• 월간 기계설비
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• s.51
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• pp.32-33
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• 1994

중국 호북대외건설 상담센타(CHIC-중국 호북대외 연합건설업 대리부) (1)CHIC는 화합, 기술축적의 정신하에 각국 정부, 민간 기업과 교류를 희망 (2)주요업무는 건축, 교통, 방직, 수력 ,기계, 선박등의 시공, 생산기술 등을 대행 (3)관리요원, 기술요원, 노무자, 전문요원의 구직 희망, (4)국내외 많은 합작기업의 투자와 교류희망

• Venture DIGEST
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• s.130
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• pp.6-9
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• 2009

한-유럽연합(EU) 자유무역협정이 이번 5월 실질적인 타결을 앞두고 있다. 이를 둘러싼 여러가지 관점과 이해관계가 존재하지만, 수출이 희망이자 살길인 우리 벤처에 있어서는 유럽공동체라는 크나큰 시장진출 기회가 열리는 것이 사실이다. 지피지기면 백전불패! 미리미리 한-EU FTA의 내용을 살피고 벤처기업 입장에서 유럽시장 진출의 준비사항을 꼼꼼히 챙겨보자.

• Bulletin of Food Technology
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• v.25 no.2
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• pp.170-175
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• 2012

국가의 글로벌화 전략에 따라 한 EU, 한 미 FTA가 발효를 앞두고 있으며, 중국도 단순히 농수산물 생산지원에서 탈피하여 농산물 가공촉진을 위한 계획수립 및 지원을 추진 중이다. 이런 대외의 상황변화에 따라 대기업을 제외한 중소식품기업은 고가의 메스티지 제품 생산이나 저가의 범용식품생산에서도 경쟁력이 부족한 실정이다. 노령인구로 인한 농업생산의 구조조정이 완료된 유럽이 농업 및 식품산업에서 경쟁력을 유지하고 있는 배경은 다양한 협동조합기업 그리고 협동조합기업연합의 활발한 경영활동과 한 번 협동조합기업에 가입하면 그 협동조합을 통해 농산물 등을 유통해야 하는 법과 제도에 기반하고 있다. 한국의 경우 "농업협동조합법" 등 기존 8개의 개별법체제는 농수산물생산자 중심으로 식품을 생산하는 중 소규모 식품기업이 연합하여 규모화를 달성할 수 있는 법인을 설립할 수 있는 제도적 기반이 미비하였으나, "협동조합기본법" 제정을 계기로 중 소 식품기업이 함께 공동체를 구성하여 대기업이나 수입식품에 대한 경쟁력을 갖기를 희망한다.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.8
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• pp.63-69
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• 1973

국제지리학연합(I.G.U)이 발족한 이래(1871년) 한국대표가 본회의에 참가하게 된 것은 극히 최근의 일이다. 공식기록에 의하면 1952년에 1만명, 1960년에 2명, 1968년에 1명이었으며, 이번 1972년 8월 10일부터 17일까지 Motreal, Canada에서 열린 회의에는 Utah대학의 이정만 교수와 필자뿐이었다. 이 글은 일개 지리학도인 필자가 본회의에서 보고, 듣고, 느낀바를 적은 것이다. 가까운 장래의 국제지리학회를 한국에 유치시킬수 있게 되기를 희망하며 아울러 차기대회에 대한 참고자료가 되어주기를 바라는 마음에서 회의전반에 걸쳐 회의장, 회의진행과 분위기, 각종전시, 논문발표, 출판물 및 차기대회에 관한 제언등에 관하여 서술하고자 한다.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.1
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• pp.53-82
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• 2018

The $14^{th}$ general election which should be held by August 2018 has been a dominant factor for Malaysian politics, economy, social changes and foreign policy in 2017. UMNO, the dominant party within the ruling governmental coalition, has focused on securing Malay support, voters which made them to sought political cooperation with PAS, Malaysia's Islamist opposition party. A consequent event followed by the strategic ties between the two parties is the rise of political Islam in Malaysia though PAS' 'Islamization' or 'desecularization' has never been adopted by UMNO. The rise of political Islam and Malay support have become the most important factor for the next election, which increasingly enhanced the role of 3R of Malaysia politics; Race, Religion, and Royalty. The Pakatan Harapan (PH), the newly formed opposition coalition without PAS, has elected Mahathir Mohamad, the former Prime Minister, as its candidate for prime minister. Malaysian economy and foreign policy seem to be subordinated to politics. Stabilizing ringgit and restoring economic growth enabled the Najib's government to reveal 'election budget' for 2018. Najib has spoken out Islam-related international issues including the Rohingya crisis and Jerusalem issue. It is to some extent the extension of domestic politics. The rise of political Islam will be a highly influential not only in the coming election but in the political and social development in the aftermath of the election.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.3
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• pp.213-261
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• 2018

On May 9, 2018, regime change took place in Malaysia. It was the first regime change that took place in 61 years after independence in 1957. The regime change was an unexpected result not only in Malaysian experts but also in political circles. Moreover, the outcome of the election was more shocking because the opposition party was divided in this general election. The regime change in Malaysia was enough to attract worldwide attention because it meant the collapse of the oldest regime in the modern political system that exists, except North Korea and China. How could this have happened? In particular, how could the regime change, which had not been accomplished despite opposition parties' cooperation for almost 20 years, could be achieved with the divided opposition forces? What political implications does the 2018 general election result have for political change and democratization in Malaysia? How will the Malaysian politics be developed in the aftermath of the regime change? It is worth noting that during the process of finding answers, a series of general elections since the start of reformasi in 1998 tended to be likened to a series of "tsunami" in the Malaysian electoral history. This phenomenon of tsunami means that, even though very few predicted the possibility of regime change among academia, civil society and political circles, the regime change was not sudden. In other words, the regime in 2018 was the result of the desire and expectation of political change through a series of elections of Malaysian voters last 20 years. In this context, this study, in analyzing the results of the election in 2018, shows that the activation of electoral politics triggered by the reform movement in 1998, along with the specific situational factors in 2018, could lead to collapse of the ruling government for the first time since independence.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.5-36
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• 2017

