• Korean Journal of Agricultural and Forest Meteorology
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• v.17 no.3
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• pp.227-235
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• 2015

Using eddy covariance method, net ecosystem exchange (NEE) of $CO_2$ ($F_{CO_2}$), $H_2O$ (LE), and sensible heat (H) can be approximated as the sum of eddy flux ($F_c$) and storage flux term ($F_s$). Depending on strength and distribution of sink/source of scalars and magnitude of vertical turbulence mixing, the rates of changes in scalars are different with height. In order to calculate $F_s$ accurately, the differences should be considered using scalar profile measurement. However, most of flux sites for agricultural lands in Asia do not operate profile system and estimate $F_s$ using single-level scalars from eddy covariance system under the assumption that the rates of changes in scalars are constant regardless of the height. In this study, we measured $F_c$ and $F_s$ of $CO_2$, $H_2O$, and air temperature ($T_a$) using eddy covariance and profile system (i.e., the multi-level measurement system in scalars from eddy covariance measurement height to the land surface) at the Chengmicheon farmland site in Korea (CFK) in order to quantify the differences between $F_s$ calculated by single-level measurements ($F_s_{-single}$ i.e., $F_s$ from scalars measured by profile system only at eddy covariance system measurement height) and $F_s$ calculated by profile measurements and verify the errors of NEE caused by $F_s_{-single}$. The rate of change in $CO_2$, $H_2O$, and Ta were varied with height depending on the magnitudes and distribution of sink and source and the stability in the atmospheric boundary layer. Thus, $F_s_{-single}$ underestimated or overestimated $F_s$ (especially 21% underestimation in $F_s$ of $CO_2$ around sunrise and sunset (0430-0800 h and 1630-2000 h)). For $F_{CO_2}$, the errors in $F_s_{-single}$ generated 3% and 2% underestimation of $F_{CO_2}$ during nighttime (2030-0400 h) and around sunrise and sunset, respectively. In the process of nighttime correction and partitioning of $F_{CO_2}$, these differences would cause an underestimation in carbon balance at the rice paddy. In contrast, there were little differences at the errors in LE and H caused by the error in $F_s_{-single}$, irrespective of time.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.37 no.3
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• pp.22-36
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• 2019

This research identified landscape characteristics of Chilitan(칠리탄) area, which had been managed by Son Giyang(1559~1617, p. Ohhan), in order to understand the political viewpoint and ideal landscapes, sought after by Confucian scholars in the 16~17th century. As the research method for the interpretation of each scene's spatial strucutres and meanings, paintings and poems in Chiltanjungsipyukgyeongdo(the Paintings of the 16 Scenes of Chiltanjung Area) were analyzed, which were followed by the on-site survey. Son lived hermit life with the nature after he decided to retire into the country for the chaotic political environment in the 4^th year of Gwanghaegun's reign. Admiring Eum Jareung(B.C. 39-41, p. Eumgwang)'s hermit life, he named a headstream to Chilitan, erected pavilion and made place for angling by the stream, as Eum did in the hermitage. However he worried the king and royal politics in spite of his hermit life, which showed his political viewpoint of Confucianism. In addition, every column of buildings in the garden was named in order to imply both thoughts of Neo-Confucianism and Idleness Naturalism, which highlight a moral training and being comfortable amid poverty and taking pleasure in and honest life style. The present landscape of wonlim could be back to 1936, where Unganru, Byeokripjae and Chiltanjung are surrounding Eupcheondang. Chines character, such as Jimamsuseok, Giam, Ohhansonsunseongjanggujiso and Jogi, are inscribed on the rocks in the landscape garden, from which placeness could be inferred. According to the record of the construction, pine, fir, paulownia, ginkgo, peach trees, bamboo and lotus were planted, and ginkgo, bamboo, crape myrtle, pine and chestnut tress are still living in the garden, which mean plants had been planted in the light of their practical values as well as symbolic meanings. The method for describing 16 scenes of Chiltanjung could be characterized to the structure of 「Place+Scene(a particural activity, event, or action), and these placeness could be analyzed by categorizing the scene to near, middle and far views. Each scene symbolically presents a hermit, noble man, Taoist ideology, homeland, or peacetime, which were adpoted to depict landscapes of Chiltanjung area as the Confucian utopia.

