• KOMUNHWA
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• no.69
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• pp.41-62
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• 2007

This thesis is focused on the bat symbol, especially prevalent crafts’ pattern in late Joseon period on museum collections. For the use and reperception of them, I am aimed for appropriate analysis of bat symbol by co connotation which reflects the characteristics on number.plastic.color symbol. This point of view, bat idea and bat paintings in Joseon period will be the source of meanings to the denotation of bat patterns. In the museum collections, bat paintings and patterns are calculated 324 objects. By functional classification, the bat patterns on dwelling-crafts for the royal and for the people will be discussed. In result, the bat paintings were only a few, however, usually connoted Taoist hermit with super-natural powers.longevity.protector of Lightning-God.praying for long life, which were based on Taoism. Meanwhile the bat symbol of dwelling-crafts for the royal projected the longevity and prosperity of king and queen. By he Five Blessings and good auspices in Ching dynasty, number of '5.4' implied 'Five Blessings', Through the correct recognition of homo-phone, "a bat(蝠, fu)=happiness(福, fu)$\rArr$five bats(五蝠)$\rArr$Five Blessings(五福 )." In the case of bat symbol on the dwelling-crafts for the people, especially its for women, it expressed on the metal-decoration of furniture and paper-crafts. In the metal-decoration, the signified of bat symbol were expellant-evil('guard') that of characteristic signifier, white-silver color, number '1' and 'flying-type'. The bat symbol on paper-crafts for the people signified 'double happiness'.harmony.sons with number of '2', 'Five Colors' and the transformation of 'flying-type'. Accordingly, the bat symbol on the dwelling-crafts for the people marked 'happiness and guard', because the people had concrete cognition the bat symbol as a denotation of 'happiness and 'guard' by itself

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.34
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• pp.196-243
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• 2006

The popularity of Korea pop culture, which called as the name of "Korea wave", has started to spread out in China and other Asian states from late-1990's. The study about "Korea wave" until now, however, have prevailed within an economic point of view. So, I would like to clarify that this dissertation raises a question in exiting argument and explains the identity of "Korea wave" by investigating the details of pop culture contents of Korea, and understanding of chinese receiver. It shows that chinese receiver, watching the movie , has estimated in the affirmative viewpoint after I have analyzed a reply of movie web-site in China. The main features of this analysis prove that there are a lot of good estimation when chinese receiver have seen that movie because it has been well-matched with emotion and fun of story and attraction in the movie. In that order, Some Chinese netizen evaluated that there are some negative point of view as the main actress has a strange and crazy behavior. I have also found that Korea pop culture contents has not given to them good image and chinese receiver had a tendency to view objectively to classify with strength and weakness. Analysis to contrast understanding of Chinese netizen with Korea netizen showed that Korea netizen emphasized fun of story, however, Chinese netizen showed that they had a lot of opinion to be fresh and realistic relatively. In conclusion, I would like herewith to identify that there are some differences between Chinese netizen and Korean netizen after contacting the movie. The reason has showed that understanding about the same object can be a great deal of various consideration in two more diverse cultures which have many different social-cultural and historical situation.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.31
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• pp.49-92
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• 2018

I have examined some beliefs in the Thunder God and their magico-ritual techniques in Korea from the perspective of Korean national religious history and have classified these types of beliefs. In several myths from ancient nations in Korea, the Thunder God was the Supreme being governing the Universe including the sky, earth, and water, and he justified political power transcendently. In the medieval period, the Thunder God who was called 'the Supreme God and Celestial Worthy of the Ninth Heaven Who Spreads the Sound of the Thunder Corresponding to Primordial Origin' was the object of Daoist ritual for rain. In the early Joseon period, people believed that the prehistoric stone tools known as thunder axes were the tools of the Thunder God, and thereby were imbued with medicinal power. In the late Joseon period, beliefs in the Thunder God developed in various ways such as the overcoming of wars and healing of diseases. Modern Korean national religions including Daesoon Jinrihoe reappropriated the Thunder God called 'the Supreme God and Celestial Worthy of the Ninth Heaven Who Spreads the Sound of the Thunder Corresponding to Primordial Origin' from the perspective of the Great Opening (Kaebyŏk) and the resolution of grievances (Haewon).

