• 한국유통학회지:유통연구
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• 제15권2호
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• pp.1-34
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• 2010

소비자의 구매 행위가 합리적이고 실용적인 방향으로 변화하는데 힘입어 할인점업계는 급속한 외형적인 성장과 함께 경쟁도 치열하다. 따라서 업계는 그 해결책으로 차별화와 수익성을 동시에 실현 시킬 수 있는 유통업체 브랜드(PB: Private Brand) 개발에 사활을 걸고 있다. 또한 치열한 경쟁 환경 하에서 생존하기 위해서는 고객만족을 넘어서 고객충성도를 높이는 것이 효과적인 방법임이 밝혀짐에 따라 PB가 고객충성도를 제고시키기 위한 전략적인 도구로 사용되고 있다. PB 이용 고객의 충성도를 높이려면 우선 고객집단의 특성을 파악해서 소비자가 지각하는 품질수준을 우선적으로 맞춰줘야 고객만족과 고객신뢰를 얻을 수 있고 결과적으로 고객충성도로 유도할 수 있다. 이에 본 연구는 지각된 품질에 영향을 미치는 선행요인과 고객충성도에 영향을 미치는 변수들 간의 관계에 대한 체계적인 분석결과를 제시하기 위해 선행연구에서 검증된 인과관계를 기반으로 연구모형과 연구가설을 설정했고, 주요 연구결과는 다음과 같다. 기업명성, 브랜드명성, 제품경험, 브랜드친숙도가 높을수록 지각된 품질이 높아지고, 지각된 품질이 높을수록 고객만족, 고객신뢰, 고객충성도가 높아지며, 고객만족과 고객신뢰가 높을수록 고객충성도가 높아지는 것으로 조사되었다. 또한 기업명성이 지각된 품질에 미치는 영향력은 PB가 NB보다 높게 나타난 반면 브랜드명성과 브랜드친숙도가 지각된 품질에 미치는 영향력은 NB가 PB보다 높게 나타났다. 이러한 실증분석 결과는 지각된 품질에 영향을 미치는 선행요인과 결과요인에 대한 보다 명확한 이해를 바탕으로 실무자가 마케팅 활동을 하는데 유용하게 활용할 수 있을 것이다.

• 지능정보연구
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• 제17권4호
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• pp.175-191
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• 2011

국가신성장동력으로MICE(Meeting, Incentive travel, Convention, Exhibition) 산업이각광받으면서국내전시산업에 대한 관심이 드높아 지고 있다. 이에 따라 국내 전시산업(domestic exhibition industry)도 미국이나 유럽과 같이 전시성과를 향상시키기 위한 다양한 연구가 진행 중이다. 그 중에서도 전시환경이나 전시기법 등에 따라 관람효과가 다르기 때문에 지능형 정보기술을 이용하여 전시장에 방문한 참관객의 참관패턴을 분석하여 참관객을 이해하고 더 나아가 참여업체 간의 연관관계 도출 및 전시회의 성과를 높이고자 하는 연구들이 진행되고 있다. 그런데, 이러한 기존의 부스추천시스템과 관련된 연구를 살펴보면 시스템적인 관점에서 추천의 정확성만을 논하고 있을 뿐 추천을 통한 참관객의 행동이나 인식의 변화에 대해서는 충분히 논의하고 있지 못하다. 부스추천시스템(Booth Recommendation System)은 참관객의 부스방문 정보를 바탕으로 참관객에게 적절한 부스를 추천하기 때문에 참관객은 사전에 계획하지 않은 전시장을 방문하게 될 수 있다. 이 때 참관객은 계획하지 않은 방문행동을 통해서 만족할 수도 있지만 추천과 정이 번거롭다거나 자유롭게 참관을 하는데 방해가 된다고 생각할 수 있다. 이 경우 참관객의 자유로운 관람보다 오히려 더 좋지 않은 성과를 낼 수 있다. 따라서 부스 추천시스템을 전시장에 적용하기 위해서는 시스템의 성과에 미치는 영향요인이 무엇인지 전반적으로 검토하고, 부스추천시스템이 참관객의 계획되지 않은 방문행동에 미치는 영향에 대해 면밀히 검토해야 한다. 이에 본 연구에서는 부스추천시스템의 성과에 영향을 미치는 요인이 무엇인지 이론과 기존문헌을 통해 살펴보고자 하였다. 또한, 참관객의 지각된 부스추천시스템의 성과가 참관객의 계획되지 않은 행동에 대한 만족도와 부스추천시스템의 재사용의도에 어떤 영향을 미치는지 살펴보고자 하였다. 이러한 연구목적을 달성하기 위한 이론적 프레임워크로 본 연구는 계획되지 않은 행동이론(Unplanned Behavior Theory)을 도입하였다. 계획되지 않은 행동(unplanned behavior)이란 "소비자들이 사전에 계획하지 되지 않은 채 실행된 어떤 행동"으로 정의할 수 있다. 소비자들의 계획되지 않은 행동은 그 동안 마케팅 등 다양한 분야에서 연구되어 왔다. 특히, 마케팅에서는 계획되지 않은 행동 중 계획되지 않은 구매(unplanned purchasing)에 많은 관심을 두어 왔는데 이 개념은 종종 충동적 구매(impulsive purchasing)와 혼동되어 사용되곤 하였다. 그런데, 충동적 구매가 갑자기 무엇인가 구매를 해야하는 강하고 지속적인 충동(urge)이라고 본다면 계획되지 않은 구매는 구매의사결정의 시점이 상점에 들어가기 전이 아닌 상점 내에서 수행된다는 점이 다르다. 즉, 모든 충동적 구매는 비계획적이나, 모든 계획되지 않은 구매가 충동적인 구매는 아니다. 그런데, 왜 소비자들은 계획되지 않은 행동을 하는가? 이에 대해서는 학자들에 따라 여러 가지 의견이 있으나 소비자가 사전에 철저한 계획을 수립하지 않고 따라서 중간에 계획을 변화시킬만한 유연성(flexibility)이 있기 때문이라는 점에 일관된 의견을 보인다. 즉, 계획되지 않은 행동을 하는데 많은 비용이 소요된다면 소비자들은 사전에 수립한 계획을 변경하기 어렵게 될 것이기 때문이다. 본 연구에서 살펴보고자 하는 전시장 역시 참관객들은 방문하기 전에 전시장이 어떤 프로그램으로 구성되어 있는지 살펴보고, 어떤 부스를 방문할지를 사전에 계획하게 된다. 그 이유는 참관객들이 전시장 방문에 투입할 수 있는 시간은 한정되어 있는 반면에 전시회는 대규모의 다양한 부스로 운영되기 때문에 참관객들이 모든 부스를 참관한다는 것이 현실적으로 불가능하기 때문이다. 따라서 본 연구에서 제시하는 부스추천시스템이 참관객이 선호할 만한 부스를 추천하게 되면 참관객은 자신의 계획을 변화시켜서 부스추천시스템이 추천한 부스를 방문하게 된다. 이러한 방문행동은 소비자가 상점을 방문하거나, 관광객이 관광지에서 계획하지 않은 행동을 하는 것과 유사한 측면에서 이해가 가능하며 특히 최근 여행소비자들이 정보기기의 영향으로 계획되지 않은 행동을 하는 경우가 부쩍 증가한 추세와 동일한 맥락에서 이해가 가능하다. 이에 다음과 같은 연구모형을 설정하였다. 이 연구모형은 참관객이 지각한 부스추천시스템의 성과(performance)를 매개변수로 하고 있는데 이 성과에 영향을 미치는 요인으로 부스추천시스템에 대한 신뢰(trust), 전시장 참관객의 지식수준 (knowledge level), 부스 추천시스템의 기대된 개인화 (expected personalization) 그리고 부스추천시스템의 자유위협(threat to freedom)을 영향요인으로 파악하였다. 또한, 지각된 부스추천시스템 성과와 계획되지 않은 행동에 대한 참관객의 만족도와 향후 부스추천시스템의 재사용의도간의 인과관계도 파악하고자 하였다. 이 때 부스추천시스템에대한신뢰는권한(competence), 자선(benevolence), 그리고진실(integrity)의2차요인(2nd order factor)으로구성하고, 나머지 요인들은 1차 요인으로 구성하였다. 이를 검증하기 위해 2011 DMC Culture Open 행사에서 부스추천시스템을 테스트하기 위하여 시스템을 개발하고, 101명의 참관객을 대상으로 실증조사를 하여 분석하였다. 분석결과 첫째, 부스추천시스템에 있어서 참관객의 신뢰가 가장 중요한 요소이며 실제 해당 부스추천시스템을 이용한 참관객들은 신뢰를 통해 부스추천시스템이 성과 있다고 인식하였다. 둘째, 참관객의 지식수준 역시 부스추천시스템의 성과에 유의한 영향을 미쳤는데 이는 추천의 성과가 전시장에 대한 사전적 이해가 필요함을 의미한다. 즉, 전시장에 대한 이해가 높은 참관객이 부스추천시스템의 유용성을 더 잘 파악하는 것으로 나타났다. 셋째, 기대된 개인화 수준은 성과에 유의한 영향을 미치지 못했는데 이는 기존 연구와 다른 결과로 본 연구에 사용된 부스추천시스템이 충분히 개인화 서비스를 제공하지 못했기 때문이라고 판단된다. 넷째, 부스추천시스템의 추천정보는 개인의 자유를 위협하거나 제한한다고 느끼지 않음으로 충분히 유용한 가치를 갖는다고 할 수 있다. 끝으로 부스정보시스템의 높은 성과는 참관객들의 계획되지 않은 행동에 대한 높은 만족도와 향후에도 부스추천시스템을 재사용할 의도를 만드는 것으로 나타났다. 이와 같이 본 연구는 부스추천시스템이 야기하는 참관객의 계획되지 않은 부스방문행동에 미치는 영향력을 분석하기 위해 계획되지 않은 행동이론을 중심으로 실증자료를 이용하여 분석하고, 이를 통해 향후 부스추천시스템의 구축 및 설계에 유용한 시사점을 도출할 수 있었다. 향후에는 보다 정교한 설문구성과 측정대상을 이용하여 추가적인 검토가 필요할 것으로 기대된다.

