• The Journal of Korean Medical History
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• v.36 no.1
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• pp.113-127
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• 2023

The Gyeongseong Women's Medical Training Center was created as the result of the efforts of our internal visionaries with meaningful foreign missionaries to cultivate female doctors, yet the systematic structure of the institution developed primarily out of Korean efforts. Koreans have tried hard to cultivate their descendants and the skills of the Korean people within this framework, challenging the oppression of the ruling class in a given environment, and the results have continued to this day. First, during the Early period (1890-1909), Korea began to establish women's education and the first female doctors were trained with the help of foreign missionaries. Second, during the Growth period (1910-1919), while it was difficult for women's education to be easily expressed during Japanese colonial era, the need for women's education was growing as part of the patriotic enlightenment movement, and female students who wanted to become doctors began to go abroad. In addition, during this period, the means to train female doctors in Korea was available, but this system was not recognized by the Japanese colonial government. Third, during the Preparatory period (1920-1928), the Gyeongseong Women's Medical Class, which gave practical training to female doctors, was established and centered on Rosetta Hall and female doctors who studied abroad. Fourth, a women's medical school was established during the Establishment period (1929-1938), which created a foundation for stable supply of professional women's medical personnel. In this article, we studied the process of women who were marginalized in education until they were trained as professional intellectuals, and we hope that it will help them understand the current women's education in Korea and draw directions in the future.

• The Journal of Korean Medical History
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• v.34 no.1
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• pp.31-46
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• 2021

Shin Hong-Gyun and his family have been in medicine for many generations as Korean Medical Doctors (KMDs). In 1919 when Shin Hong-Gyun was participating in an independence movement in Jang-Baek-Hyun, his younger brother Shin Dong-Gyun was killed by Japanese military police forces. This tragic incident triggered Shin Hong-Gyun to establish an army for national independence called , holding 200 young men, to serve in armed struggle against the Japanese Government with Kim Jung-Geon in May, 1920. In March 1933, Shin Hong-Gyun, as a military surgeon, led his men to the Korean Independence Army to fight a battle. Once he became a member of the Korean Independence Army, he, in fact, participated in few battles: Sadohaja, Dong-Kyung-Sung, Deajeonjayeong. Daejeonjayeong was a waypoint that the Japanese military needed to pass through in order to reach the Wangcheong area. Shin Hong-Gyun's independence forces had to endure painful starvation and heavy rain while hiding in ambush for long periods of time until the Japanese military would appear. Due to its summer rainy season, rainwater overflowed into their trenches and was filled up to the waist. Even worse, food stockpiles were low and the Japanese army did not appear for longer time. Shin Hong-Gyun's entire team suffered severe hunger and extreme cold. At this critical moment, Shin Hong-Gyun used his expertise as a KMD to find edible black mushrooms that grow wild in the mountains and use them to feed his men. This event led to the victory of the independence army at the battle of Daejeonjayeong. The purpose of the paper is to inform and highlight the forgotten history of Shin Hong-Gyun who was, both, a Korean Medical Doctor and a military surgeon.

• Strategy21
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• s.32
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• pp.123-159
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• 2013