• Investigative Magnetic Resonance Imaging
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• v.7 no.2
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• pp.132-136
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• 2003

Purpose : To evaluate the usefulness of breath-hold T2-weighted MR imaging in patients with myocardial infarction. Materials and Methods : We investigated 11 patients with myocardial infarction who shown delayed enhancement on MR imaging. Infarcted myocardium on T2-weighted MR imaging was classified as high, iso, and low signal area comparing with normal myocardium. The intensity and transmural extent of infracted myocardium was also analyzed. On the basis of clinical information, the stage of infracted myocardium on T2-weighted MR imaging was assessed. Results : It was observed high signal area in 12 segments of 5 patients, low in 12 segments of 6 patients on T2-weighted MR imaging. The high signal intensity of infarcted myocardium was shown as $175{\pm}9\%$ comparing with that of the normal myocardium, low signal intensity as $73{\pm}5\%\;(p\;<\;0.05)$. In the evaluation of transmural extent, the high signal areas on T2-weighted MR imaging were larger than infarct area on delayed enhancement imaging $(100\%\;vs.49\%{\pm}17\%)$, whereas low signal areas on T2-weighted MR imaging correlated. High signal area was visualized on T2-weighted MR imaging within 11 days, whereas low-signal area was seen after 7 months. Conclusion : Breath-hold T2-weighted MR imaging is useful in the evaluation of stage as well as edema and fibrous scar in patients with myocardial infarction.

• Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
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• v.50 no.1
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• pp.29-41
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• 2001

Background : The appearance of multiple-drug-resistant Mycobacterium tuberculosis strains has been seriously compromising successful control of tuberculosis. Rifampin-resistance, caused by mutations in the rpoB gene, can be indicative of multiple-drug-resistance, and its detection is of great importance. The present study aimed to develop an oligonucleotide chip for accurate and convenient screening of drug-resistance. Methods : In order to detect point mutations in the rpoB gene, an oligonucleotide chip was prepared by immobilizing specific probe DNA to a microscopic slide glass by a chemical reaction. The probe DNA that was selected from the 81 bp core region of the rpoB gene was designed to have mutation sites at the center. A total of 17 mutant probes related to rifampin-resistance including 8 rifabutin-sensitive mutant probes were used in this study. For accurate determination, wild type probes were prepared for each mutation position with an equal length, which enabled a direct comparison of the hybridization intensities between the mutant and wild type. Results : Mycobacterial genomic DNA from clinical samples was tested with the oligonucleotide chip and the results were compared with those of the drug-susceptibility test in addition to sequencing and INNO-LiPA Rif. TB kit test in some cases. Out of 15 samples, the oligonucleotide chip results of 13 samples showed good agreement with the rifabutin-sensitivity results. The two samples with conflicting result also showed a discrepancy between the other tests, suggesting such possibilities as existence of mixed strains and difference in drug-sensitivity. Further verification of these samples in addition to more case studies are required before the final evaluation of the oligonucleotide chip can be made. Conlcusion : An oligonucleotide chip was developed for the detection of rpoB gene mutations related to drugsusceptibility. The results to date show the potential for using the oligonucleotide chip for accurate and convenient screening of drug-resistance to provide useful information in antituberculosis drug therapy.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.36 no.3
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• pp.37-47
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• 2018