• Journal of Preventive Medicine and Public Health
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• 제20권1호
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• pp.165-203
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• 1987

This project was a service-cum-research effort with a quasi-experimental study design to examine the health benefits of an integrated Family Planning (FP)/Maternal & Child health (MCH) Service approach that provides crucial factors missing in the present on-going programs. The specific objectives were: 1) To test the effectiveness of trained nurse/midwives (MW) assigned as change agents in the Health Sub-Center (HSC) to bring about the changes in the eight FP/MCH indicators, namely; (i)FP/MCH contacts between field workers and their clients (ii) the use of effective FP methods, (iii) the inter-birth interval and/or open interval, (iv) prenatal care by medically qualified personnel, (v) medically supervised deliveries, (vi) the rate of induced abortion, (vii) maternal and infant morbidity, and (viii) preinatal & infant mortality. 2) To measure the integrative linkage (contacts) between MW & HSC workers and between HSC and clients. 3) To examine the organizational or administrative factors influencing integrative linkage between health workers. Study design; The above objectives called for quasi-experimental design setting up a study and control area with and without a midwife. An active intervention program (FP/MCH minimum 'package' program) was conducted for a 2 year period from June 1982-July 1984 in Seosan County and 'before and after' surveys were conducted to measure the change. Service input; This study was undertaken by the Soonchunhyang University in collaboration with WHO. After a baseline survery in 1981, trained nurses/midwives were introduced into two health sub-centers in a rural setting (Seosan county) for a 2 year period from 1982 to 1984. A major service input was the establishment of midwifery services in the existing health delivery system with emphasis on nurse/midwife's role as the link between health workers (nurse aids) and village health workers, and the referral of risk patients to the private physician (OBGY specialist). An evaluation survey was made in August 1984 to assess the effectiveness of this alternative integrated approach in the study areas in comparison with the control area which had normal government services. Method of evaluation; a. In this study, the primary objective was first to examine to what extent the FP/MCH package program brought about changes in the pre-determined eight indicators (outcome and impact measures) and the following relationship was first analyzed; b. Nevertheless, this project did not automatically accept the assumption that if two or more activities were integrated, the results would automatically be better than a non-integrated or categorical program. There is a need to assess the 'integration process' itself within the package program. The process of integration was measured in terms of interactive linkages, or the quantity & quality of contacts between workers & clients and among workers. Intergrative linkages were hypothesized to be influenced by organizational factors at the HSC clinic level including HSC goals, sltrurture, authority, leadership style, resources, and personal characteristics of HSC staff. The extent or degree of integration, as measured by the intensity of integrative linkages, was in turn presumed to influence programme performance. Thus as indicated diagrammatically below, organizational factors constituted the independent variables, integration as the intervening variable and programme performance with respect to family planning and health services as the dependent variable: Concerning organizational factors, however, due to the limited number of HSCs (2 in the study area and 3 in the control area), they were studied by participatory observation of an anthropologist who was independent of the project. In this observation, we examined whether the assumed integration process actually occurred or not. If not, what were the constraints in producing an effective integration process. Summary of Findings; A) Program effects and impact 1. Effects on FP use: During this 2 year action period, FP acceptance increased from 58% in 1981 to 78% in 1984 in both the study and control areas. This increase in both areas was mainly due to the new family planning campaign driven by the Government for the same study period. Therefore, there was no increment of FP acceptance rate due to additional input of MW to the on-going FP program. But in the study area, quality aspects of FP were somewhat improved, having a better continuation rate of IUDs & pills and more use of effective Contraceptive methods in comparison with the control area. 2. Effects of use of MCH services: Between the study and control areas, however, there was a significant difference in maternal and child health care. For example, the coverage of prenatal care was increased from 53% for 1981 birth cohort to 75% for 1984 birth cohort in the study area. In the control area, the same increased from 41% (1981) to 65% (1984). It is noteworthy that almost two thirds of the recent birth cohort received prenatal care even in the control area, indicating that there is a growing demand of MCH care as the size of family norm becomes smaller 3. There has been a substantive increase in delivery care by medical professions in the study area, with an annual increase rate of 10% due to midwives input in the study areas. The project had about two times greater effect on postnatal care (68% vs. 33%) at delivery care(45.2% vs. 26.1%). 4. The study area had better reproductive efficiency (wanted pregancies with FP practice & healthy live births survived by one year old) than the control area, especially among women under 30 (14.1% vs. 9.6%). The proportion of women who preferred the 1st trimester for their first prenatal care rose significantly in the study area as compared to the control area (24% vs 13%). B) Effects on Interactive Linkage 1. This project made a contribution in making several useful steps in the direction of service integration, namely; i) The health workers have become familiar with procedures on how to work together with each other (especially with a midwife) in carrying out their work in FP/MCH and, ii) The health workers have gotten a feeling of the usefulness of family health records (statistical integration) in identifying targets in their own work and their usefulness in caring for family health. 2. On the other hand, because of a lack of required organizational factors, complete linkage was not obtained as the project intended. i) In regards to the government health worker's activities in terms of home visiting there was not much difference between the study & control areas though the MW did more home visiting than Government health workers. ii) In assessing the service performance of MW & health workers, the midwives balanced their workload between 40% FP, 40% MCH & 20% other activities (mainly immunization). However, $85{\sim}90%$ of the services provided by the health workers were other than FP/MCH, mainly for immunizations such as the encephalitis campaign. In the control area, a similar pattern was observed. Over 75% of their service was other than FP/MCH. Therefore, the pattern shows the health workers are a long way from becoming multipurpose workers even though the government is pushing in this direction. 3. Villagers were much more likely to visit the health sub-center clinic in the study area than in the control area (58% vs.31%) and for more combined care (45% vs.23%). C) Organization factors (admistrative integrative issues) 1. When MW (new workers with higher qualification) were introduced to HSC, it was noted that there were conflicts between the existing HSC workers (Nurse aids with less qualification than MW) and the MW for the beginning period of the project. The cause of the conflict was studied by an anthropologist and it was pointed out that these functional integration problems stemmed from the structural inadequacies of the health subcenter organization as indicated below; i) There is still no general consensus about the objectives and goals of the project between the project staff and the existing health workers. ii) There is no formal linkage between the responsibility of each member's job in the health sub-center. iii) There is still little chance for midwives to play a catalytic role or to establish communicative networks between workers in order to link various knowledge and skills to provide better FP/MCH services in the health sub-center. 2. Based on the above findings the project recommended to the County Chief (who has power to control the administrative staff and the technical staff in his county) the following ; i) In order to solve the conflicts between the individual roles and functions in performing health care activities, there must be goals agreed upon by both. ii) The health sub·center must function as an autonomous organization to undertake the integration health project. In order to do that, it is necessary to support administrative considerations, and to establish a communication system for supervision and to control of the health sub-centers. iii) The administrative organization, tentatively, must be organized to bind the health worker's midwive's and director's jobs by an organic relationship in order to achieve the integrative system under the leadership of health sub-center director. After submitting this observation report, there has been better understanding from frequent meetings & communication between HW/MW in FP/MCH work as the program developed. Lessons learned from the Seosan Project (on issues of FP/MCH integration in Korea); 1) A majority or about 80% of the couples are now practicing FP. As indicated by the study, there is a growing demand from clients for the health system to provide more MCH services than FP in order to maintain the achieved small size of family through FP practice. It is fortunate to see that the government is now formulating a MCH policy for the year 2,000 and revising MCH laws and regulations to emphasize more MCH care for achieving a small size family through family planning practice. 2) Goal consensus in FP/MCH shouBd be made among the health workers It administrators, especially to emphasize the need of care of 'wanted' child. But there is a long way to go to realize the 'real' integration of FP into MCH in Korea, unless there is a structural integration FP/MCH because a categorical FP is still first priority to reduce the rate of population growth for economic reasons but not yet for health/welfare reasons in practice. 3) There should be more financial allocation: (i) a midwife should be made available to help to promote the MCH program and coordinate services, (in) there should be a health sub·center director who can provide leadership training for managing the integrated program. There is a need for 'organizational support', if the decision of integration is made to obtain benefit from both FP & MCH. In other words, costs should be paid equally to both FP/MCH. The integration slogan itself, without the commitment of paying such costs, is powerless to advocate it. 4) Need of management training for middle level health personnel is more acute as the Government has already constructed 90 MCH centers attached to the County Health Center but without adequate manpower, facilities, and guidelines for integrating the work of both FP and MCH. 5) The local government still considers these MCH centers only as delivery centers to take care only of those visiting maternity cases. The MCH center should be a center for the managment of all pregnancies occurring in the community and the promotion of FP with a systematic and effective linkage of resources available in the county such as i.e. Village Health Worker, Community Health Practitioner, Health Sub-center Physicians & Health workers, Doctors and Midwives in MCH center, OBGY Specialists in clinics & hospitals as practiced by the Seosan project at primary health care level.