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.44 no.4
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• pp.56-69
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• 2011

A Gamsil is an ritual instrument which enshrine the ancestral tablets of four lines from late great-great-grandfather and grandmother to late father and mother. This has their soul. Juja's "Garye" informs its structure pattern. It is placed in Sadang and takes the form of a perfectly square box. It partitions four rooms and enshrine an ancestral tablet room by room. They get the ancestral tablets line up from west to east. And they also enshrine the ancestral tablets without his descendant together in Gamsil. A Gamsil is a space to enshrine the ancestral tablets and to place an order within a family. A social status and A family economic power become a standard in making and managing Sadang. Kingdom in Joseon period limited the ancestral tablets considering of his degree of official rank which descendant enshrined. A official servant can be stable economically in getting a stipend and build sadang in the house. While household a little in economic enshrine the ancestral tablets at a Gamsil placed at the a space of private home. His personal circumstances make size and pattern, place change in relation to Gamsil. A Gamsil looks like house in structure and pattern. It has the immortality of the soul. And it changed from a table size to a ancestral tablet size. This Gamsil is comfortable to move and is made considering of the width and height of household. The transition of Gamsil means institutions is in close to a family economic power in social change. Kingdom in Joseon early period makes a policy of a Gamyo's build and an ancestral enshrine in basement of Juja's "Garye". The transition of Gamsil gave a common people limitted socially and institutionally the service of late four lines. Most of people enshrine the ancestral tablets of their four lines in approaching of in the late of Joseon Dinasty. They compromise on their reality and cause. The transition of Gamsil implied many different things in social ; the authenticity search and a dignity expression of his family, the foundation for the diffusion of an ancestral service, a space sharing with ancestor and descendent, the increment of a family economic power etc.

• Journal of Convergence for Information Technology
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• v.8 no.6
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• pp.59-66
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• 2018

The utilized coefficient of friction (UCOF) as a ratio of the shear force to the normal force on the ground during walking is used to identify the point at which slip is likely to occur. Shoe walking will change the utilized coefficient of friction by shoe design such as sole thickness and hardness, heel shape, and outsole pattern. In this study, subjects are 21 adults (10 female, 11 male, age: $25.2{\pm}2.3yrs$, height: $165.6{\pm}7.2cm$), analysis variables were walking speed, GRF, when the UCOF is maximal, and Tangent of CoP-CoM angle, and correlation analysis with the utilized friction coefficient (UCOF). As a result, First, for the shod walking the time point which UCOF is maximum about heel strike was faster and the magnitude was larger than for barefoot walking. Second, the correlation between the tangent of CoP-CoM and UCOF of right foot was higher at the left heel striking point (UCOF2_h) which occurred in the post propulsion phase than at the right heel striking point (UCOF1_h). This suggests that the right foot UCOF is related to the braking phase of left foot( which is the propulsion phase of right foot) rather than the braking phase of right foot.

• Korean Journal of Food Science and Technology
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• v.14 no.4
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• pp.301-308
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• 1982

Chungkook-jang Koji was fermented with rice straw at $40^{\circ}C\;and\;50^{\circ}C$ for 72 hours. The changes of proximate composition, pH, titrable acidity, nitrogen compounds, protease activity and free-amino acids during the fermentation were investigated. Moisture, lipid and protein contents remained essentially unchanged during the fermentation. The pH was gradually increased from 6.4 to 7.46 and 7.82 at $40^{\circ}C\;and\;50^{\circ}C$, respectively, after 72 hour fermentation. Amino type and water soluble nitrogen increased as fermentation progressed. however, the former slightly decreased after 60 hour fermentation. Chungkook-jang fermented at $40^{\circ}C$ showed somewhat higher protease activity than $50^{\circ}C$. However, protease activity at both fermentation temperatures showed the same trend; that is, it increased until 48 hour fermentation and thereafter decrease. Free amino acid content of Chung-kook-jang after 72 hour fermentation at $40^{\circ}C$ was 6 times greater than that of the steamed soybean, while it was 2.5 times greater at $50^{\circ}C$. Based on these results. it seems that the optimum fermentation conditions for Chungkook-jang were $40^{\circ}C$ and 72 hours.

• Sijohaknonchong
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• v.25
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• pp.175-209
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• 2006

This study focuses on Korean-American writer Hong-Eun$(1880{\sim}1951)'s$ American travel gasaes and sis who played an active role under the rule of Japanese imperialism. This study also investigates Hong-Eun's experience and expression on American travel and culture and discusses his changes in stream of consciousness. According to American travel sigaes which were published in the New Koren Times in 1936. 1937, and 1949, his consciousness can be summarized as follows. First travel siga depicts his inner conflict as a refugee who lost one's home country. That is to say. by observing Indians' losing identity and their miserable labor conditions, he developed his own critical eyes on American society. Eventually he missed his country desperately and sought for the ways of his returning there. Second travel sijo reveals his own agony about not be able to return his home country where he could Possibly visit. In other words, after suffering from his agony, it is evident that he started to take positive attitude towards American society and establish his own identity. Based upon Hong-Eun's changes in consciousness as a writer, the researcher hypothesizes that there exists Diaspora-Consciousness in his work. His consciousness is strongly related with his attitude towards his home country whether it Is positive or vice versa. When his home country declared her independence. his attitude towards immigrant society was positively changed, which was quite contradictory from his previous one. In this transition period, not only he accepted American ideology and life, but he re-conceptualized them as a Korean mode. In sum, Hong-Eun's mental traces lie on the core of hybrid and diaspora which Post-Colonial literature values highly of.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.1
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• pp.184-203
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• 2020

