• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.65 no.7
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• pp.32-46
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• 2015

Treasures patterns are simplified designs of vessels used in everyday life, which were symbols of luck. Treasures patterns on textiles are largely assorted into four groups: eight auspicious patterns of Buddhism, eight immortal patterns of Taoism, seven treasures patterns of King Chakravarti in the Buddhist Scriptures and normal treasures patterns. Among them normal treasures patterns are most commonly used. Records in the Joseon documents show these patterns as being composed of seven treasures patterns or eight treasures patterns. But observation of the actual relics show that these patterns ranged from four to ten patterns. Korean traditional textiles treasures patterns began to appear in Korea on the relics of the last of Goryeo period. They were used as sub-patterns among main patterns of dynamically rising cloud patterns with five heads. Treasures patterns in the early Joseon period were commonly used as sub-patterns, and cloud and treasures pattern were prime examples of this. In the 16th century, lotus vine pattern, small flower vine pattern, or small flower pattern were often used as main patterns and treasures patterns were regularly used as sub-patterns. The robe of the Great Monk of Seo San was unique, in that both main and sub patterns consisted of the treasures patterns. From the 17th century, treasures patterns began to be used as main patterns. For example, a relic with eight alternatively arranged treasures patterns were found. Though there were still some cases where the patterns were used as sub-patterns, they begin to appear bigger than the previous period and became similar to main patterns in size. In the 18th and 19th centuries, there were various cases where treasures patterns were combined with flowers, fruits, animals, and letter patterns and used as main patterns. And there are many different methods of representing and developing the patterns.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.1
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• pp.190-217
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• 2012

This research has studied the building awareness of Nu-Jeong that a view of nature and aesthetic consciousness to unite the nature are inherent by considering Nu-Jeong of scholars who left fame and wealth behind and retired to hermitage in the backwoods in the 16~18 Century. This is to clarify correlation with leaving nature as it is, namely, an ideal state that scholars at the time would enjoy, through landscape awareness accepted into Nu-Jeong literature. In addition, this research has tracked the ideologic flow that acts on space formation by clarifying Korean unique meanings inherent to Nu-Jeong's cultural landscape. As a suggestion for this, the interpretation through 'Pungsu location Nu-Jeong name's analysis Nu-Jeong literature analysis', etc. was tried, so its integrated conclusion is as follows. It is not a chance that scholars of Joseon have left numerous literature works singing the nature. They already had huge interest and knowledge on the nature, and achieved active poetic exchange by sublimating the praise of nature as literature. Nu-Jeong, which was a place of exchange like this, had cleanliness of the nature and ideological purity as an oppositional space on turbid political realities. The Nu-Jeong literature drew the nature into a literature space as it is, without doing abstraction or ideation on the nature. The owner of Nu-Jeong exclusively possessed such natural landscape in grim and independent postures, so it provided a clue of Nu-Jeong cultural landscape that this research aimed to discuss. Scholars who aimed to raise wide and large vigor filled in between the sky and earth got to convince that people are born from the nature, grow in the nature and finally return to the nature. What people are born from the nature and finally return to the nature is just consistent with Taoistic and Zhua-ngzi thoughts denying human work, and leaving nature as it is or nature itself remained intact which is an ideal state. The construction at the time is a vessel containing the spirit of the times of the era. This thesis has proved that the Nu-Jeong culture of scholars located on the central line of Korean landscape was the flower of Joseon's scholar culture by interpreting it semantically.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.1 no.1 s.1
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• pp.68-87
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• 1992