• 대한교통학회:학술대회논문집
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• 대한교통학회 1995년도 제27회 학술발표회
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• pp.101-113
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• 1995

The objective of this research is to test the feasibility of developing a statewide truck traffic forecasting methodology for Wisconsin by using Origin-Destination surveys, traffic counts, classification counts, and other data that are routinely collected by the Wisconsin Department of Transportation (WisDOT). Development of a feasible model will permit estimation of future truck traffic for every major link in the network. This will provide the basis for improved estimation of future pavement deterioration. Pavement damage rises exponentially as axle weight increases, and trucks are responsible for most of the traffic-induced damage to pavement. Consequently, forecasts of truck traffic are critical to pavement management systems. The pavement Management Decision Supporting System (PMDSS) prepared by WisDOT in May 1990 combines pavement inventory and performance data with a knowledge base consisting of rules for evaluation, problem identification and rehabilitation recommendation. Without a r.easonable truck traffic forecasting methodology, PMDSS is not able to project pavement performance trends in order to make assessment and recommendations in the future years. However, none of WisDOT's existing forecasting methodologies has been designed specifically for predicting truck movements on a statewide highway network. For this research, the Origin-Destination survey data avaiiable from WisDOT, including two stateline areas, one county, and five cities, are analyzed and the zone-to'||'&'||'not;zone truck trip tables are developed. The resulting Origin-Destination Trip Length Frequency (00 TLF) distributions by trip type are applied to the Gravity Model (GM) for comparison with comparable TLFs from the GM. The gravity model is calibrated to obtain friction factor curves for the three trip types, Internal-Internal (I-I), Internal-External (I-E), and External-External (E-E). ~oth "macro-scale" calibration and "micro-scale" calibration are performed. The comparison of the statewide GM TLF with the 00 TLF for the macro-scale calibration does not provide suitable results because the available 00 survey data do not represent an unbiased sample of statewide truck trips. For the "micro-scale" calibration, "partial" GM trip tables that correspond to the 00 survey trip tables are extracted from the full statewide GM trip table. These "partial" GM trip tables are then merged and a partial GM TLF is created. The GM friction factor curves are adjusted until the partial GM TLF matches the 00 TLF. Three friction factor curves, one for each trip type, resulting from the micro-scale calibration produce a reasonable GM truck trip model. A key methodological issue for GM. calibration involves the use of multiple friction factor curves versus a single friction factor curve for each trip type in order to estimate truck trips with reasonable accuracy. A single friction factor curve for each of the three trip types was found to reproduce the 00 TLFs from the calibration data base. Given the very limited trip generation data available for this research, additional refinement of the gravity model using multiple mction factor curves for each trip type was not warranted. In the traditional urban transportation planning studies, the zonal trip productions and attractions and region-wide OD TLFs are available. However, for this research, the information available for the development .of the GM model is limited to Ground Counts (GC) and a limited set ofOD TLFs. The GM is calibrated using the limited OD data, but the OD data are not adequate to obtain good estimates of truck trip productions and attractions .. Consequently, zonal productions and attractions are estimated using zonal population as a first approximation. Then, Selected Link based (SELINK) analyses are used to adjust the productions and attractions and possibly recalibrate the GM. The SELINK adjustment process involves identifying the origins and destinations of all truck trips that are assigned to a specified "selected link" as the result of a standard traffic assignment. A link adjustment factor is computed as the ratio of the actual volume for the link (ground count) to the total assigned volume. This link adjustment factor is then applied to all of the origin and destination zones of the trips using that "selected link". Selected link based analyses are conducted by using both 16 selected links and 32 selected links. The result of SELINK analysis by u~ing 32 selected links provides the least %RMSE in the screenline volume analysis. In addition, the stability of the GM truck estimating model is preserved by using 32 selected links with three SELINK adjustments, that is, the GM remains calibrated despite substantial changes in the input productions and attractions. The coverage of zones provided by 32 selected links is satisfactory. Increasing the number of repetitions beyond four is not reasonable because the stability of GM model in reproducing the OD TLF reaches its limits. The total volume of truck traffic captured by 32 selected links is 107% of total trip productions. But more importantly, ~ELINK adjustment factors for all of the zones can be computed. Evaluation of the travel demand model resulting from the SELINK adjustments is conducted by using screenline volume analysis, functional class and route specific volume analysis, area specific volume analysis, production and attraction analysis, and Vehicle Miles of Travel (VMT) analysis. Screenline volume analysis by using four screenlines with 28 check points are used for evaluation of the adequacy of the overall model. The total trucks crossing the screenlines are compared to the ground count totals. L V/GC ratios of 0.958 by using 32 selected links and 1.001 by using 16 selected links are obtained. The %RM:SE for the four screenlines is inversely proportional to the average ground count totals by screenline .. The magnitude of %RM:SE for the four screenlines resulting from the fourth and last GM run by using 32 and 16 selected links is 22% and 31 % respectively. These results are similar to the overall %RMSE achieved for the 32 and 16 selected links themselves of 19% and 33% respectively. This implies that the SELINICanalysis results are reasonable for all sections of the state.Functional class and route specific volume analysis is possible by using the available 154 classification count check points. The truck traffic crossing the Interstate highways (ISH) with 37 check points, the US highways (USH) with 50 check points, and the State highways (STH) with 67 check points is compared to the actual ground count totals. The magnitude of the overall link volume to ground count ratio by route does not provide any specific pattern of over or underestimate. However, the %R11SE for the ISH shows the least value while that for the STH shows the largest value. This pattern is consistent with the screenline analysis and the overall relationship between %RMSE and ground count volume groups. Area specific volume analysis provides another broad statewide measure of the performance of the overall model. The truck traffic in the North area with 26 check points, the West area with 36 check points, the East area with 29 check points, and the South area with 64 check points are compared to the actual ground count totals. The four areas show similar results. No specific patterns in the L V/GC ratio by area are found. In addition, the %RMSE is computed for each of the four areas. The %RMSEs for the North, West, East, and South areas are 92%, 49%, 27%, and 35% respectively, whereas, the average ground counts are 481, 1383, 1532, and 3154 respectively. As for the screenline and volume range analyses, the %RMSE is inversely related to average link volume. 'The SELINK adjustments of productions and attractions resulted in a very substantial reduction in the total in-state zonal productions and attractions. The initial in-state zonal trip generation model can now be revised with a new trip production's trip rate (total adjusted productions/total population) and a new trip attraction's trip rate. Revised zonal production and attraction adjustment factors can then be developed that only reflect the impact of the SELINK adjustments that cause mcreases or , decreases from the revised zonal estimate of productions and attractions. Analysis of the revised production adjustment factors is conducted by plotting the factors on the state map. The east area of the state including the counties of Brown, Outagamie, Shawano, Wmnebago, Fond du Lac, Marathon shows comparatively large values of the revised adjustment factors. Overall, both small and large values of the revised adjustment factors are scattered around Wisconsin. This suggests that more independent variables beyond just 226; population are needed for the development of the heavy truck trip generation model. More independent variables including zonal employment data (office employees and manufacturing employees) by industry type, zonal private trucks 226; owned and zonal income data which are not available currently should be considered. A plot of frequency distribution of the in-state zones as a function of the revised production and attraction adjustment factors shows the overall " adjustment resulting from the SELINK analysis process. Overall, the revised SELINK adjustments show that the productions for many zones are reduced by, a factor of 0.5 to 0.8 while the productions for ~ relatively few zones are increased by factors from 1.1 to 4 with most of the factors in the 3.0 range. No obvious explanation for the frequency distribution could be found. The revised SELINK adjustments overall appear to be reasonable. The heavy truck VMT analysis is conducted by comparing the 1990 heavy truck VMT that is forecasted by the GM truck forecasting model, 2.975 billions, with the WisDOT computed data. This gives an estimate that is 18.3% less than the WisDOT computation of 3.642 billions of VMT. The WisDOT estimates are based on the sampling the link volumes for USH, 8TH, and CTH. This implies potential error in sampling the average link volume. The WisDOT estimate of heavy truck VMT cannot be tabulated by the three trip types, I-I, I-E ('||'&'||'pound;-I), and E-E. In contrast, the GM forecasting model shows that the proportion ofE-E VMT out of total VMT is 21.24%. In addition, tabulation of heavy truck VMT by route functional class shows that the proportion of truck traffic traversing the freeways and expressways is 76.5%. Only 14.1% of total freeway truck traffic is I-I trips, while 80% of total collector truck traffic is I-I trips. This implies that freeways are traversed mainly by I-E and E-E truck traffic while collectors are used mainly by I-I truck traffic. Other tabulations such as average heavy truck speed by trip type, average travel distance by trip type and the VMT distribution by trip type, route functional class and travel speed are useful information for highway planners to understand the characteristics of statewide heavy truck trip patternS. Heavy truck volumes for the target year 2010 are forecasted by using the GM truck forecasting model. Four scenarios are used. Fo~ better forecasting, ground count- based segment adjustment factors are developed and applied. ISH 90 '||'&'||' 94 and USH 41 are used as example routes. The forecasting results by using the ground count-based segment adjustment factors are satisfactory for long range planning purposes, but additional ground counts would be useful for USH 41. Sensitivity analysis provides estimates of the impacts of the alternative growth rates including information about changes in the trip types using key routes. The network'||'&'||'not;based GMcan easily model scenarios with different rates of growth in rural versus . . urban areas, small versus large cities, and in-state zones versus external stations. cities, and in-state zones versus external stations.

• 복식
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• 제4권
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• pp.87-114
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• 1981