The Confucian ruling class of the Joseon Dynasty regarded Buddhist rituals as "dangerous festivals." However, these Buddhist ceremonies facilitated transitions between phases of life from birth till death and strengthened communal unity through their joint practice of the rites. Ritual spaces were decorated with various utensils and objects that transformed them into wondrous arenas. Of these ornaments, Buddhist paintings served as the most effective visual medium for educating the common people. As an example, a painting of the Ten Kings of the Underworld (siwangdo) could be hung as a means to illustrate the Buddhist view of the afterlife, embedded in images not only inside a Buddhist temple hall, but in any space where a Buddhist ritual was being held. Demand for Buddhist paintings rose considerably with their use in ritual spaces. Nectar ritual paintings (gamnodo), including scenes of appeasement rites for the souls of the deceased, emphasized depictions of royal family members and their royal relatives. In Chinese paintings of the water and land ceremony (suryukjae), these figures referred to one of several sacred groups who invited deities to a ritual. However, in Korean paintings of a nectar ritual, the iconography symbolized the patronage of the royal court and underlined the historicity and tradition of nationally conducted water and land ceremonies. This royal patronage implied the social and governmental sanction of Buddhist rituals. By including depictions of royal family members and their royal relatives, Joseon Buddhist paintings highlighted this approval. The Joseon ruling class outwardly feared that Buddhist rituals might undermine observance of Confucian proprieties and lead to a corruption of public morals, since monks and laymen, men and women, and people of all ranks mingled within the ritual spaces. The concern of the ruling class was also closely related to the nature of festivals, which involved deviation from the routines of daily life and violation of taboos. Since visual media such as paintings were considered to hold a special power, some members of the ruling class attempted to exploit this power, while others were apprehensive of the risks they entailed. According to Joseon wangjo sillok (The Annals of the Joseon Dynasty), the Joseon royal court burned Buddhist paintings and ordered the arrest of those who created them, while emphasizing their dangers. It further announced that so many citizens were gathering in Buddhist ritual spaces that the capital city was being left vacant. However, this record also paradoxically suggests that Buddhist rituals were widely considered festivals that people should participate in. Buddhist rituals could not be easily suppressed since they performed important religious functions reflecting the phases of the human life cycle, and had no available Confucian replacements. Their festive nature, unifying communities, expanded significantly at the time. The nectar ritual paintings of the late Joseon period realistically delineated nectar rituals and depicted the troops of traveling actors and performers that began to emerge during the seventeenth century. Such Buddhist rituals for consoling souls who encountered an unfortunate death were held annually and evolved into festivals during which the Joseon people relieved their everyday fatigue and refreshed themselves. The process of adopting Buddhist rituals-regarded as "dangerous festivals" due to political suppression of Buddhism in the Confucian nation-as seasonal customs and communal feasts is well reflected in the changes made in Buddhist paintings.

• Sijohaknonchong
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• v.24
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• pp.5-46
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• 2006