This study was attempted to understand present status and characteristics of landscape components of the domestic Korean Gugokwonlim created by the classical scholars in the Joseon Dynasty. The results are as follows. First, Distribution of Gukokwonlim in Korea shows that 55(51.4%) are located in Daegu and Gyeongsangbuk-do, and 22(20.56%) are located in Chungcheongbuk-do. Concentrated locations of Gugok are on the part of Baekdudaegan, from Sobaeksan mountain to Sokrisan mountain via Wolaksan mountain, and the Nakdong River basin of the Nakdong vein in the right bank. This consideration seems to be closely related to the academy of Yeongnam Confucianism and the their trend of Wonrim enjoyment. Second, according to the result of examining the distribution of Gugok according to the basic local government authority, The biggest number of the Gugok places(10 places, 9.35%) are located in Andong, which is called 'the capital of Korean spiritual culture.' Additionally in order, 9 places(9.45%) is located in Goesan, 8 places(7.48%) in Mungyung, 6 places(5.61%) in Bonghwa, and 5 places(4.67%) in Yeongju. Third, in order to the creating time of Gugokwonlim, 33 (33.0%) were created in $18^{th}$ century, and other 33 (33.0%) were created in $19^{th}$ century. In addition, 14 were created during $20^{th}$ century, while 13 were created in $17^{th}$ century. And 4 were created in $16^{th}$ century. Respectively. great number of $18^{th}$ and $19^{th}$ centuries shows that many(66.0%) Gugokwonrim were created between late 18th to 19th centuries. Fourth, There were 97(90.65%) of 'Gugok' in the form of collecting type, and a total number of bottom-up style Gugok were 99(92.5%) while top-down style Gugok were 8(7.5%). Fifth, Among the contents of Gugok, 67 were found in pome of Gugok(64.49%), 29 caved letters in rock(27.10%), and 16 in painting of Gugok(14.95%). Sixth, The most emerged landscape components of Gugok was Dae(臺) 124(13.05%), followed by Am(巖) 115[11.2%, including of Am(岩)] 115(11.2%), and Dam(潭) 73(7.68%), Jeong(亭) 48(5.05%), Dong(洞) 39(4.10%), San(山) 36(3.78%), Am(岩, rocks) 31(3.26 %), Bong(峯, peaks) 27(2.84%), Yeon(淵) 23(2.42%) and Chun(川) and Tan(灘) 22(2.31%). Mostly, common landscape components of Gugok are entrusted natural things. It is expected that more studies about the analysis of characteristics of Gugok's positioning types considering total distance and a gradient are required to understand more clearly characteristics and location distribution of true Gugok and its landscape components.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.28 no.2
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• pp.23-36
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• 2010

The purpose of this study is to infer the aspects and significance of Musa basjoo of latter part of Chosun Dynasty by analyzing the planting tendency and planting location of Musa basjoos drawn in total 77 old paintings and the characteristics of the paintings where Musa basjoos appeared, while trying to understand symbolic meanings of floral languages as well as the images and significance of Musa basjoos which appeared in the prose and poetry of Chosun Dynasty, and the results are as follows; With its floral languages of 'waiting', 'parting' and 'beauty', Musa basjoo represented the wealth and resuscitation and it aroused the elegance of hermits in its Taoistic sense. And it also represented 'the unworldliness to get out of transient human affairs' in its Buddhistic sense. Musa basjoos which appeared in 'Garden Custom Painting(庭園雅集圖)', 'Gosa Figure Painting(故事人物圖)' and 'Gyehoe Painting(契會圖)' is considered a device to increase the unworldly atmosphere of gardens and to dignify the elegant meetings of scholars, reflected by the high appearance frequencies of cranes and deer. And it seems that the meaning of Musa basjoo in certain paintings like 'Life-time Paintings(平生圖)', 'Castle City Painting(盛市圖), and 'Cultivating and Weaving Painting(耕織圖)' is an aspiration for wealth and prosperity, and the Musa basjoos planted in temples are considered to have symbolic meanings of aspiration for 'Salvation through Belief' as well as a unworldly meaning which reminds the transiency of human affairs. In addition, the expected effect of experiencing 'the sound of rain falling on the leaves of Musa basjoo' has been pursued, which can be confirmed by the fact that Firmiana simlex with wide leaves similar to Musa basjoo can be frequently spotted near the houses. Meanwhile, Musa basjoos seem to have been planted mainly in front garden or side garden around detached house and Musa basjoos inside the houses seem to have been planted mainly in right side when viewed from the entrance, in relation with the location of bedrooms where it is easier to hear the sounds from the right side of the environment. And the paintings where Musa basjoos appear with strange rocks and bizarre stones among other things have greater part of all the paintings, which is considered a kind of intentional landscaping and a product of mixed materials for elegant appreciation. And the major characters of the painting were involved in the activities of scholars such as arts, and the activities of minor characters were greatly related to their everyday lives. Musa basjoo of Chosun Dynasty in $17^{th}$ and $18^{th}$ century was one of the symbols necessary for description of gardens. And it provided the images of rainy scenes together with scholar culture which had a meaning of self-discipline, and it is assumed that the planting of Musa basjoo with the spirit of cease lessen deavor of a new leaf pushing up the tree and the spirit of resuscitation had the same trace of wheels in the city space of our country as the decline of scholar culture of Chosun Dynasty.