A costume reveals the social characteristics of the era in which it is worn, thus we can say that the history of change of the costume is the history of change of the living culture of the era. Since the Three States era, the costume structure of this country had been affected by the costume system of the China's historical dynasties in the form of the grant therefrom because of geographical conditions, which affection was conspicuous for the bureaucrat class, particularly including but not limited to the Kings' familities. Such a grant of the costume for the bureaucrat class (i.e., official uniform) was first given by the Dang-dynasty at the age of Queen Jinduck, the 28th of the Shilla-dynasty. Since then, the costume for the bureaucrats had consecutively been affected as the ages had gone from the unified Shilla, to the Koryo and to the Yi-dynasty. As the full costumes officially used by government officials (generally called "Baek Gwan") in the Yidynasty, there existed Jo-bok, Gong-bok and Sang-bok. Of such official costumes, Gong-bok was worn at the time of conducting official affairs of the dynasty, making a respectful visit for the expression of thanks or meeting diplomatic missions of foreign countries. It appears no study was made yet with regard to the Gong-bok while the studies on the Jo-bok and the Sangbok were made. Therefore, this article is, by rendering a study and research on the styles of costumes of civil servants' stone images erected at the Kings' tombs of the Yi-dynasty, to help the persons concerned understand the Gong-bok, one of the official costume for Baek Kwan of that age and further purports to specifically identify the styles and changes of the Gong-bok, worn by Baek Gwan during the Yi-dynasty, consisting of the Bok-doo (a hat, four angled and two storied with flat top), Po (gown), Dae (belt), and Hol (small and thin plate which was officially held by the government officials in hand, showing the courtesy to and writing brief memorandums before the King) and Hwa (shoes). For that purpose, I investigated by actually visiting the tombs of the Kings of the Yi-dynasty including the Geonwon-neung, the tomb of the first King Tae-jo and the You-neung, the tomb of the 27th King Soon-jong as well as the tombs of the lawful wives and concubines of various Kings, totalling 29 tombs and made reference to relevant books and records. Pursuant. to this study, of the 29 Kings' tombs the costume styles of civil servants' stone images erected at the 26 Kings' tombs are those of Gong-bok for Baek-gwan of the Yi-dynasty wearing Bok-doo as a hat and Ban-ryeong or Dan-ryenog Po as a gown with Dae, holding Hol in hand and wearing shoes. Other than those of the 26 tombs, the costume styles of the Ryu-neung, the tomb of the Moon-jo who was the first son of 23rd King Soon-jo and given the King's title after he died and of the You-neung, the tomb of the 27th King Soon-jong are those of Jobok with Yang-gwan (a sort of hat having stripes erected, which is different from the Bok-doo), and that of the Hong-neung, the tomb of the 26th King Go-jong shows an exceptional one wearing Yang-gwan and Ban-ryeong Po ; these costume styles other than Gongbok remain as the subject for further study. Gong-bok which is the costume style of civil servants' stone images of most of the Kings' tombs had not been changed in its basic structure for about 500 years of the Yi-dynasty and Koryo categorized by the class of officials pursuant to the color of Po and materials of Dae and Hol. Summary of this costume style follows: (1) Gwan-mo (hat). The Gwan-mo style of civil servants' stone images of the 26 Kings' tombs, other than Ryu-neung, Hong-neung and You-neung which have Yang-gwan, out of the 29 Kings' tombs of the Yi-dynasty reveals the Bok-doo with four angled top, having fore-part and back-part divided. Back part of the Bok-doo is double the fore-part in height. The expression of the Gak (wings of the Bokdoo) varies: the Gyo-gak Bok-doo in that the Gaks, roundly arisen to the direction of the top, are clossed each other (tombs of the Kings Tae-jong), the downward style Jeon-gak Bok-doo in that soft Gaks are hanged on the shoulders (tombs of the Kings Joong-jong and Seong-jong) and another types of Jeon-gak Bok-doo having Gaks which arearisen steeply or roundly to the direction of top and the end of which are treated in a rounded or straight line form. At the lower edge one protrusive line distinctly reveals. Exceptionally, there reveals 11 Yang-gwan (gwan having 11 stripes erected) at the Ryu-neung of the King Moon-jo, 9 Yang-gwan at the Hong-neung of the King Go-jong and 11 Yang-gwan at the You-neung of the King Soon-jong; noting that the Yang-gwan of Baek Kwan, granted by the Myeong-dynasty of the China during the Yi-dynasty, was in the shape of 5 Yang-gwan for the first Poom (class) based on the principle of "Yideung Chaegang" (gradual degrading for secondary level), the above-mentioned Yang-gwans are very contrary to the principle and I do not touch such issue in this study, leaving for further study. (2) Po (gown). (a) Git (collar). Collar style of Po was the Ban-ryeong (round collar) having small neck-line in the early stage and was changed to the Dan-ryeong (round collar having deep neck-line) in the middle of the: dynasty. In the Dan-ryeong style of the middle era (shown at the tomb of the King Young-jo); a, thin line such as bias is shown around the internal side edge and the width of collar became wide a little. It is particularly noted that the Ryu-neung established in the middle stage and the You-neung in the later stage show civil servants in Jo-bok with the the Jikryeong (straight collar) Po and in case of the Hong-neung, the Hong-neung, the tomb of the King Go-jong, civil servants, although they wear Yang-gwan, are in the Ban-ryeong Po with Hoo-soo (back embroidery) and Dae and wear shoes as used in the Jo-bok style. As I could not make clear the theoretical basis of why the civil servants' costume styles revealed, at these tombs of the Kings are different from those of other tombs, I left this issue for further study. It is also noted that all the civil servants' stone images show the shape of triangled collar which is revealed over the Godae-git of Po. This triangled collar, I believe, would be the collar of the Cheomri which was worn in the middle of the Po and the underwear, (b) Sleeve. The sleeve was in the Gwan-soo (wide sleeve) style. having the width of over 100 centimeter from the early stage to the later stage arid in the Doo-ri sleeve style having the edge slightly rounded and we can recognize that it was the long sleeve in view of block fold shaped protrusive line, expressed on the arms. At the age of the King Young-jo, the sleeve-end became slightly narrow and as a result, the lower line of the sleeve were shaped curved. We can see another shape of narrow sleeve inside the wide sleeve-end, which should be the sleeve of the Cheom-ri worn under the Gong-bok. (c) Moo. The Moo revealed on the Po of civil servants' stone images at the age of the King Sook-jong' coming to the middle era. Initially the top of the Moo was expressed flat but the Moo was gradually changed to the triangled shape with the acute top. In certain cases, top or lower part of the Moo are not reveald because of wear and tear. (d) Yeomim. Yeomim (folding) of the Po was first expressed on civil servants' stone images of the Won-neung, the tomb of the King Young-jo and we can seemore delicate expression of the Yeomim and Goreum (stripe folding and fixing the lapel of the Po) at the tomb of the Jeongseong-wanghoo, the wife of the King Young-jo, At the age of the King Soon-jo, we can see the shape of Goreum similar to a string rather than the Goreum and the upper part of the Goreum which fixes Yeomim was expressed on the right sleeve. (3) Dae. Dae fixed on the Po was placed half of the length of Po from the shoulders in the early stage. Thereafter, at the age of the King Hyeon-jong it was shown on the slightly upper part. placed around one third of the length of Po. With regard to the design of Dae, all the civil servants' stone images of the Kings' tombs other than those of the Geonwon-neung of the King Tae-jo show single or double protrusive line expressed at the edge of Dae and in the middle of such lines, cloud pattern, dangcho (a grass) pattern, chrysanthemum pattern or other various types of flowery patterns were designed. Remaining portion of the waist Dae was hanged up on the back, which was initially expressed as directed from the left to the right but thereafter expressed. without orderly fashion,. to the direction of the left from the right and vice versa, Dae was in the shape of Yaja Dae. In this regard, an issue of when or where such a disorderly fashion of the direction of the remaining portion of waist Dae was originated is also presented to be clarified. In case of the Ryuneung, Hong-neung and You-neung which have civil servants' stone images wearing exceptional costume (Jo-bok), waist Dae of the Ryu-neung and Hong-neung are designed in the mixture of dual cranes pattern, cosecutive beaded pattern and chrvsenthemum pattern and that of You-neung is designed in cloud pattern. (4) Hol. Although materials of the Hol held in hand of civil servants' stone images are not identifiable, those should be the ivory Hol as all the Baek Gwan's erected as stone images should be high class officials. In the styles, no significant changes were found, however the Hol's expressed on civil servants' stone images of the Yi-dynasty were shaped in round top and angled bottom or round top and bottom. Parcicularly, at the age of the King Young-jo the Hol was expressed in the peculiar type with four angles all cut off. (5) Hwa (shoes). As the shoes expressed on civil servants' stone images are covered with the lower edges of the Po, the styles thereof are not exactly identifiable. However, reading the statement "black leather shoes for the first class (1 Poom) to ninth class (9 Poom)," recorded in the Gyeongkook Daejon, we can believe that the shoes were worn. As the age went on, the front tips of the shoes were soared and particularly, at the Hong-neung of the King Go-jong the shoes were obviously expressed with modern sense as the country were civilized.

• 대한한의학원전학회지
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• 제20권4호
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• pp.211-250
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• 2007

1. The 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金娥), Yoshida Koton(吉田篁墩) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li '(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 1739${\sim}$1798) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai, Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 1749${\sim}$1787) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論) and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯) 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai 's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋司"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue", "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Rits(森立之 1807${\sim}$ 1885) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai, a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("神農本草經"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"(神農本草經) and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"("枳園隨筆") that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"("說文解字") to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據). Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬 1804${\sim}$1876) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai, and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園). He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi" and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan" but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 912-955) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 1755-1810) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi" and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi" are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng" is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"("素問識"), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan lu Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"("難經疏證"), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"("疾雅"), "Ming Yi Gong An"("名醫公案"), and "Yi Ji Kao"("醫籍考"). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), Yuan Jian(元堅 1795-1857) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(樂匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素間紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"(傷寒廣要), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("該腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(失數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', 'the founding of Ji Shou Guan and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai ' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

• 한국산림과학회지
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• 제52권1호
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• pp.58-71
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• 1981

