• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.2
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• pp.154-169
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• 2021

The establishment of the Bronze Age is one of the most important achievements suggested by Korean archaeology shortly after liberation. There is no doubt that Moo-Byung Yoon is the representative figure, who refuted the ambiguous Eneolithic age (金石倂用期) created by Japanese scholars and settled the concept of the Bronze Age. In this article, the author takes a new look at Yoon's institutional role in studying the Bronze Age in Korea. Until now, Yoon's representative achievement has been his typology of the Slender dagger of the Korean Peninsula. However, it is not less important that Yoon also established the Bronze Age concept with the excavation of a dolmen and a Bronze Age subterranean dwelling in Oksok-ni, Paju during the 1960s. Of course, it was not a personal assignment for Yoon. He was aided by Prof. Kim Won-Yong's work, who had introduced newly excavated materials from North Korea and China; these materials gave some insight for establishing the Bronze Age concepts in the 1960 and 1970s. Kim's suggestion about the possibility of a Korean Bronze Age led to Yoon's refined typological study on Korea's bronze wares. However, Yoon's excessive schematic classification of artifacts and reliance on the Japanese chronology became an obstacle for making the Korean Bronze Age isolated from East Asia. As a result, it is regrettable that his research led to the "cultural lag" phenomenon of Bronze Age research. Meanwhile, Japanese archaeology, which had influenced Yoon, also faced a major change. In 2003, the Japanese archaeological community revised the Yayoi culture's beginning around the 1,000 BC. This means a shift in the perception that we should understand Japan's Bronze Age in the context of the East Asian continent. Of course, it is not appropriate to reevaluate or denigrate Yoon's research from the current view. Rather, it is necessary to recognize the limitations of Yoon's time and present a new path to research by combining the archaeological tradition of refining research on the relics he maintained with a new chronological view and a macro view of East Asian archaeology. This is why we should take a new glimpse into Yoon's research.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.100
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• pp.50-80
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• 2021

This paper critically examines the history of the theories connected to the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda that have developed over the last 100 years focusing on the original number of stories the pagoda would have reached. Part II of this paper retraces the dynamic process of the rediscovery of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda by Westerners who traveled to Korea during the port-opening period. Koreans at the time viewed the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda as an object of no particular appeal or even as an eyesore. However, Westerners appreciated it as a wonder or magnificent sight. Since these Westerners had almost no prior knowledge of Buddhist pagodas, they were able to write objective travelogues. At the time, these visitors generally accepted the theory common among Joseon intellectuals that Wongaksa Temple Pagoda once had thirteen stories. Part III focuses on Japanese government-affiliated scholars' academic research on the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda after the proclamation of the Korean Empire and the Japanese Government-General of Korea's subsequent management of the pagoda as a cultural property during the colonial era. It also discusses issues with Japanese academic research and management. In particular, this portion sheds light on the shift in theories about the original number of stories of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda from the ten-story theory supported by Sekino Tadashi (關野 貞), whose ideas have held a great influence on this issue over the last 100 years, to the thirteen-story theory and then to the idea that it had more than thirteen. Finally, Part IV addresses the change from the multi-story theory to the ten-story theory in the years after Korea's liberation from Japan until 1962. Moreover, it highlights how Korean intellectuals of the Japanese colonial era predominantly accepted the thirteen-story theory. Since 1962, a considerable quantity of significant research on the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda has been published. However, since most of these studies have applied the ten-story theory suggested in 1962, they are not individually discussed in this paper. This retracing of the history of theories about the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda has verified that although there are reasonable grounds for supporting the thirteen-story theory, it has not been proved in the last 100 years. Moreover, the number of pagoda stories has not been fully discussed in academia. The common theory that both Wongaksa Temple Pagoda and Gyeongcheonsa Temple Pagoda were ten-story pagodas was first formulated by Sekino Tadashi 100 years ago. Since the abrasion of the Wongaksa Temple Stele was so severe the inscriptions on the stele were almost illegible, Sekino argued that the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda was a ten-story pagoda based on an architectural analysis of the then-current condition of the pagoda. Immediately after Sekino presented his argument, a woodblock-printed version of the inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele was found. This version included a phrase that a thirteen-story pagoda had been erected. In a similar vein, the Dongguk yeoji seungnam (Geographic Encyclopedia of Korea) published by the orders of King Seongjong in the late fifteenth century documented that Gyeongcheonsa Temple Pagoda, the model for the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda, was also a thirteen-story pagoda. The Wongaksa Temple Stele erected on the orders of King Sejo after the establishment of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda evidently shows that Sekino's ten-story premise is flawed. Sekino himself wrote that "as [the pagoda] consists of a three-story stereobate and a ten-story body, people call it a thirteen-story pagoda," although he viewed the number of stories of the pagoda body as that of the entire pagoda. The inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele also clearly indicate that the king ordered the construction of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda as a thirteen-story pagoda. Although unprecedented, this thirteen-story pagoda comprised a ten-story pagoda body over a three-story stereobate. Why would King Sejo have built a thirteen-story pagoda in an unusual form consisting of a ten-story body on top of a three-story stereobate? In order to fully understand King Sejo's intention in building a thirteen-story pagoda, analyzing the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda is necessary. This begins with the restoration of its original name. I disprove Sekino's ten-story theory built upon flawed premises and an eclectic over-thirteen-story theory and urge applying the thirteen-story theory, as the inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele stated that the pagoda was originally built as a thirteen-story pagoda.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.6 no.3
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• pp.257-264
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• 1991