The purpose of this research paper is to re-valuate the factors that affected the Royal Navy's rearmament and preparation for war by conducting analysis on the discussion held in the Britain on the strategic priorities and Navy's coping measures adopted during the interwar period. After the end of the WWI, each of the military arms of the Britain faced significant difficulty in securing budget and increasing their military power all throughout the interwar period, and the Navy was not an exception. The WWII that got started on September 1939 was the turning point in which this difficulty led to full-fledged crisis. Immensely many criticisms followed after the war and problems were identified when it comes to the Royal Navy's performance during the war. This type of effort to identify problem led to the attempt to analyze whether Royal Navy's preparation for war and rearmament policy during interwar period were adequate, and to identify the root causes of failure. Existing studies sought to find the root cause of failed rearmament from external factors such as the deterioration of the Britain itself or pressure from the Treasury Department to cut the budget for national defense, or sought to detect problems from the development of wrong strategies by the Navy. However, Royal Navy's failed preparation for the war during interwar period is not the result of one or two separate factors. Instead, it resulted due to the diverse factors and situations that the Britain was facing at the time, and due to intricate and complex interaction of these factors. Meanwhile, this research paper focused on the context characterized by 'strategic selection and setting up of priorities' among the various factors to conduct analysis on the Navy's rearmament by linking it with the discussion held at the time on setting up strategic priorities, and sought to demonstrate that the Navy Department's inadequate counter-measures developed during this process waned Royal Navy's position. After the end of WWI, each of the military arms continued to compete for the limited resources and budget all throughout the interwar period, and this type of competition amidst the situation in which the economic situation of Britain was still unstable, made prioritization when it comes to the allocation of resources and setting up of the priorities when it comes to the military power build-up, inevitable. Amidst this situation, the RAF was able to secure resources first and foremost, encouraged by the conviction of some politicians who were affected by the 'theory of aerial threat' and who believed that curtailing potential attack with the Air Force would be means to secure national security at comparatively lower cost. In response, Navy successfully defended the need for the existence of Navy despite the advancement of the aerial power, by emphasizing that the Britain's livelihood depends on trade and on the maintenance of maritime traffic. Despite this counter-measuring logic, however, Navy's role was still limited to the defense of overseas territory and to the fleet run-off instead of sea traffic route production when it comes to the specific power build-up plan, and did not understand the situation in which financial and economic factors gained greater importance when it comes to the setting up of strategic priorities. As a result, Navy's plan to build its powers was met with continual resistance of the Treasury Department, and lost the opportunity to re-gain the status of 'senior service' that it had enjoyed in the past during the competition for strategic prioritization. Given that the strategic and economic situation that Korea faces today is not very different from that of the Britain during the interwar period, our Navy too should leverage the lessons learned from the Royal Navy to make the effort to secure viable position when it comes to the setting of priorities in case of national defense strategy by presenting the basis on why maritime coping should be prioritized among the numerous other threats, and by developing the measures for securing the powers needed effectively amidst the limited resources.

• Cartoon and Animation Studies
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• s.43
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• pp.321-342
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• 2016

The "uncanny valley" curve describes the measured results of the negative emotion response which depends on the similarity between the artificially created character and the real human shape. The "uncanny valley" effect that usually appears in the animation character design induces negative response such as fear and hatred feeling, and anxiety, which is not expected by designers. Especially, in the case of the commercial animation which mostly reply on public response, this kind of negative response is directly related to the failure of artificially created character. Accordingly, designers adjust the desirability of the character design by avoiding or utilizing the "uncanny valley" effect, inducing certain character effect that leads to the success in animation work. This manuscript confirmed the "uncanny valley" coefficient of the positive emotion character design which was based on the actual character design and animation analysis. The "uncanny valley" concept was firstly introduced by a medical scientist Ernst Jentsch in 1906. After then, a psychologist Freud applied this concept to psychological phenomenon in 1919 and a Japanese robert expert Professor Masahiro Mori presented the "uncanny valley" theory on the view of the recognition effect. This paper interpreted the "uncanny valley" effect based on these research theory outcomes in two aspects including sensation production and emotion expression. The mickey-mouse character design analysis confirmed the existence basis of the "uncanny valley" effect, which presented how mickey-mouse human shape image imposed the "uncanny valley" effect on audience. The animation work analysis investigated the reason why the produced 3D animation character should not be 100% similar to the real human by comparing the animation baby character produced by Pix company as the experimental subject to the data of the real baby with the same age. Therefore, the examples of avoiding or utilizing the "uncanny valley" effect in animation character design was discussed in detail and the four stages of sensation production and emotional change of audience due to this kind of effect was figured out. This research result can be used as an important reference in deciding the desirability of the animation character.