충남(忠南) 전북지방(全北地方) 적송림(赤松林)의 천이과정(遷移過程)을 연구(研究)하기 위하여 솔잎혹파리의 피해지속기간(被害持續期間)에 따라 피해극기지(被害極基地) (5년전(年前)에 피해발생(被害発生))인 공주(公州)(A), 피해지속지(被害持續地)(10년전(年前)에 피해발생(被害発生))인 부여(扶餘)(B), 피해회복지(被害回復地)(20년전(年前)에 피해발생(被害発生))로서 고창지역(高敞地域)(C)을 조사지역(調査地域)으로 설정(設定)하고, 각(各) 조사지역별(調査地域別)로 환경요인(環境要因)과 식생상태(植生狀態)를 調査하여, 환경요인(環境要因)과 식생상태(植生狀態), 삼림군집(森林群集)의 비교(比較), 식물상(植物相)의 변화(変化) 등(等)을 분석(分析)한 결과(結果)를 요약(要約)하면 다음과 같다 1. 임분(林分)이 솔잎혹파리피해(被害)로 부터 회복(回復)되어 감에 따라 식생구성(植生構成)에 변화(変化)가 오고 대상수종(代償樹種)으로 발달(発達)된 참나무류(類)의 상대우점치(相対優点値)가 감소(減小)되었다. 그러나 본(本) 조사지역내(調査地域內)에서는 상수리나무의 상대우점치(相対優点値)가 다른 참나무류(類) 보다 높았다. 2. 솔잎혹파리피해(被害)가 지속(持續)됨에 따라 삼림군집(森林群集)의 종구성상태(種構成狀態)가 점차 다양(多樣)하여진다. 그후 피해(被害)가 회복(回復)됨에 따라 임분(林分)의 종구성상태(種構成狀態)는 단순화(单純化)되는 것으로 나타났다. 3. 상대밀도(相対密度) 및 상대우점치(相対優点値)의 상대치(相対値)에 의(依)한 식생천이(植生遷移)를 종합분석(綜合分析)한 결과(結果) 솔잎혹파리피해(被害)의 극심(極甚)에서 우점종(優点種)을 이루던 참나무류(類)가 피해(被害)로부터 회복(回復)되어감에 따라 그 값이 감소(減少)되고, 싸리류(類), 진달래류(類) 등(等)이 하층식생(下層植生)을 형성(形成)하는 삼림군집(森林群集)으로 변화(変化)하여 갔다. 4. 식생(植生)에 미친 토심(土深), 토양함수량(土壤含水量), 유기물함량(有機物含量), 그리고 유기물층(有機物層)의 두께는 본(本) 조사대상지(調査対象地)의 범위내에 있어서는 거의 같은 것으로 사료(思料)되었고 연평균강수량(年平均降水量)과 온도(温度)도 유사(類似)하였다고 본다.

• 한국산림과학회지
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• 제21권1호
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• pp.1-34
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• 1974