• Korean Journal of Soil Science and Fertilizer
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• v.43 no.6
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• pp.789-792
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• 2010

Major impacts of climate change expert that soil erosion rate may increase during the $21^{st}$ century. This study was conducted to assess the potential impacts of climate change on soil erosion by water in Korea. The soil loss was estimated for regions with the potential risk of soil erosion on a national scale. For computation, Universal Soil Loss Equation (USLE) with rainfall and runoff erosivity factors (R), cover management factors (C), support practice factors (P) and revised USLE with soil erodibility factors (K) and topographic factors (LS) were used. RUSLE, the revised version of USLE, was modified for Korean conditions and re-evaluate to estimate the national-scale of soil loss based on the digital soil maps for Korea. The change of precipitation for 2010 to 2090s were predicted under A1B scenarios made by National Institute of Meteorological Research in Korea. Future soil loss was predicted based on a change of R factor. As results, the predicted precipitations were increased by 6.7% for 2010 to 2030s, 9.5% for 2040 to 2060s and 190% for 2070 to 2090s, respectively. The total soil loss from uplands in 2005 was estimated approximately $28{\times}10^6$ ton. Total soil losses were estimated as $31{\times}10^6$ ton in 2010 to 2030s, $31{\times}10^6$ ton in 2040 to 2060s and $33{\times}10^6$ ton in 2070 to 2090s, respectively. As precipitation increased by 17% in the end of $21^{st}$ century, the total soil loss was increased by 12.9%. Overall, these results emphasize the significance of precipitation. However, it should be noted that when precipitation becomes insignificant, the results may turn out to be complex due to the large interaction among plant biomass, runoff and erosion. This may cause increase or decrease the overall erosion.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.47 no.4
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• pp.74-91
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• 2014

The stone statues in the site of Mireuksaji Temple(Iksan, South Korea) were created after the stone pagoda was built in 639. They, transitional statues between animal sculptures and human shaped statues made from the late Goryeo dynasty until the early Joseon dynasty, were set up at the four corners of the stone pagoda by way of guardians. In the case of three statues, their surfaces were denudated and their iconographies have been indiscernible. However, the one in the southwest clearly shows its iconography. It is inferior in properties to the other three statues in the northwest, the northeast and the southeast respectively, but on the other hand its iconography has been well maintained. The reason is related to exposure to harmful environments; specifically, the retaining wall, built around the stone pagoda in the 17th century, had the southwest statue inside and could naturally worked as a buffer against harmful environments. As a result, for about 400 years there has been difference in weathering conditions between the three stone statues and the southwest statue, which brought denudation, the consequent indiscernibleness of iconography and biological invasion to the three statues, notwithstanding superior properties(northwest statue:$176kgf/cm^2$, northeast statue:$109kgf/cm^2$, southeast statue:$273kgf/cm^2$). In contrast, the southwest statue significantly shows its iconography with black contaminants and granule decomposition, despite inferior properties($133kgf/cm^2$). Defenseless exposure to external environment is not recommended for the stone statues, because it is hard to preserve the extant iconography. Herein lies the application of the data on microclimate around Mireuksaji Temple. As regards the weathering zone in which the stone statues are located, Conservation increases in acidity and frequency as years go by, Hereat, in the approach to the Conservation of stone statues, the first consideration needs to be morphological historicity rather than geographical location.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.48 no.2
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• pp.64-81
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• 2015