• Journal of Animal Environmental Science
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• v.13 no.1
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• pp.21-28
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• 2007

This experiment was conducted to determine the effect of feed intake and water consumption on milk yield and manure production in milking cows. The average feed intake(dry matter) of milking cows were 19.5kg/hd/d. Spring(23.9kg) and fall(22.1kg) feed intake rates when higher than in the summer(17.0kg) and winter(15.3kg/hd/d). The average water consumption of milking cows were $77.2\ell/hd/d$. Summer showed the highest value$(85.5\ell/hd/d)$ and winter showed the lowest value$(62.2\ell/hd/d)$. The average milk yield during spring, summer, fall, and winter was 30.8, 24.0, 25.4, and 23.7kg/hd/d, respectively. Milk yield during spring was found to be statiscally greater than for the other seasons. Manure production of milking cows during spring, summer, fall, and winter was 64.4, 63.5, 60.4, and 51.0kg/hd/d, respectively. Consequently, a relatively high correlation between milk yield and water consumption$(R^2=0.7742)$, milk yield and feed intake$(R^2=0.7459)$, water, consumption and urine production$(R^2=0.7422)$, feed intake and feces production$(R^2=0.6044)$, and milk yield and feces production$(R^2=0.6920)$ were observed in milking cows. The other hand, correlation between water consumption and feces production$(R^2=0.2950)$, feed intake and urine production $(R^2=0.1985)$, and milk yield and urine production$(R^2=0.2335)$ were found to be relatively low. Therefore, correlation equation between milk yield and feed intake, milk yield and water consumption can be estimated from : $Y=0.1919X_1+11.181(R^2=0.7742),\;Y=0.8568X_2+9.3067(R^2=0.7459)$(Y=milk yield $X_1=water$ consumption, $X_2=feed$ intake).

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.2
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• pp.156-179
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• 2020

The Preservation Decree (1933) is the basic law relevant to the conservation of cultural property of colonial Chosun, and invoked clauses from the Old History Preservation Act (1897), the Historic Scenic Sites Natural Monument Preservation Act (1919), and the National Treasure Preservation Act (1929), which were all forms of Japanese Modern Cultural Heritage Law, and actually used the corresponding legal text of those laws. Thus, the fact that the Preservation Decree transplanted or imitated the Japanese Modern Cultural Heritage Law in the composition of the constitution can be proved to some extent. The main features and characteristics of the Preservation Decree are summarized below. First, in terms of preservation of cultural property, the Preservation Decree strengthened and expanded preservation beyond the existing conservation rules. In the conservation rules, the categories of cultural properties were limited to historic sites and relics, while the Preservation Decree classifies cultural properties into four categories: treasures, historic sites, scenic spots, and natural monuments. In addition, the Preservation Decree is considered to have advanced cultural property preservation law by establishing the standard for conserving cultural property, expanding the scope of cultural property, introducing explicit provisions on the restriction of ownership and the designation system for cultural property, and defining the basis for supporting the natural treasury. Second, the Preservation Decree admittedly had limitations as a colonial cultural property law. Article 1 of the Preservation Decree sets the standard of "Historic Enhancement or Example of Art" as a criteria for designating treasures. With the perspective of Japanese imperialism, this acted as a criterion for catering to cultural assets based on the governor's assimilation policy, revealing its limitations as a standard for preserving cultural assets. In addition, the Japanese imperialists asserted that the cultural property law served to reduce cultural property robbery, but the robbery and exporting of cultural assets by such means as grave robbery, trafficking, and exportation to Japan did not cease even after the Preservation Decree came into effect. This is because governors and officials who had to obey and protect the law become parties to looting and extraction of property, or the plunder and release of cultural property by the Japanese continued with their acknowledgement,. This indicates that cultural property legislation at that time did not function properly, as the governor allowed or condoned such exporting and plundering. In this way, the cultural property laws of the Japanese colonial period constituted discriminative colonial legislation which was selected and applied from the perspective of the Japanese government-general in the designation and preservation of cultural property, and the cultural property policy of Japan focused on the use of cultural assets as a means of realizing their assimilation policy. Therefore, this suggests that the cultural property legislation during the Japanese colonial period was used as a mechanism to solidify the cultural colonial rules of Chosun and to realize the assimilation policy of the Japanese government-general.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.31 no.4
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• pp.95-112
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• 2013