1970~1971년(年)에 걸쳐 잣나무의 자웅화(雌雄花)가 개화(開花)하여 구과(毬果)가 성숙(成熟)하기까지 임업시험장(林業試驗場) 서울시험임내(試驗林內)에 고정모수(固定母樹) 2본(本)과 보조모수(補助母樹) 3본(本)을 선정(選定)하여 7~10일간격(日間隔)으로 구과(毬果)를 채취(採取)하여 외부형태(外部形態)와 내부조직(內部組織)의 변화상(變化相)을 밝히고 구과(毬果)의 종자(種子)의 함수량(含水量)을 비롯하여 유지(油脂), 당(糖), 단백질(蛋白質) 등(等) 함유물질(含有物質)의 변화(變化)와 발아력(發芽力)을 갖게되는 시기등(時期等)을 종합적(綜合的)으로 연구(硏究)하였으며 그 결과(結果)를 요약(要約)하면 다음과 같다. 1. 웅화(雄花) 1) 4월하순(月下旬)~5월상순(月上旬) 화분모세포군(花粉母細胞群)이 형성(形成)되고 다시 5월상순(月上旬)~5월중순(月中旬)에 환원분열(還元分裂)을 하여 사분자(四分子)가 되고 단핵상(單核狀)의 화분(花粉)은 그후분열(後分裂)하여 5월하순(月下旬) 성숙비산(成熟飛散)하였다. 2) 한 개의 웅화수(雄花穗)의 웅예수(雄蘂數)는 구과(毬果)의 유효인편수(有效鱗片數)와 거의 비슷한 69~102개(個)로서 1개(個)의 웅예내(雄蘂內)에는 5800~7300립(粒)의 화분(花粉)이 들어있다. 3) 성숙화분(成熟花粉)의 형태(形態)는 원형(圓形) 또는 타원형(楕圓形)으로 좌우(左右)에 기낭(氣囊)이 달렸으며 화분(花粉)의 길이는 $80{\sim}91{\mu}$로서 cuticula로 된 외피(外皮)와 cellulose로 된 엷은 내피(內皮)로 둘러 쌓여있다. 4) 성숙화분(成熟花粉)은 pH6.0의 증류수(蒸溜水)에 2%의 자당(蔗糖)을 넣은 0.8% 한천배지(寒天培地)를 사용(使用)하여 $25^{\circ}C$에서 68시간(時間) 경과후(經過後)에 발아(發芽)하였다. 2. 자화(雌花) 1) 인편(鱗片)은 4월하순(月下旬)부터 빨리 자라기 시작(始作)하여 5월상순(月上旬)에 배주(胚珠)의 분화(分化)가 시작(始作)된다. 5월중순(月中旬)에 배낭모세포(培囊母細胞)가 환원분열(還元分裂)을 하여 사분자(四分子)를 만들고 웅화(雄花)의 개화(開花) 직전(直前)인 5월하순(月下旬)~6월상순(月上旬)에 자화(雌花)의 생식기관(生殖器官)이 완성(完成)되었다. 2) 수분후(授粉後) 자화(雌花)의 배낭모세포핵(培囊母細胞核)은 계속(繼續) 분열(分裂)하여 다수(多數)의 유리핵(遊離核)이 밀집상태(密集狀態)로 익춘(翌春)까지 월동(越冬)한다. 3월중순(月中旬)부터 핵분열(核分裂)과 더불어 격막(膈膜)이 형성(形成)되어 5월상순(月上旬) 봉와조직상(蜂窩組織狀)의 배유체(胚乳體)가 형성(形成)되었다. 3. 수정(受精) 및 배(胚)의 형성(形成) 1) 장란기(藏卵器)는 4월중순(月中旬)~하순(下旬)에 형성(形成)되고 4월하순(月下旬)~5월초순(初旬) 사이에 수정(受精)하였다. 2) 배(胚)의 형성(形成)은 수정후(受精後) 5월하순(月下旬)에 난핵(卵核)이 분열(分裂)하여 일차(一次) suspensor 층(層)을 이루고 6월초순(月初旬)에 격막(膈膜)이 발생(發生)하였으며 6월중순(月中旬)에 4개(四個)의 유배(幼胚)가 발생(發生)하나 그중 1개(個)가 신장(伸長)하여 6월하순(月下旬)에는 배(胚)의 기관(器官)이 분화(分化)하기 시작(始作)하였으며 8월하순(月下旬)~9월초순(月初旬)에 배(胚)가 성숙(成熟)하였다. 4. 구과(毬果)의 생장(生長) 1) 개화당년(開花當年)의 6월중순(月中旬)~7월중순(月中旬)에 걸쳐 유구과(幼毬果)가 크게 생장(生長)하고 8월중순이후(月中旬以後) 정지(停止)되였는데 개화시(開花時)의 자화(雌花)에 비(比)하여 길이 1.6배(倍) 폭 3.3배(倍) 중량(重量)이 약(約) 22배(倍)에 달(達)하였다. 2) 개화익년(開花翌年)에는 3월상순(月上旬)부터 생장(生長)이 시작(始作)되어 4월중순(月中旬)~7월상순(月上旬)에 걸쳐 크게 생장(生長)하였으며 성숙기(成熟期)의 구과(毬果)는 개화직후(開花直後)의 유구과(幼毬果)에 비(比)하면 길이 7배(倍) 폭 12~15배(倍)에 달(達)하였다. 3) 구과중(毬果重)은 장란기(藏卵器) 형성기(形成期)에 65% 증가(增加)되고 수정후(受精後)에는 점진적(漸進的)으로 증가(增加)되어 7월하순(月下旬)에는 자화중(雌花重)의 660배(倍)로서 정점(頂點)을 이루고 그 후점차(後漸次) 감소(減少)되었다. 4) 구과(毬果)는 96~133개(個)의 인편(鱗片)으로 되어있고 종자(種子)가든 유효인편율(有效鱗片率)은 69~80%이며 성숙기(成熟期)의 구과장(毬果長)이 11~13cm 구과내종자수(毬果內種子數)는 90~150립(粒)이며 비립율(粃粒率)은 8~15%이었다. 5. 