by Yang-Yui-Soo(楊禮壽). It was written on the base of Woo-Dan's Eui-Jung-Jun, which compiled the medical science of the four noted physicians of Geum-Won era. It contained confusing theories of the four noted physicians of Geum-Won era and organized medical books of Myung era, therefore it completed the basic form of Byun-Geung-Non-Chi (辨證論治) influenced the writing of Dong-Eui-Bo-Kham("東醫寶鑑"). 8. Dong-Eui-Bo-Kham("東醫寶鑑") was written on the base of basic theory of Eum-Yang-O-Haeng(陰陽五行) and the theory of respondence of heaven and man(天人相應說) in Nae-Kyung. It contained several theories and knowledge, such as the theory of Essence(精), vitalforce(氣), and spirit(神) of Taoism, medical science of geum-won era, our original medical knowledge and experience. It had established the basic organization of our medical science and completed the Byun-Geung-Non-Chi (辨證論治). Dong-Eui-Bo-Kham developed medical science from simple medical treatment to protective medical science by caring of health. And it also discussed human cultivation and Huh-Joon's(許浚) own view of human life through the book. Dong-Eui-Bo-Kham adopted most part of Lee-Go(李杲) and Ju-Jin-Heung's(朱震亨) theory and new theory of "The kidney is the basis of apriority. The spleen is the basis of posterior", so it emphasized the role of spleen and kidney(脾腎) for Jang-Boo-Byung-Gi(臟腑病機). It contained Ju-Jin-Heung's theory of the cause and treatment of disease by colour or fatness of man(black or white, fat or thin). It also contained Ju-Jin-Heung's theory of "phlegm break out fever, fever break out palsy"(痰生熱 熱生風) and the theory of Sang-Wha(相火論). Dong-Eui-Bo-Kham contained Lee-Go's theory of Wha-Yu-Won-Bool-Yang-Lib (火與元氣不兩立論) quoted the theory of Bi-Wi(脾胃論) and the theory of Nae-Oi-Sang-Byun(內外傷辨). For the use of medicine, it followed the theory by Lee-Go. lt used Yoo-Wan-So'S theory of Oh-Gi-Kwa-Keug-Gae-Wi-Yul-Byung(五志過極皆爲熱病) for the treatment of hurt-spirit(傷神) because fever was considered as the cause of disease. It also used Jang-Jons-Jung's theory of Saeng-Keug-Je-Seung(生克制勝) for the treatment of mental disease. 9. Lee-je-ma's Dong-Eui-Soo-Se-Bo-Won("東醫壽世保元") adopted medical theories of Song-Won-Myung era and analyzed these theories using the physical constitutional theory of Sa-Sang-In(四象人). It added Dong-Mu's main idea to complete the theory and clinics of Sa-Sang-Eui-Hak(四象醫學). Lee-Je-Ma didn't quote the four noted physicians of Geum-Won era to discuss that the physical constitutional theory of disease and medicine from Tae-Eum-In(太陰人), So-Yang-In(少陽人), So-Eum-In(少陰人), and Tae-Yang-In(太陽人) was invented from their theories.

• Journal of Sasang Constitutional Medicine
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.395-411
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• 1996