This study is the conditions of location according to formed the times in the clan village. The results of this study are as follows ; 1. in the 15th century, the characterestics of the village established residencial place where mountain stream flowed surrounded by the mountain and deep in the mountains with superior quality land. That's because Sa-dae-bu put equal importance on beautiful scenery and practical benefit for living. Stream House provided economical foundation for Sa-dae-bu to be able to keep confucial manners by putting limit their economic status to small medium sized land owner. Topographical condition such as valley or hollow separated from the exterior maintained unification of consanguineous village in self sufficient farming society and held on to independent territory against external to be able to stay away from turbulent days so that they formed residential area of Sa-dae-bu clan. And the valley where flowed clean water was considered as the connection of continuous place where distinctiveness of form in each curve and and factor of calm and dynamic scenery of the clean stream. Scholars in the middle of Chosun Dynasty located in the utopia as place for confucious retirement to study, a place for refinement by combination with the nature or as a way of spacial practice based on Confucious view of nature. 2. in the 16th-l7th century, Most of existing consanguineous villages adopt deep in the mountains for refuge. at that place, upward rank was established by settlement of the ancestor who entered in the village first, the principal was placed in the center of the village and since descendants became numerous, it was serialized as the space of descendants. So, it was arranged in the order of social rank. Most of the villages showed development step by step started from precaution by apperance of the mountain to the lower part. It's because the topography of valley around the village worked as the natural hedge against external force and genealogy of the clan, regularity of social status, order of entrance into the village were reflected into residencial destribution. Also, order of the rank coincided with the one of aspects on geomancy. Genealogical rank within the village represented spacial rank. Houses of descendants and branch families were placed lower than the principal which showed worship to the principal. 3. In 18th century after, as the village was settled nearby cultivated land considering economical loss caused by long distance between residencial area and cultivated land, direction of sect followed by development of village expanded from the front part of the village to the rear part. The principal that was poped out to the front presented frontage over exterior. Therefore, residencial area of branch families expanded to the rear starting from the principal. This represented a slice of social structure at that time. after 18th century, spirit was percieved superior over material, After then, development of cultivation and expantion of land created difference of economic strength within one village. In order to maintain and show off the status of Yang-ban, economic power of indigenous land owner became fundamental, so, sense to worship and to keep the principal became weak eventually. Taking advantage of that situation, residencial area of branch family expanded to the rear part of the principal which showed dual disposition conflicted with each other. However, these clan rules were destroyed and new rules were created after 18th century because of the situation and consciousness at that time.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.16 no.1
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• pp.16-33
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• 2010

This study carefully selected weather and plantation-related records from Sinjeung "Donggukyeojiseungram"("新增東國輿地勝覽") and "Taekliji"("擇里志") and examined their climate and vegetational significance as research ancient Korean documents. Both documents include several counts of detailed descriptions of and the interest in the natural environment and ecology shown by the residents of the region in the 14th and 15th centuries and the 18th century. Utilizing these records is believe to understand and restore the meteorological environment, regional climate characteristics, climate in mountainous regions, temperature and precipitative distribution, and vegetation of the south coastal region and the southern, central and northern regions of those times. Such prospect, this author hopes, will spark specific discussion of research methodology of ecological landscape and physical geography based on ancient Korean documents.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.59
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• pp.9-38
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• 2018

Joseon Neo-Confucianism had important disputes throughout its hundred years of history. Starting in mid-16th century, Four-Seven Dispute focused on 'Qing (情, emotion)' while Horak Dispute that emerged in early 18th century put emphasis on whether people and things have the same 'Xing (性, nature).' These two disputes lasted until late Joseon. In that process, their issues were clearly recognized and consequently, characteristics of Joseon Neo-Confucianism were well demonstrated. With Western power surging in since mid-18th century, Joseon Neo-Confucianism should develop logic to cope with the Western power. One of responding logics was Zhulilun (主理論, theory of reason) in Neo-Confucianism. Diverse discussions particularly on 'Xin (心, mind)' were expansively made. From the notion of Xin Tong Xing Qing (心統性情) that Xin converges with Xing and Qing, an argument that Xin should be seen as 'Li (理, reason)' and another that Xin is basically 'Qi (氣, force of nature)' were up against each other. The academia heated up with issues raised such as whether Xin and Mingde (明德, bright virtue) are the same notion and whether Mingde should be seen as 'Li' or 'Qi', etc. Defining morality dispute in the late Joseon along with Four-Seven Dispute and Horak Dispute as 'three major disputes in Joseon Neo-Confucianism,' this paper focuses on clarifying their status, actuality and significance. Morality dispute was not only a theoretical dispute. It has significance in the aspect of 'topicality.' It directly and indirectly affected movements against Western and Japanese power, loyal troop's activities and independence movement as well. Compared to Four-Seven Dispute and Horak Dispute, morality dispute is more complex and expansive. In addition, it requires systematic organization of data. Intercomparison of three major disputes is one of key topics to determine characteristics of Joseon Neo-Confucianism.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.63
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• pp.83-113
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• 2016