종피(種皮)의 형성(形成) 1) 자화(雌花)의 주피층분화(珠皮層分化)는 5월중순(月中旬)부터 시작(始作)되고 개화익춘(開花翌春)부터 활발(活潑)히 이루어져 외종피층(外種皮層)은 7월중순(月中旬)의 $703{\mu}$을 정점(頂點)으로하여 그후(後) 함수율(含水率)의 감소(減少)와 각질화(角質化)에 의(依)해 성숙기(成熟期)에는 $550{\sim}580{\mu}$로 감소(減少)되고 이때 외종피(外種皮)의 표피조직(表皮組織)이 분화(分化)하였다. 2) 성숙종자(成熟種子)의 외종피구조(外種皮構造)는 3~4층(層)의 표피세포층(表皮細胞層)과 16~21층(層)의 석세포(石細胞)로 되어 있고 그 내측(內側)에 1~2열(列)의 유조직층(柔組織層)을 이루고 있다. 3) 내종피(內種皮)는 외종피(外種皮)보다는 50~60일(日) 빠른 5월중순경(月中旬頃)에 최대층폭(最大層幅)($667{\mu}$)을 이루고 성숙종자(成熟種子)의 경우(境遇) 그 폭(幅)이 $80{\sim}90{\mu}$으로 감소(減少)되었다. 6. 함수율(含水率)의 변화(變化) 1) 수정후점차(受精後漸次) 증가(增加)되어 6월상순(月上旬)~중순경(中旬頃) 정점(頂點)에 달(達)하고 그후(後) 점감(漸減)되어 성숙기(成熟期)에는 구과(毬果) 43~48% 외종피(外種皮) 23~25% 내종피(內種皮) 32~37% 내종피(內種皮)와 배유(胚乳) 및 배(胚)는 23~26%배(胚)와 배유(胚乳)는 21~24% 배(胚)는 36~40%이었다. 2) 구과(毬果)의 발육(發育)과 함수율(含水率)의 증감관계(增減關係)를 종합(綜合)하면 다음과 같다. 제1기(第一期)(구과생장왕성기(毬果生長旺盛期) 수정후(受精後) 구과(毬果)의 발육왕성기(發育旺盛期))로서 최대함수량(最大含水量)을 나타내는 시기(時期)(4월하순(月下旬)--6월중순(月中旬)). 제2기(第二期)(배(胚) 및 영양조직형성기(營養組織形成期)) 유배(幼胚)가 발생(發生)되고 배유(胚乳)의 영양조직(營養組織)이 형성(形成)되며 함수율(含水率)이 점진적(漸進的)으로 고정(固定)되는 시기(時期)(6월중순(月中旬)~7월중순(月中旬)). 제3기(第三期)(성숙기(成熟期)) 내종피층폭(內種皮層幅)의 감소(減少)와 배(胚)의 성숙(成熟)으로 함수율(含水率)이 점차(漸次) 감소(減少)되고 실편(實片)이 황록색(黃綠色)으로 변색(變色)되는 시기(時期)(7월하순(月下旬)~8월하순(月下旬)). 제4기(第四期)(건조기(乾燥期)) 종자(種子)가 성숙(成熟)하여 함수율(含水率)이 급감(急減)되고 실편(實片)이 건조(乾燥) 위축(萎縮)하는 시기(時期)(9월초순이후(9月初旬以後)). 7. 함유물질(含有物質)의 변화(變化) 1) 종자내(種子內)의 유지(油脂)는 수정후(受精後) suspensor 층(層)이 형성(形成)되는 5월상순(月上旬)부터 점차(漸次) 증가(增加)되고 배(胚)의 기관(器官)이 분화(分化)되는 시기(時期)부터 급감(急減)되어 성숙종자(成熟種子)의 함유율(含油率)이 65~68%로서 호도와 참깨 야자수 열매등(等) 유지작물(油脂作物)보다 많았으며 배유(胚乳)보다 배(胚)의 함유율(含油率)이 높았다. 2) 수정후구과(受精後毬果)의 생장(生長) 왕성기(旺盛期)에 환원당(還元糖)의 함량(含量)이 일시증가(一時增加)하였으나 6월상순(月上旬)부터 점감(漸減)되고 비환원당(非還元糖)이 증가(增加)하였다. 배(胚)의 전당함량(全糖含量)은 7월하순(月下旬)부터 점차적(漸次的)으로 증가(增加)하였는데 그 대부분(大部分)이 비환원당(非還元糖)이였으며 환원당(還元糖)은 비환원당(非還元糖)의 약(約) 1/10에 불과(不過)하였다. 3) 단백질(蛋白質)의 함량(含量)은 5월하순(月下旬)부터 점차(漸次) 증가(增加)하였으며 성숙종자(成熟種子)의 경우(境遇) 48.8%였으며 배(胚)보다 배유(胚乳)쪽이 많았다. 8. 종자(種子)의 형질(形質) 성숙(成熟)한 종자(種子)는 외관상(外觀上) 다갈색(茶褐色)이고 길이는 1.3~1.9cm 폭(幅) 0.8~1.4cm 중량(重量) 0.43~0.48g이였으며 외종피(外種皮)는 종자중량(種子重量)의 61~65% 배(胚)는 2.3~3.5% 내종피(內種皮)와 배(胚) 및 배유(胚乳)는 33~36%이였다. 9. 발아력(發芽力)의 검정(檢定) 7월하순(月下旬)부터 9월중순(月中旬)까지 7일간격(日間隔)으로 채종(採種)하여 환원법(還元法)과 배적출(胚摘出) 배양(培養) 및 일반발아시험등(一般發芽試驗等) 세가지 방법(方法)으로 발아력(發芽力)을 검토(檢討)한 결과(結果) 수정(受精) 4개월후(個月後)인 8월하순(月下旬)부터 정상적(正常的)인 발아력(發芽力)을 갖게 되었고 이때 종자(種子)의 함수량(含水量)이 22~25%이었다. 이로 미루어 잣나무의 채종적기(採種適期)는 9월상순(月上旬)이라고 볼 수 있다.