1. 연구배경 사상체질의학(四象體質醫學)을 창시하여 개인(個人)의 차별성(差別性)을 강조한 동무(東武) 이제마(李濟馬)는 양생(養生)의 방법(方法)에서도 체질별(體質別) 요법(療法)을 말하고 있는데 체질별(體質別)로 과소지장(過小之臟)의 기능(機能)이 정상적(正常的)으로 이루어지는 상황을 완실무병(完實無病)의 조건으로 제시(提示)하였고 이를 위한 수단(手段)으로 성정(性情)과 함께 약물(藥物), 식품(食品) 등을 이용하였다. 특히 식이요법(食餌療法)에 있어서도 체질(體質)에 따른 구별(區別)의 필요성(必要性)을 말하고 있는데 식품(食品)이라 하더라도 그 음식(飮食)을 섭취하여 과대(過大)한 장기(臟器)의 기능(機能)은 유제(柳制)하고 과소(過小)한 기능(機能)은 보완(補完)받음으로써 불균형(不均衡)을 조정(調整)한 것이다. 당뇨병의 식단 작성은 평생동안 열량(熱量)과 영양소(營養素) 필요치(必要置)을 맞출 것을 권장하고 당뇨병학회에서 편집한 식품교환표(食品交換表)를 사용(使用)하는 것이 일반적(一般的)인데 식품교환표(食品交換表)는 많은 식품(食品)들중에 같은 영양소를 가진 식품(食品)들을 한 그룹으로 묶어 환자(患者)의 기호(嗜好)에 따라 교환(交煥)해 가면서 먹을 수 있도록 고안(考案)한 것이니 이에 지시한 수량(數量)만 섭취해도 저(低)cal식(食)으로 관양(管養)의 균형(均衡)이 잘 이루어진다. 본 연구는 체질별로 이로운 식품표에 근거하여 식이요법(食餌療法)이 특히 강조되고 하루 섭취열량이 제한되는 성인병중의 하나인 당뇨병(糖尿病)의 식단(1800kcal)을 식단작성법에 따라 구성(構成)하여 몇가지 예를 제시해 보았다. 구체적으로 태음인(太陰人), 소음인(少陰人), 소양인(少陽人)의 당뇨 환자 1800kcal에 대한 식단을 구성하여 제시했는데 즉, 태음인(太陰人)의 식단은 태음인(太陰人)에 유리(有利)한 식품(食品)들로 구성하고 해(害)로운 식품(食品)들은 제외시키는 방법(方法)을 이용하였다. 이 식단은 다분히 이론적(理論的)인 식단으로 임상(臨床)에 이용(利用)하여 본 바는 없으나 동량(同量)의 열량(熱量)을 섭취(攝取)하더라도 체질(體質)에 적합(適合)한 식품(食品)으로 구성된 식사(食事)가 각 체질의 섭생(攝生)에 더 유리(有利)하지 않올까 하는 단순(單純)한 사고(思考)에 바탕을 둔 것이다. 2. 연구방법 1) 후세가(後世家)가 주장(主張)한 체질별(體質別) 식품(食品) 분류(分類)를 종합, 정리한 체질별(體質別) 식품표(食品表)를 제시한다. 박석언의 동의사상대전, 박인상의 동의사상요결, 송일병의 알기 쉬운 사상의학, 홍순용의 사상진료보원, 홍순용, 이을호의 사상의학원론에서 체질별로 유익한 식풍을 조사하여 곡류, 과일류, 채소류, 어패류, 육류로 분류하여 살펴본다. 2) 당뇨병(糖尿病) 식이요법의 식단 작성법의 개요(槪要)를 제시한다. 3) 1)의 체질별(體質別) 식품표(食品表)로 태음인(太陰人), 소음인(少陰人), 소양인(少陽人)의 당뇨 식단 1800kcal을 작성해 제시(提示)한다. 체질별(體質別)로 유익(有益)한 식품(食品)은 1)의 식품표에 근거(根據)하고 체질별(體質別)로 해(害)로운 식품(食品)은 노정우(盧正祐), 한동석(韓東錫)의 주장에 근거(根據)한다. 3. 결과 체질별(體質別) 식품표(食品表)는 후세가의 연구를 종합하여 제시(提示)하였고, 식품(食品)을 분류(分類)한 후(後) 약명(藥名)과 성미(性味), 귀경(歸經)을 찾아 도표화 하였다. 체질별 식품들은 대부분 소음인(少陰人)의 경우 신감(辛甘) 온열(溫熱)하며 비위(脾胃)로 귀경(歸經)하고 태음인(太陰人)의 경우 감신(甘辛) 온열(溫熱)하며 폐간(肺肝)으로 귀경(歸經)하고 소양인(少陽人)의 산고(酸苦) 양한(凉寒)하고 신(腎)으로 귀경(歸經)함이 우세(優勢)함을 알 수 있다. 즉, 체질적으로 양성(陽性)인 소양인(少陽人)은 식품의 성질이 음성(陰性)인 것이 유리(有利)하고 체질적으로 음성(陰性)인 태음인(太陰人), 소음인(少陰人)은 식품의 성질이 양성(陽性)인 것이 유리(有利)하다. 다양한 식품(食品)을 섭취하고자 하는 환자의 욕구(慾求)에 맞추면서도 식품교환의 범위를 체질별로 유익한 식품들로 제한하여 동일(同一)한 열량(熱量)의 식단이라도 체질에 맞는 식품으로 차별성(差別性)을 두었는데 식단의 작성은 전문 영양사의 의견을 거쳤다. 제시된 식단은 다소 이론적(理論的)으로 작성(作成)된 단계이고 임상적(臨床的) 검증을 거친 바 없으나 활용하기에 따라 실용성을 얻을 수 있으리라 본다. <식단예> 태음인의 식단: 곡류 : 콩, 율무, 밀가루, 밀, 수수, 들깨, 고구마, 땅콩, 기장, 옥수수, 두부, 설탕등 태음인에 유리한 식품으로 교환한다 어때류 : 우렁이, 대구, 조기, 민어, 청어, 오정어, 낙지, 미역, 김, 다시마등으로 교환한다 육류 : 소고기, 우유등으로 교환한다 과일류 : 밤, 배, 호도, 은행, 잣, 살구, 매실, 자두등으로 교환한다 채소류 : 무우, 도라지, 연근, 토란, 마, 고사리, 더덕, 목이버섯, 송이버섯, 석이버섯등으로 교환한다 해로운 음식 : 닭, 돼지, 모밀, 배추, 사과, 염소고기, 조개, 계란, 곳감, 커피등은 피한다 * 아침 ; 콩나물죽, 대구포묶음, 우령이무침, 갓김치, 우유, 자두 점심 ; 기장밥, 콩나물두부찌게, 장어양념구이, 도라지나물, 열무김치, 배 저녁 ; 수수밥, 두부명란, 더덕양념구이, 깍두기 * 아침 ; 비빔국수, 토란국, 알타리김치, 두유, 살구주스 점심 ; 율무밥, 낙지전골, 김무생채, 느타리나물무침, 동치미, 귤 저녁 ; 콩밥, 감자북어국, 두부묶음, 열무김치 소음인의 식단: 곡류 : 찹쌀, 좁쌀, 차조, 감자등 소음인에 유익한 식품으로 교환한다 어패류 : 명태, 미꾸라지, 뱀장어, 뱀, 메기등 육류 : 닭, 개, 꿩, 염소, 양, 참새고기등 과일류 : 사과, 귤, 복숭아, 대추등 채소류 : 미나리, 파, 마늘, 후추, 시금치, 양배추, 생강, 고추, 당근, 양파, 감자, 쑥갓등 해로운 음식 : 메밀, 호도, 계란, 고구마, 녹두, 돼지고기, 밤, 배, 배추, 보리, 쇠고기, 수박, 오이, 참외, 팥등은 피한다. * 아침 ; 찰밥, 닭찜, 감자전, 쑥갓나물, 부추김치, 사과 점심 ; 감자밥, 메기매운탕, 명태조림, 미나리, 고들빼기김치, 사과주스 저녁 ; 좁쌀밥, 양배추감자국, 병어양념구이, 연근양념조림, 귤, 인삼차.