"The Candle Revolution" impeached the Park government and elected the Moon government. The candlelight protesters demonstrated public anger associated with accumulated corruption and deep-rooted irregularities. Complete political reform is required to perform deep fundamental reform. It aims to transform democracy in a way that is more inclusive. Inclusive democracy contributes to making welfare state stronger. Inclusive democracy is made possible by proportional representation that allows progressive parties more seats and leverages. Proportional representation systems are characterized by higher degrees of redistribution and larger welfare state. Constitutional reform has to be focused on introducing parliamentary government. "Imperialistic" presidential system in Korea has no mechanism of checks and balances which are key characteristics of presidential systems. It has failed to attend the poverty and social inequality arising from globalization and neoliberal change since 2000s. Parliamentary government is supposed to deliver social policy when parties are more disciplined than in presidential system where political parties remain weak.

• Korean Journal of Comparative Education
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• v.27 no.4
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• pp.187-209
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• 2017

The purpose of this study was to highlight the necessity of a conceptual reestablishment of world university evaluations. The hitherto most well-known and validated world university evaluation systems such as Times Higher Education (THE), Quacquarelli Symonds (QS) or Academic Ranking of World Universities (ARWU) primarily assess big universities with quantitative evaluation indicators and performance results in the rankings. Those Systems have instigated a kind of elitism in higher education and neglect numerous small or local institutions of higher education, instead of providing stakeholders with comprehensive information about the real possibilities of tertiary education so that they can choose an institution that is individually tailored to their needs. Also, the management boards of universities and policymakers in higher education have partly been manipulated by and partly taken advantage of the elitist ranking systems with an economic emphasis, as indicated by research-centered evaluations and industry-university cooperation. To supplement such educational defects and to redress the lack of world university evaluation systems, a new system called 'U-Multirank' has been implemented with the financial support of the European Commission since 2012. U-Multirank was designed and is enforced by an international team of project experts led by CHE(Centre for Higher Education/Germany), CHEPS(Center for Higher Education Policy Studies/Netherlands) and CWTS(Centre for Science and Technology Studies at Leiden University/Netherlands). The significant features of U-Multirank, compared with e.g., THE and ARWU, are its qualitative, multidimensional, user-oriented and individualized assessment methods. Above all, its website and its assessment results, based on a mobile operating system and designed simply for international users, present a self-organized and evolutionary model of world university evaluation systems in the digital and global era. To estimate the universal validity of the redefinition of the world university evaluation system using U-Multirank, an epistemological approach will be used that relies on Edgar Morin's Complexity Theory and Karl Popper's Philosophy of Science.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.221-244
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• 2019

This paper attempts to analyze the role of Nigeria's current President Major (Rtd) Mahammudu Buhari and the immediate past President Goodluck Jonathan in dealing with the Boko Haram Insurgency in Nigeria. Nigeria has not been without its fair share of conflict. In fact, no decade of post-Independent Nigeria has been conflict free. With several coups, general strikes and a civil war, Nigerians have had to experience some of the most sordid tragedies arising from difference of opinions and distrust. It is interesting to mention that the conflict in Nigeria has not received the needed attention as it were. The leadership of Goodluck Jonathan did not receive the same effort and cooperation as compared to Muhammadu Buhari who came into office in May 2015. This paper argues the important roles played by the two Nigerian leaders which either aided or prevented collaboration. Goodluck Jonathan was perceived as a weak and indecisive leader whose leadership failed to effectively handle the Boko Haram insurgency. Muhammadu Buhari assumed office with a lot of high hopes and expectations from the Nigerian population and the international community to tackle the Boko Haram insurgency.

• Journal of Christian Education in Korea
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• v.65
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• pp.29-54
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• 2021

In Europe, the diversity in religions, cultures, languages and historical backgrounds is enormous. World War II and the Soviet Regime have played a large part in this and the flow of refugees from other continents increases the pluralism. How can religious education add to bridging between differences? The language across European countries is different, literally between countries, but also figuratively speaking and even inside individual countries. These differences occur in cultural sense and across age groups as well. Secondary education has the task to form young people to become firmly rooted people who can hold their own in society. It is essential that they learn to examine their own core values and their roots. Recognising their values should be a main focus of religious education. However, schools are currently accommodating increasing numbers of non-religious pupils. What role do religious values still play in this situation? How do pupils feel about active involvement in religious institutions, and about basing life choices on religious beliefs? Can other, non-religious values be detected which could form the basis for value-oriented personal formation? Research of these subjects has been ongoing in the Netherlands for more than twenty years and is currently being expanded to the Czech Republic and(former East) Germany. These are also secularized countries but have a very different history. Does the history and context of these countries play a role, and does this show in the values that are important to pupils? A comparative pilot study is being conducted as start of this broadening perspective geared towards greater insight into the values of pupils in these three European countries. This information helps to design appropriate new forms of religious value-oriented worldview education.