A study on the foods of annual custom in Cheongju area was done to know the present practices and compare with Dongkooksesiki (동국세시기(東國歲時記)), Youlyangsesiki (열양세시기(洌陽歲時記)), Kyoungdojabji (경도잡지(京都雜誌)), and the results of a study on the gala foods in Kangweon province. Those annual custom which are celebrated in Cheongju area are Seolnal (New Year's Day) (100%), Chuseok (Harvest Moon Day) (100%), Daeboreum (the 15th of January) (92.6%), Dongji (the winter solstice) (75.2%), and Sambok (the period of summer heat) (67.4%) in the order of higher percentages. No subjects for this survey are keeping on celebrating Junghwa (servants day), Jungwon (the 15th day of the 7th lunar month), and Nabpyoung. Foods of annual custom on Chuseok and Seolnal had a greater variety, compared with those enjoyed on other annual custom. Foods of annual custom such as Ddugguk, Mandoo on Seolnal, Ogokbab, Mugeunnamul, and Buryum on Daeboreum, Songpyun on Chuseok, Patjuk on Dongji were being enjoyed by most people. But the other foods of annual custom are enjoyed in a lower percentage or almost forgotten.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.199-215
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• 2002

The socio-economic and environmental systems of world are in turmoil. International conflicts are placed in their geographical context through the integration of maps. Changes in the world political map have often been the outcome of wars and conflicts associated with major geopolitical transitions. We identify five basic types--proto-nationalism, unification nationalism, separation nationalism, liberation nationalism and renewal nationalism. Political leaders in a wide range of contexts have been able to appeal to the nationalist doctrine to justify their actions. In recent years indigenous peoples have found a new voice in their struggle for survival. Although colonial empire's ending followed long and bloody struggles in some places. We really cannot understand the modem world as a whole if we do not understand the dynamic of that part of it which has endured and struggled against colonialism. The patterns of the international conflicting area are divided internal conflict type, mixed conflict type, international conflict type. The formation factors of the international conflicting area are divided ethnic group, religion, colonialism, resource, territory. There has recently been a resurgence of Islam's importance in world affairs. The oil crises of the 1970s gave new international leverage to several Muslim states.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.64
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• pp.85-108
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• 2013

This paper aims to review Ahn Jae-Hong's studies on the history of the Korean press from the perspective of research history focussing his "Josun Shinmun Sosa(A Short History of the Korean Press)" published in 1935. For this purpose major discussions with respect to journalistic history during the Japanese occupation period are reviewed. The result reveals that Ahn Jae-Hong's studies using a comparative method and a social historical approach are judged to be the most representative outcomes at that time. The "Josun Shinmun Sosa" first explains "Inhaeng Jobo" and "Jeobo" as an origin of newspaper, and then explains various subjects on newspaper phenomena in the latter era of the Chosun Dynasty such as participants of major newspapers, the tone of newspapers, the analysis of newspaper character through evaluation of main articles, the system of newspaper, newspaper advertisements, pro-Japanese newspapers, newspapers managed by Japanese, newspapers for overseas Korean, etc. But partly it gives a general description rather than a detailed research due to the nature of contributions to the newspaper, and also includes an objective analysis and a subjective impression together. Nevertheless his researches can be valued as pioneering pieces of work as they comprehensively handled various objects of study on newspapers and gave new angle and orientation of interpretation on the newspaper phenomena at that time. Also it is judged that they had an effect on the period division as well as the description methods for the study of the history of the Korean press.