This paper is focused on objective and meaning of its compilation through reviewing system, composition, method of description, and content of "Jwagyebudam". "Jwagyebudam" has all round form of a history and character book by recording via arranging figures from the end of 16th century to the middle of 18th century in a chronological order. Figure were not only assigned at close range by steretyping people into groups to a degree in it, but also recorded in a chronological order. In view of method of description, "Jwagyebudam" concentrated a theme by recording via separating different people associated from a figure and content of the same event by using the same method like 'Hogeonbeom(互見法)' shown in "Sagiyeoljeon(史記列傳)". In addition, it obtained effect to objectify evaluation of figures included. In a method of embodying figures, it has described concretely and in a three dimensions figures by recording anecdotes and poems associated with them via focusing on lifelong characteristic aspect of corresponding figures. In other words, "Jwagyebudam" can be called by biographies or character books, writings specialized in characters center among writings of method to weave freely experience. In a broad sense, it can be called a writing to cover a function of history book, poem and picture. This was located to a starting point of variation of inclusive and descriptive method. Namely, several kinds of writings in late Joseon dynasty can show aspect to fulfill specialized aspect gradually.

• Korean Journal of Weed Science
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• v.31 no.1
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• pp.1-7
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• 2011

It was a method of weed removing, called as whagyeongsoonoobeob. Namely, the Hwanoobeob was the weeding method came from "Jeminyosool" in old China, and had been descended to "Wibinmyeongnonggi", "Nonggajibseong" and "Gwanongsocho" in the $16\sim18^{th}$ century of our country. The method was applied to rice paddy after applying direct-seeding, burning by unit before watering to remove weeds and to save rice plants. It would be applied with a method of using non-selective herbicide such as paraquat and oxyfluorfen, or radiation treatment, as a simple and safe weed removing method.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.41
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• pp.179-217
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• 2022