The Treasure No.165 of Ojukhen is a separate house(別堂) which was still remained as a gentry house in the earliest day. The formative aspects have the important meaning as the history of Korean architecture. Specially the place is famous for Shin, Saim-dang(申師任堂) gave birth to Yulgok(栗谷) Yi, I(李珥). The house was built by one's family of Gangneung Choi clan(江陵崔氏) but Son-in-law inherited the house because there was the practice of inheritance by equal distribution and the mother of Shin, Saim-dang, Yongin Lee clan(龍仁李氏) inherited Gwon, Cheo-kyun(權處均) who was her hrandson under the condition of looking after the tomb. The reason why house name was Ojukhen is that Gwon, Cheo-kyun's another name is Ojukhen. Ojukhen is cultural properties which showed the change of practicing inheritance and ancestral rites. Ojukhen has the special relationship of one's grandson and did not have such of immediate family. This is because there were customs husband had to go to married woman's house and live there during short time. Yongin Lee clan and Shin, Saimdang has lived in the Ojukhen. Yongin Lee clan lived there after marrying. Shin Saimdang also spent a time of living her house after marrying and his son(Yi, I) was born in the place. Yi, I spent their time under Yongin Lee clan and one's mother's parents. Therefore he had a good relationship with his maternal grandmother. This is why his maternal grandmother became a descendant offering sacrifice to his ancestors. The reason why Gwon, Chen-kyun looked after the tomb of Yongin Lee clan was also Gwon, Hwa(權和) became sonin-law who lives with his wife's family. Ojukhen is the showcase of finding the marriage and living manage in the early Joseon Dynasty. The most village of Buk-Pyeong(北坪村) in the Gangneung called by Yi, I's one's mother's parents' home. Since after, the place was changed as the clan village immediate family of Andong Kwang clan(安東權氏) of Gwon, Cheokyun of Chumilgong family(樞密公派). After 17C, there were social historic changings focused on relative group. Ojukhen was the start of changing the clan village. Ojukhen is cultural properties which showed inheritance, relative, marriage in the turning point of Joseon Dynasty.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.47 no.1
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• pp.164-179
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• 2014

The Buddhas of the Three Words in a form of arranging Bhaiṣajyaguru and $Amit{\bar{a}}bha$ at its side based on ${\acute{S}}{\bar{a}}kyamuni$ at the center is enshrined in Daeungbojeon Hall of Daeheungsa Temple located at Haenam. So far, this Buddhas of the Three Words has been known as a wooden Buddha statue. However, as a result of X-ray screening, in left/right Buddha statues excepting main Buddha, wood and molding clay layer were observed at the same time. Therefore, this study intended to observe its internal structure, grafting method and to clarify making technique of Buddha statue during Joseon era based on image information being obtained through X-ray screening of The Buddhas of the Three Words of Daeheungsa Temple. As its result, it was revealed that form of ${\acute{S}}{\bar{a}}kyamuni$ was completed by mainly grafting 5 pieces of timber and this statue shows a typical wood grafted Buddha statue during Joseon era. Form of Bhaiṣajyaguru and $Amit{\bar{a}}bha$ were completed based on molding technique by applying clay on sculpture similar to its appearance after sculpturing more than 10 pieces of timber through its grafting. In other words, internal timber is considered to play a role of its core and grafting method of timber is more close to a technique of molding Buddha statue than to that of wooden Buddha statue during Joseon era. However, clay was directly applied on timber thinly, not applying clay thickly on it after winding straw rope on wooden core and its characteristic is that its facial area was completely composed of wooden construction only. Therefore, it is hard to rule out a possibility that the original sculpturing intention of an artist might be a wooden Buddha statue but in view of the fact that a word, 'molding' was used in a record of relics buried in statue, it could be seen that this Buddha statue might have been recognized as a molding statue at the time when creation of this statue was completed. It is considered that number of case of making statue based on this technique would be more increased when more results of X-ray screening should be accumulated and if more data should be collected, it would provide a significant evidence for identifying chronological, regional aspects of making technique of Buddha statue.