• 한국사회정책
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.181-215
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• 2017

The study found that the origins of modern Korean welfare regime are closely related to the political and economic order of the U.S. military rule between 1945 and 1948. The creation of developmental state in 1960s and 1970s can not be imagined from the standpoint of the U.S. military rule. The U.S. military government dismantled the labor movement and the farmers' movement, and dealt a devastating blow to leftist political forces. Through this process, the U.S. military government turned the political landscape of the Republic of Korea, which was dominated by left-wing political forces in August 1945, completely transformed into the political landscape dominated by right-wing political forces. Moreover, it would not have been possible without the physical force of the US military government to transplant American capitalism instead of the social (democratic) state that the majority of the Korean people wanted. Through farmland reform, the traditional landowning classes were broken down, the revolutionary farmers turned into conservative peasants, and the distribution of factories owned by the Japanese led to the birth of a new capitalist class that was subordinated to the state. From the viewpoint of the welfare regime, the most significant meaning of the US military government is that it laid the foundations for the developmental state in the 1960s and 1970s in Korea.

• Journal of Korea Entertainment Industry Association
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• v.14 no.6
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• pp.43-52
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• 2020

This paper is a study of Gustav Deutsch's film (2013). The film transformed the painting of Edward Hopper into an homage film. So it gives the impression that the picture is moving. In this regard, it raises the issue of 'remediation' between film and pictures. In this study, We ask how (2013) dealt with the movement in turning Hopper's paintings into movies. To that end, To this end, we look at two aspects of movement: the actor's movement and the screen's movement. The concepts of "tableau vivant," Agamben's gesture and mediation were used in the process. The actor's movement in the film is not an act of making and developing events. It is a gesture that moves a person's body and expression itself. It is not a story-oriented acting, but a gesture that Giorgio Agamben said. Editing and camera movements are used while maintaining frontality. This suggests that the movement of the screen is the eye of the audience. At first glance, it embodies the voyeuristic gaze of the original work. However, But the audience isn't looking at the image unilaterally, as in mainstream fiction films, but they are also being seen by that image. Also, the camera's movement to take a closer look at the details of the screen shows the movement itself rather than the means to reveal the details. The 'vision of reality' in a film is made through movement. The film questions the vision of reality between painting and film, between words and images. The move is a means of mediating reality, but the film is regaining the "lost gesture" that Giorgio Agamben once said by revealing its mediated nature. This tells us that the vision of reality appears when it obscures its mediated nature.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.29 no.3
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• pp.318-339
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• 1994

U.S. had given large amount of cotton to Korea as food aid program since 1945. This cotton aid had negative impact on cotton culture in Korean agriculture. Korean government used counterparts funds (sale proceeds of food aid) not for investment to agriculture sector, but for military budgets. And food aid on program type had influenced general economic policies, which neglected agricultural sector too. Anti-agricultural policy which was helped by U.S. food aid, had caused cotton cultivator an economic loss. So this economic loss had made many farmers abandon cotton culture. But in our times, cotton is cultivated for the purpose of domestic consumption in a few rural villages. The purposes of this study are 1) to analyze the process of spatial reduction of cotton culture since 1945 in regional contexts in Korea, and 2) to identify the function and meaning of cotton culture which does not pay off in agricultural region. Materials for acreage of cotton culture are acquired through the agricultural statistical year book(1952-1989) and census. To clarify the meanings of cotton culture, field survey are conducted in a rural village which is identified as only one where cotton was cultivated in 1993. In these contexts, this study has come to the following conclusions. In the period of under the rule of Japanese Imperialism (1910-1945), G. arboreum, species of cotton which was traditionally cultivated since 1364, had been driven out. And G. hirustun species, which is suitable for the production of highly qualified textile, has been hierarchically diffused by policy. In these period, regional structure of Korean agriculture was reorganized for the provision with food to Japan. Crops leading this dependent spatial structure were rice and cotton. So agricultural region, specialized with cotton, were distributed in the hinterland of the area which is specialized with rice. U.S. cotton aid to Korea began in 1947. U.S. took an interest in agricultural export because of her domestic surplus of cotton. Cotton aid is one mechanism by which U.S government developed agricultural market in recipient countries, Specially in the exchange rates, up-valuation of won to the U.S. dollars made domestic cotton more expensive than cotton imported, Production cost of domestic cotton is higher than Government's purchasing price of cotton which was also more expensive than price of cotton imported. Korean farmer could not help abandoning the cultivation of cotton, and this gave rise to spatial reduction of cotton culture. Spatially, cotton culture was abandoned in early stage of reduction in regions where stand at a disadvantage climatically, and in next stage in regions where other up-land crops which paid off in urban market, eg, fruits, could be cultivated. In the stage of extinction, cotton was cultivated only in area where G. hirustun species was originated in Korean peninsula. This region is not only suitable climatically for cotton culture, but is far away from urban market. Use of cotton produced is not for spinning, but for fillings of comforter. The main purpose of cotton culture in rural village is not for cotton yields, but for increase of production of seasame, which is grown together with cotton as mixed crops. Cotton product are used for domestic consumption and sold out to gin house. Though cotton culture is not paid off, farmer wanted to cultivate continuously for the cultural purpose, and they wanted the cotton culture promotion policy with the goverment subsidy.