• Applied Biological Chemistry
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• 제16권2호
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• pp.99-111
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• 1973

전국적(全國的)으로 실시한 삼요소(三要素) 시험중(試驗中) 1967년(年) 51개소(個所) 68년(年)에 32개소(個所)에서 N 8, 10, 12, 14kg/10a 수준(水準)과 $P_2O_5$ 및 $K_2O$ 각(各) 6과 8kg 시비수준(施肥水準)에 대(對)한 삼요소(三要素) 이용율(利用率)을 조사(調査)하였다. 삼요소(三要素) 이용율(利用率)과 수량(收量) 및 건물생산량(乾物生産量), 삼요소(三要素) 및 규산흡수량(珪酸吸收量)과의 아래와 같은 관계에서 무기양분(無機養分)의 생산(生産)에 기여하는 양상(樣相)이 시용(施用)한 P가 1차적(次的)으로 Si흡수(吸收)를 이차적(二次的)으로 Si가 N흡수(吸收)를 조장(助長)하여 기여하는 P형(型)과 시용(施用)한 K가 P흡수(吸收)를, 이차적(二次的)으로 P가 N흡수(吸收)를 조장(助長)하여 기여하는 K형(型)으로 연도별(年度別) 주도형(主導型)을 구분(區分)할 수 있었다. 1. 질소(窒素)는 전포장수(全圃場數)의 4%, 인산(燐酸)은 48%, 가리(加里)는 38%가 0 또는 부(負)의 이용율(利用率)을 보였으며 이용율(利用率)의 발현빈도(發現頻度) 백분분포(百分分布)가 N는 30 내지 40에서 최고빈도(最高頻度)를 보이는 정규분포(正規分布)에 가깝게, P와 K는 0 이하(以下)에서 최고빈도(最高頻度)를 갖고 점차 감소하는 편의 분포(分布)를 갖는다. 2. 삼요소(三要素) 이용율(利用率) (0 이상(以上)만)은 67년(年)에 N는 33(10kg 시비(施肥) 수준이상(水準以上)) P는 27, K는 40이고 68년(年)엔 40, 20, 46%이고 부(負)의 이용율(利用率)을 0으로한 2개년(個年) 평균(平均)은33(8kg 이상(以上)) 13, 27이었다. 3. 이용율(利用率)의 표준편차(漂準偏差)는 P와 K에서 이용율(利用率)보다 크고 P이용율(利用率)의 변이(變異)가 가장 크다. 4. 이용율(利用率)과 수량(收量) 또는 건물생산량(乾物生産量)과의 유의상관(有意相關) 출현빈도(出現頻度)는 N>K>P의 순(順)이며 10kg 수준의 N이용율(利用率)은 67년(年)엔 P이용율(利用率)과만 63년(年)엔 K이용율(利用率)과만 유의상관(有意相關)을 갖는다. 5. P이용율(利用率)은 그것이 높고 K이용율(利用率)이 낮았던 67년(年)에만, 그리고 K이용율(利用率)은 그와 반대였던 68년(年)에만 모든 처리구의 건물생산량(乾物生産量)과 유의상관(有意相關)을 보이고, 유의상관(有意相關)이 없는 해에는 무비구(無肥區) 및 결비구(缺肥區)區에서 부상관계수(負相顯係數)를 보이고 있다. 6. 이용율(利用率)과 수량(收量)과의 상관(相關)은 이용율(利用率)과 건물생산량(乾物生産量)과의 상관(相關)과 경향은 유사하나 유의성이 적어삼요소(三要素) 영양(營養)은 건물생산(乾物生産)에서 잘 표현된다. 7. N이용율(利用率)은 N시비구(施肥區)의 N흡수량(吸收量)과 많은 경우 유의상관(有意相關)을, 무(無)N구(區)의 흡수량(吸收量)과는 유의부상관(有意負相關)을 보이며, N시비구(施肥區)의 P, K또는 Si흡수량(吸收量)과도 여러 경우 유의상관(有意相關)을 보였다. 8. P이용율(利用率)은 그것이 높았던 67년(年)만 모든 처리구에서 Si흡수량(吸收量)과, 그리고 무(無)P구(區)를 제(除)한 모든 처리구의 N 흡수량(吸收量)과 유의상관(有意相關)을 보여 P는 일차적(一次的)으로 Si흡수(吸收)를 돕고 이차적(二次的)으로 Si흡수(吸收)가 N흡수(吸收)를 조장(助長)함을 나타낸다. P이용율(利用率)은 N시비구(施肥區)의 P흡수량(吸收量)과 K흡수량(吸收量)과도 많은 경우 유의상관(有意相關)을 보였다. 9. K이용율(利用率)은 그것이 컸던 68년(年)에 모든 처리구의 P흡수량(吸收量)과 무(無)N구(區)을 제(除)한 모든 처리구의 N흡수량(吸收量)과 그리고 무(無)P구(區)를 제(除)한 모든 처리구의 K흡수량(吸收量)과 유의상관(有意相關)을 보이며 무(無)K구(區)의 K흡수량(吸收量)과는 부상관(負相關)이고 K이용율(利用率)이 적었던 67년(年)에는 무비구(無肥區)나 결비구(缺肥區)의 P흡수량(吸收量)과 유의성(有意性)은 없으나 부상관(負相關)이었다. K이용율(利用率)은 N나 P와는 달리 K흡수량(吸收量)과 보다 수량(收量)이나 건물생산량(乾物生産量)과의 상관(相關)이 더 크며 K이용율(利用率)이 컸던 해에만 Si흡수량(吸收量)과 무(無)N구(區)와 최고시비구(最高施肥區)에서 유의상관(有意相關)을 갖고 무(無)K구(區)에서 유의부상관(有意負相關)을 보였다. 이로서 K는 일차적(一次的)으로 P흡수(吸收)를 돕고 이차적(二次的)으로 P가 N흡수(吸收)를 도와서 생산(生産)에 기여하는 것 같다. 10. N이용율(利用率)과 수량(收量)이나 건물생산량(乾物生産量)과의 상관(相關)이 무(無)P구(區)에서 보다 무(無)K구(區)가 높고 무(無)K구(區)보다 시비구(施肥區)에서 높으며 이러한 경향은 N이용율(利用率)과 N흡수량(吸收量)사이에서도 동일(同一)하였다. 이 사실과, K이용율(利用率)과 건물생산량(乾物生産量)과의 관계는 P가 N흡수(吸收)를 돕고 N나 P가 부족(不足)할 때에는 K가 N흡수(吸收)를 경쟁적으로 억제하여 생산(生産)을 저하(低下)시키는 것을 나타낸다. 11. 삼요소(三要素) 이용율(利用率)은 67년(年)에는 무(無)P구(區)의 상대건물생산량(相對乾物生産量)과, 68년(年)에는 무(無)K구(區)의 상대수량(相對收量)과 유의상관(有意相關)을 갖는다. 이는 P가 분얼 즉 영양생장단계에, K가 곡실형성 즉 생식 생장단계에 더 작용(作用)하였음을 나타내고 있다. 12. 삼요소(三要素) 이용율(利用率)과 결비구(缺肥區)의 상대생산량(相對生産量)이나 무비구(無肥區)의 결비구(缺肥區)에 대(對)한 상대생산량(相對生産量)과의 상관(相關)에서 어느 경우에도 N가 수도생산(水稻生産)에 가장 큰 역할(役割)을 하고 있음을 보였다. 13. 이상의 결과에서 40 내지 50%의 포장(圃場)은 P와 K를 시비(施肥)하지 아니해도 되며 시비량(施肥量)도 연도(年度)및 포장에 따라 변이(變異)가 커야 할 것이며 특히 P에서 그러하다.

• 동국한의학연구소논문집
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• 제10권
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• pp.1-40
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• 2008

1.The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai(折衷派)' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金峨), Yoshida Koton(古田篁墩 $1745{\sim}1798$) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li'(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 $1739{\sim}1798$) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken(伊澤蘭軒) taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai(澀江抽齋), Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 $1749{\sim}1787$) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論") and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯). 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken(伊澤蘭軒) and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋詞"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue"("金匱要略"), "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Ritsi(森立之 $1807{\sim}1885$) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken(伊澤蘭軒) and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai(狩谷掖齋), a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"("神農本草經") and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"(枳園隨筆) that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"(說文解字) to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據), Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬, $1804{\sim}1876$) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai(安積艮齋), and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園), He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju"("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi"("金匱要略疏義") and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan"(老醫巵言) but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 $912{\sim}955$) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 $1755{\sim}1810$) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi"("傷寒論輯義") and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi"("金匱要略輯義") are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng"("醫勝") is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"(素問識), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan Ju Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"(難經疏證), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"(疾雅), "Ming Yi Gong An"(名醫公案), and "Yi Ji Kao"(醫籍考). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), Yuan Jian(元堅 $1795{\sim}1857$) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(禦匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素問紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"("傷寒廣要"), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("診腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(矢數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', the founding of Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.