Concerning the differences in the tales between the Investigation of Historical Remains of Patriarch Jinmuk (hereafter, IHRPJ), as well as those which appear in Jeungsanist Thought and Daesoon Thought, previous studies view such differences as Jeungsan's intentional modification of the original intent of the narratives or as indicating differences in beliefs and values. This style of interpretation seeks to reconcile both Korean Buddhism and Jeungsanist and Daesoon Thought based on the premise that the former and the latter two exhibit differences in values. This study accepts the above view of the differences in description according to values. However, the differences between the tales of Jinmuk that appears in IHRPJ versus those in The Canonical Scripture can be approached from a new perspective, i.e., the differences that exist between literary and oral traditions; rather than only stemming from potential differences in the world views espoused by Buddhism and Daesoon Thought. These refer to the IHRPJ, which was constructed first as literary narratives in the 19th century; however, there was also folklore that had been handed down from the 18th century. As a result of examining the relationship between Jinmuk and Bonggok via this interpretive horizon, the contents of the IHRPJ are found to reflect the values and intentions of the intellectual class, such those held by Master Cho-ui and Kim Ki-jong, whereas oral traditions can be seen as a reflection of the hopes of the people of the late Joseon Dynasty. Jeungsan should also be interpreted as having utilized folklore in his teachings. Meanwhile, the circumstances and intentions behind publishing the IHRPJ are analyzed in the context of the text's historical background and the relationship between Confucianism and Buddhism during the 16th through 19th centuries. In particular, through the Compilations of Wandang and the collection of writings of Buddhist monastics, I have evaluated that Confucianism needed to purify and correct materials according to the ideology of the times in order to promote a spirit of morality and courtesy. Likewise, Buddhist Master Cho-Ui also embellished records to benefit Buddhism and deleted oral records that could harm the reputation of Buddhism. On the other hand, when viewing Records of Shrine Renovation and existing oral traditions, it can be shown that some Jinmuk tales existed in the 18 th century which were not included in the IHRPJ. Thereby, Jeungsan's description of Jinmuk tales can be reappraised as accepting the oral secular tradition that conveyed the wishes of the people. In other words, compared to the IHRPJ, which reflects only the harmonious content of Confucianism and Buddhism due to political and social factors, The Canonical Scripture reflects oral traditions that were widespread during the late Joseon Dynasty. As evidence, it can be suggested that there are many narratives about the relationship between Jinmuk and Bonggok that center on Bonggok's jealousy and the murder of Jinmuk. Jeungsan aimed to encompass people of all classes according to their minds and wills rather than their political positions or statuses. Therefore, Jeungsan did not need to rewrite the narrative content that had been passed down via oral tradition. Instead he embraced those narratives as a projection of the voices of the people.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.59 no.3
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• pp.131-144
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• 2009

This study is about single-layered $Chog{\breve{a}}ri$ excavated from SongHyosang(宋效商, 1430-1490, SHS hereafter), SongHeeJong(宋喜從, the late 1500s, SHJ hereafter) tombs. There are 7 single-layered $Chog{\breve{a}}ris$ for men. We focus on comparison of their design and sowing method. 1. Design: Investigating collar, $Chog{\breve{a}}ris$ from SHS have MokpanGit and $Chog{\breve{a}}ris$ from SHJ have KalGit. KalGit has been seen from SHJ to 17th, 18th and 19th centuries. After the late 1500s, there is no MokpanGit single-laTered $Chog{\breve{a}}ri$ for men. Side panel under arm has various shapes(triangle, trapezoid, triangle+trapezoid) in 15th century. After the late 1500s, It changes into no side panel. Two $Chog{\breve{a}}ris$ with no side panel from SHJ reveals that the late 1500s is a period of transition. 2. Sewing method: First, researching lengthwise grainline of the fly, the left fly has lengthwise grainline outside In four, inside in three. The right fly has lengthwise grainline outside in just one, the others have lengthwise grainline inside. Compared with today's way, there is a great difference, but in those times there isn't an established rule. This is true of side panel under arm. The sewing method are backstitch, running stitch, and hemming. Researching the construction method of seam, in putting two selvages together, open seam and plain seam are used. In putting selvage and bias, bias and bias together, flat felled seam and french seam are used. This study shows that single-layered $Chog{\breve{a}}ri$ far men from 15C. to 16C. has changes of design such as collar(Git) and side panel undo. arm. But there is little change in sewing method.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.5 no.1 s.9
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• pp.18-38
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• 1996

Dosan Sedans was built in 1560, when Toege I Whang(1500-1571) was 60, as a place in which to study and teach disciples. The building was built to a humble 3-kan system which was a popular form of sodang in the 16th century, There found an enlargement of space by attaching outer walls around three sides which was designed by Toege himself. Minimum in space, moderation in form, conrol of embellishment, hermit scholar's aethetics became basic concept of the architecture of Dosan Sodang. After completion of sodang, Toege wrote many poems about pond, walls, flower bed and natural surroundings like sheer cliff, winding river and even rural daily life of villagers around the building. It could be sud that ,for Toege, architecture was cogniged as a whole complex of building and its surrounding natural, artificial and human circumstances.