• Journal of Korean Society of Archives and Records Management
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.39-60
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• 2008

This paper deals with the four aspects of the acquisition, construction and common use of modern and post-modern document DB in the NAK, NIKH, and AKS. First, The concept of Korean regional history includes provincial history, local history and regional history and as far as modern and post-modern history is concerned, the concept of regional history is on expansion. Second, National Archives of Korea has been systematically collecting and managing modern and post-modern regional history records in compliance to Public Institutes Records Management Law, enacted in 1999 and currently is in charge of handling public records of 373 central government administration offices, 514 regional government offices, Office of Education, universities and of other public agencies. National Institute of Korean History is working on a ten year project from 2004 to collect the scattered modern and post-modern regional history records and to classify them regionally and thematically. The Academy of Korean Studies has been collecting modern and post-modern regional history records and collection was initiated by Modern History Research. Those records that are collected from 1997 and 2005 are mainly from the liberation period. Third, characteristics of Central Archives Management System and Nara Records Portal System of NAK, Korean History Database System of NIKH and of The AKS' Korean Provincial Culture Electronic Encyclopedia are elaborated. Fourth, establishing 'Modern and Post-modern Regional History Records Council' as an affiliated organization of National Archives Management Committee is recommended, NAK leading the council and promoting further cooperation. In this section, an emphasis on allotted tasks of three institutes in order to achieve technology development for digitalized resource sharing, to improve on contents and to promote public and international use is placed as well.

• Journal of Christian Education in Korea
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• v.63
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• pp.121-150
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• 2020

The important developmental tasks of young adults are based on encounter and identity. These problems of encounter and identity are also connected to the instinct of longing for the "face" of primary caregivers, who acknowledge and affirm themselves as their cherished children. James Loder emphasizes that human "face pursuit instinct" later reaches "formal-operational stage" and leads to religious yearning for God as "the Eternal Face." This pursuit of "face" and "the Eternal Face" is an existential and ontological move to find out "Who am I?" through meaningful encounters. Religious psychologist Carl Jung also points out that scientific thinking has contributed to the liberation of humans from superstitious beliefs. But this has also led to the loss of the precious value of human spirit and the sense of unity with nature. Jung emphasizes that "symbolic play" should help learners and counseler face-to-face with their unconscious mind. By doing so, learners can overcome the wounds and scars of unconsciousness and mature toward the true self. James Loder is a scholar who critically introduced Jung's "unconscientious confrontation" therapy to his educational theory. Beyond Jung's unconsciousness and "symbolic play," Loder proposed transformational education for the learners to participate in meaningful changes through interaction between human spirit and the Holy Spirit. With many young adults wandering around in their existential voids, it is clear that functional and socializational education cannot overcome their problems and developmental crisis. This developmental crisis requires a foundation of identity and intimacy in the encounter with God, the "Eternal Face." Therefore, this study suggests that when Jung's "unconscious confrontation" and Loder's "transformation logic" are employed, transformational Christian education for the healthy self-identity and intimacy of young adults can be accomplished. This inquiry presents not only theoretical reflection, but also the reactions of young adults and actual feedback obtained through implementing transformational Christian education for young adults. Through all of these endeavors, this inquiry was completed by proving that "Transformational Christian Education for Young Adults" is an educational theory that can yield actual results and abound fruits. (This enquiry was undertaken by the support of the research fund of PUTS 2020.)