Korean verse has flexibly changed its form and contents according to the historical background of the times. This fact arouses reader sympathy because it has reflected ideas, historical aspects and realities of the times. However, korean verse has kept its own characteristics in some ways, allowing it to exist today. It holds its form as 3 verses of three by three or four meter and three letters of the last of three verses. It makes every different version which has specific aspects of each times in the same 'sijo' area. 'Sijo' in Korean poems, is the first form that has been changed from formal to private functionally. As a result of that common verses in the Goryeo to Joseon eras were going with the stream of the times. Verse was the plate for justice so that there was no double meaning, symbols, or technical sentences. It had to show the idea of Myungchundo Jwonginryun. The theme was commonly fitted within certain areas. such as blessings, fidelity, devotion, etc. Around the end of the Joseon era, there was activation of private verses - a form of sijo with no restrictions on the length of the first two verses. Some ideas had been changed because Sarimpa gained power, domestic conflict, and the introduction of practical science. These things had an effect on the form of Sijo. After all, it shows the ideas of collapsing feudalism, resistance of confucian ideas, equality of the sexes, and opposition to the group who rule the government. Thus Sasul Sijo seems to have the tendency of resistance to reality. It was a specialty of realism poetry It explained our life in detail and reflected real life by being an intermediary of realism. This met and represented the demand of a reader's expectations. After 1905, there was new form of sijo that is very different, in form and content, from the previous versions. It was even different in areas of what people accepted. They started to think sijo was not the form of lyrical verse that is once was. It became a 'record of reading'. The form changed to 'hung or huhung' that satirized the times and the ending of a word in the last verse. Although this form could deliver the tension in statement, it was too iu from the original form. Therefore, it didn't last long, and its position got smaller because of the free verse that had western influence and was emerging in the times. In the middle of 1920, there was a movement of Sijo revival. It was lead by Choinamsun. He wrote poems and Sijo which were effected by western ideas in his early works. Although he worked with that, he took the lead in the movement of Sijo revival. He published the collection of Sijo $\ulcorner$Baekpalbunnwoi$\lrcorner$ that has one major theme-patriotic sentiment. He thought an ancient poem was a part of racial characteristics so that he expressed the main theme which represented the times and situations of his era. Modern Sijo is difficult. Sijo has to have modern and Korean verse characteristics at the same time. If it considers a modern aspect too much, it could not be distinguished from sijo and free verse. If it overly leans toward Sijo. it would seem to be too conservative which it then could be said to have no real charm of a poem. In spite of these problems, it is written constantly, because it has its own specialty. It has been focused on some works because they reflect awareness of modern times, the democratic idea, and realism. Overall, the authors of Modern Sijo express various themes by using different forms. The more what we can guess in this work, Sijo will exist permanently because of its flexibility. Furthermore, one special characteristic-flexibility of the korean verse will make it last forever and it will be a genre in Korean poetry.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.123-154
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• 2019

Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain is a ten-panel folding screen with images and postscripts. Commissioned by Bak Gyeong-bin (dates unknown), this screen was painted by Jo Jung-muk (1820-after 1894) in 1868. The postscripts were written by Hong Seon-ju (dates unknown). The National Museum of Korea restored this painting, which had been housed in the museum on separate sheets, to its original folding screen format. The museum also opened the screen to the public for the first time at the special exhibition Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea held from July 23 to September 22, 2019. Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain depicts real scenery on the western slopes of Inwangsan Mountain spanning present-day Hongje-dong and Hongeun-dong in Seodaemun-gu, Seoul. In the distance, the Bukhansan Mountain ridges are illustrated. The painting also bears place names, including Inwangsan Mountain, Chumohyeon Hill, Hongjewon Inn, Samgaksan Mountain, Daenammun Gate, and Mireukdang Hall. The names and depictions of these places show similarities to those found on late Joseon maps. Jo Jung-muk is thought to have studied the geographical information marked on maps so as to illustrate a broad landscape in this painting. Field trips to the real scenery depicted in the painting have revealed that Jo exaggerated or omitted natural features and blended and arranged them into a row for the purposes of the horizontal picture plane. Jo Jung-muk was a painter proficient at drawing conventional landscapes in the style of the Southern School of Chinese painting. Details in Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain reflect the painting style of the School of Four Wangs. Jo also applied a more decorative style to some areas. The nineteenth-century court painters of the Dohwaseo(Royal Bureau of Painting), including Jo, employed such decorative painting styles by drawing houses based on painting manuals, applying dots formed like sprinkled black pepper to depict mounds of earth and illustrating flowers by dotted thick pigment. Moreover, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain shows the individualistic style of Jeong Seon(1676~1759) in the rocks drawn with sweeping brushstrokes in dark ink, the massiveness of the mountain terrain, and the pine trees simply depicted using horizontal brushstrokes. Jo Jung-muk is presumed to have borrowed the authority and styles of Jeong Seon, who was well-known for his real scenery landscapes of Inwangsan Mountain. Nonetheless, the painting lacks an spontaneous sense of space and fails in conveying an impression of actual sites. Additionally, the excessively grand screen does not allow Jo Jung-muk to fully express his own style. In Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the texts of the postscripts nicely correspond to the images depicted. Their contents can be divided into six parts: (1) the occupant of the tomb and the reason for its relocation; (2) the location and geomancy of the tomb; (3) memorial services held at the tomb and mysterious responses received during the memorial services; (4) cooperation among villagers to manage the tomb; (5) the filial piety of Bak Gyeong-bin, who commissioned the painting and guarded the tomb; and (6) significance of the postscripts. The second part in particular is faithfully depicted in the painting since it can easily be visualized. According to the fifth part revealing the motive for the production of the painting, the commissioner Bak Gyeongbin was satisfied with the painting, stating that "it appears impeccable and is just as if the tomb were newly built." The composition of the natural features in a row as if explaining each one lacks painterly beauty, but it does succeed in providing information on the geomantic topography of the gravesite. A fair number of the existing depictions of gravesites are woodblock prints of family gravesites produced after the eighteenth century. Most of these are included in genealogical records and anthologies. According to sixteenth- and seventeenth-century historical records, hanging scrolls of family gravesites served as objects of worship. Bowing in front of these paintings was considered a substitute ritual when descendants could not physically be present to maintain their parents' or other ancestors' tombs. Han Hyo-won (1468-1534) and Jo Sil-gul (1591-1658) commissioned the production of family burial ground paintings and asked distinguished figures of the time to write a preface for the paintings, thus showing off their filial piety. Such examples are considered precedents for Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. Hermitage of the Recluse Seokjeong in a private collection and Old Villa in Hwagae County at the National Museum of Korea are not paintings of family gravesites. However, they serve as references for seventeenth-century paintings depicting family gravesites in that they are hanging scrolls in the style of the paintings of literary gatherings and they illustrate geomancy. As an object of worship, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain recalls a portrait. As indicated in the postscripts, the painting made Bak Gyeong-bin "feel like hearing his father's cough and seeing his attitudes and behaviors with my eyes." The fable of Xu Xiaosu, who gazed at the portrait of his father day and night, is reflected in this gravesite painting evoking a deceased parent. It is still unclear why Bak Gyeong-bin commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to be produced as a real scenery landscape in the folding screen format rather than a hanging scroll or woodblock print, the conventional formats for a family gravesite paintings. In the nineteenth century, commoners came to produce numerous folding screens for use during the four rites of coming of age, marriage, burial, and ancestral rituals. However, they did not always use the screens in accordance with the nature of these rites. In the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the real scenery landscape appears to have been emphasized more than the image of the gravesite in order to allow the screen to be applied during different rituals or for use to decorate space. The burial mound, which should be the essence of Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, might have been obscured in order to hide its violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the four mountains around the capital. At the western foot of Inwangsan Mountain, which was illustrated in this painting, the construction of tombs was forbidden. In 1832, a tomb discovered illegally built on the forbidden area was immediately dug up and the related people were severely punished. This indicates that the prohibition was effective until the mid-nineteenth century. The postscripts on the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain document in detail Bak Gyeong-bin's efforts to obtain the land as a burial site. The help and connivance of villagers were necessary to use the burial site, probably because constructing tombs within the prohibited area was a burden on the family and villagers. Seokpajeong Pavilion by Yi Han-cheol (1808~1880), currently housed at the Los Angeles County Museum of Art, is another real scenery landscape in the format of a folding screen that is contemporaneous and comparable with Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. In 1861 when Seokpajeong Pavilion was created, both Yi Han-cheol and Jo Jung-muk participated in the production of a portrait of King Cheoljong. Thus, it is highly probable that Jo Jung-muk may have observed the painting process of Yi's Seokpajeong Pavilion. A few years later, when Jo Jungmuk was commissioned to produce Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, his experience with the impressive real scenery landscape of the Seokpajeong Pavilion screen could have been reflected in his work. The difference in the painting style between these two paintings is presumed to be a result of the tastes and purposes of the commissioners. Since Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain contains the multilayered structure of a real scenery landscape and family gravesite, it seems to have been perceived in myriad different ways depending on the viewer's level of knowledge, closeness to the commissioner, or viewing time. In the postscripts to the painting, the name and nickname of the tomb occupant as well as the place of his surname are not recorded. He is simply referred to as "Mister Bak." Biographical information about the commissioner Bak Gyeong-bin is also unavailable. However, given that his family did not enter government service, he is thought to have been a person of low standing who could not become a member of the ruling elite despite financial wherewithal. Moreover, it is hard to perceive Hong Seon-ju, who wrote the postscripts, as a member of the nobility. He might have been a low-level administrative official who belonged to the Gyeongajeon, as documented in the Seungjeongwon ilgi (Daily Records of Royal Secretariat of the Joseon Dynasty). Bak Gyeong-bin is presumed to have moved the tomb of his father to a propitious site and commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to stress his filial piety, a conservative value, out of his desire to enter the upper class. However, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain failed to live up to its original purpose and ended up as a contradictory image due to its multiple applications and the concern over the exposure of the violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the prohibited area. Forty-seven years after its production, this screen became a part of the collection at the Royal Yi Household Museum with each panel being separated. This suggests that Bak Gyeong-bin's dream of bringing fortune and raising his family's social status by selecting a propitious gravesite did not come true.