Jangchungdan Park is now perceived as a mere park at the foot of Namsan mountain, but originally it was created to commemorate soldiers of Korean Empire on a site which name was Namsoyeong(南小營) during Joseon Dynasty. During the period of Japanese colonial rule, it was transformed into a park due to the rapidly changing circumstances, so the components expressing the validity of the colonial rule were introduced into the park. This paper examines the time sequential changes of Jangchungdan Park during the period of Japanese colonial rule, and the conclusions can be summarized as given below. Firstly, the park originally was a space to commemorate the soldiers who fought for the Korean Empire. It was built on formerly restricted area at the foot of Namsan Mountain in 1900, and it was arranged putting the ceremonial shrine Dansa (壇祠) as a central building and the annexes in the surroundings of it. The memorial ceremonies were held regularly in spring and autumn until 1909. Secondly, it became a city park for citizens of Gyeongseong-bu(the name of Seoul under the Japanese colonial rule). The authorities of Gyeongseong-bu reorganized Jangchungdan as a park in 1919, prohibited the performance of memorial ceremonies, and the existing buildings except the ceremonial shrine Dansa began to be used as park management facilities. Resting areas and amenities were supplemented for the usage of people from various backgrounds, and the large scale planting of cherry trees made the park a famous place to enjoy cherry-blossoms and other flowers in spring. Thirdly, it was reconstructed as a space to honor the influential personalities of Japanese colonial system. In 1932, Bankmun temple (博文寺) to commemorate Ito Hirobumi was constructed at a location that made it possible for a number of people to overlook Jangchungdan area. During that time, the buildings of traditional Joseon architecture were removed and reconstructed to serve as annexes to Bankmun temple. Due to the strategy to make Jangchungdan park a tourist attraction, Bankmun temple was included into the Gyeongseong sightseeing course, since the wide panorama of Jangchungdan Park and the whole city of Gyeongseong was opening from the temple. Various different components were introduced into Jangchungdan Park due to the rapidly changing circumstances; therefore the nature of the park was either altered or reproduced. Hopefully, the park rearrangement works will be executed paying respects to the memories of the past hereafter.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.99
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• pp.30-49
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• 2021

Scholar Byeoksu in a Pavilion by An Jung-sik (1861-1919; sobriquet: Simjeon) was first shown to the public in the exhibition Art of the Korean Empire: The Emergence of Modern Art at the National Museum of Modern and Contemporary Art, Deoksugung. This painting bears poems and inscriptions composed by Kim Taek-yeong (1850-1927; sobriquet: Changgang) and written by Kwon Dong-su (1842-?; sobriquet: Seokun). A rare example of an actual-view landscape painting by An Jung-sik, this painting is significant in that it depicts upper-class houses in Seoul in the early twentieth century. More importantly, it demonstrates an association among intellectuals of the time. Yun Deok-yeong (1873-1940; sobriquet: Byeoksu), who asked An Jung-sik to create this painting, was an uncle of Empress Sunjeonghyo (1894-1966), the consort of Emperor Sunjong. He was one of the most prominent collaborators who promoted the Japanese colonization of Korea. When Emperor Sunjong bestowed Yun Deok-yeong with a hanging board with an inscription reading "Scholar Byeoksu in a Pavilion," Yun requested the production of this painting to mark the event. Kim Taek-yeong, a master of Chinese literature during the late Korean Empire period, sought asylum in Nantong, Jiangsu Province in China with his family a month before the Protectorate Treaty was signed between Korea and Japan in 1905. In 1909, he returned to Korea. His decision to return was greatly influenced by Yun Deok-yeong and Yi Jae-wan (1855-1922). Upon his return, Kim Taek-yeong intended to gather materials for publishing a history book. Also, Kim continuously met his old acquaintances, made new friends, and socialized with them. He built relationships with people from various backgrounds, including those living in regions like Gurye, and even in other countries like Japan. This indicates that intellectuals of the time were still forming networks through poems and prose regardless of their political inclination, social rank, or nationality. Scholar Byeoksu in a Pavilion is of great value in that it shows an aspect of the intellectual exchanges among the learned people of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.39 no.4
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• pp.85-98
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• 2021

In accordance with planning to construct culture park on Songhyeon-dong (district) near Gyeongbokgung Palace, This study analyzed literature and drawings from the early Joseon Dynasty to today for the district, known as 'Songhyeon (pine hill)' to identify historical and cultural landscapes during essential times. The following are the results; First, the owners of significant lots were identified, and land use and landscape components were extracted for a diachronic examination of the landscape of the whole area of Songhyeon-dong. Songhyeon district had been regarded as the 'Inner Blue Dragon (Spot) of Gyeongbokgung Palace' in terms of geomancy since the foundation of Joseon in 1392 in that the government created and managed a 'pine forest' in the district. A state warehouse called 'bungam' was constructed, and small fruit stores, 'ujeon,' opened due to the complete reformation and urban planning led by King Taejong in 1410. From the 19th century, mansions of the upper class, such as 'Gaseonggak', 'Changnyeongwuigung' and 'Byeoksugeosajeong' were in the district. A prominent official residential complex called 'Sigeun Sataek' was constructed in 1919 after Chosen Siksan Bank purchased the site. Later, it was transferred to America in 1948 and used as the 'US Embassy Staff Quarters'. Second, the changes in the site view, associated with the aspects of society by the times, were examined by estimating the location and the time the landscape components lasted in each period extracted and identifying the physical entity. The pine forest, regarded as the 'Inner Blue Dragon' that guards the left side of the palace within the geomantic world view, was located in the highlands in the west of the site. In the same period, the flat area in the east was regarded as the 'commoner's district', the streets adjacent to various government facilities and the market, packed with people from different walks of life. From the 19th century, the gardens of the aristocrats of the capital city were created in the pine forest, turning the place into the forest in the middle of the city. The whole area of Songhyeon-dong, which existed as a large lot in the city center for a long time, was developed by Japanese imperialists in the 20th century based on the concept of 'Ideal Healthy Land,' which interrupted the placeness of Songhyeon-dong that had adhered to the traditional geomatic view of the Joseon Dynasty.

• Journal of Ginseng Culture
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• v.5
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• pp.32-51
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• 2023

Because red ginseng was exported in large quantities to the Qing Dynasty in the 19th century, a large-scale ginseng cultivation complex was established in Kaesong. Sibyunje (時邊制), a privately led loan system unique to merchants in Kaesong, made it possible for them to raise the enormous capital required for ginseng cultivation. The imperial family of the Korean Empire promulgated the Posamgyuchik (包蔘規則) in 1895, and this signaled the start of the red ginseng monopoly system. In 1899, when the invasion of ginseng farms by the Japanese became severe, the imperial soldiers were sent to guard the ginseng farms to prevent the theft of ginseng by the Japanese. Furthermore, the stateled compensation mission, Baesanggeum Seongyojedo (賠償金 先交制度), provided 50%-90% of the payment for raw ginseng, which was paid in advance of harvest. In 1895, rising seed prices prompted some merchants to import and sell poor quality seeds from China and Japan. The red ginseng trade order was therefore promulgated in 1920 to prohibit the import of foreign seeds without the government's permission. In 1906-1910, namely, the early period of Japanese colonial rule, ginseng cultivation was halted, and the volume of fresh ginseng stocked as a raw material for red ginseng in 1910 was only 2,771 geun (斤). However, it increased significantly to 10,000 geun between 1915 and 1919 and to 150,000 geun between 1920 and 1934. These increases in the production of fresh ginseng as a raw material for red ginseng were the result of various policies implemented in 1908 with the aim of fostering the ginseng industry, such as prior disclosure of the compensation price for fresh ginseng, loans for cultivation expenditure in new areas, and the payment of incentives to excellent cultivators. Nevertheless, the ultimate goal of Japanese imperialism at the time was not to foster the growth of Korean ginseng farming, but to finance the maintenance of its colonial management using profits from the red ginseng business.