• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.33 no.1
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• pp.21-30
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• 2015

Bulguksa Temple, a typical temple of Silla was lost during Japanese Invasion of Korea and there are records of reconstructing in its record, Bulguksa Sajeok. There is no record after that. And reconstructing was stopped due to lack of money and repair works were conducted for two times in Japanese colonial era. First repair work was from 1989 to 1919 and second repair work was conducted from 1922 to 1925. After Liberation, Bulguksa Temple Restoration Committee was established in 1969 and the construction has started since 1970 after excavation investigation to complete in 1973. The shape of south arcade without walls in the main temple of Bulguksa was found in a blue print of Bulguksa in Japanese colonial era in National Archives of Korea now and a picture of Bulguksa in 1902 taken by Sekino Tadashi. It verified the correlation between Gupumyeonji which was discovered in restoration work in 1970s and a legend of Muyoungtap. And a stair from the hall of Paradise to the main temple was introduced as a stair including Pure Land Buddhism doctrine in many literature materials, but a blue print of Bulguksa in Japanese colonial era and reports of excavation investigation in 1970s verified that it was a temporary stair built by Japan and its meaning was given later. This research checked the scenery of Bulguksa Temple before Japanese colonial era and it is intended for basic data to conduct restoration or reconstruction project in the future.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.41 no.5
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• pp.28-37
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• 2013

This research, which sought to conjecture the formation process of tribal landscape while confirming the method and characteristic of place attachment of the Haeju Oh Family, which is rooted within the village and the Yongwon Pavilion and Garden of Gohak-ri, Mari-myeon, Geochang-gun, Gyeongnam, reached the following conclusion based on the interpretation and analysis of cultural and scenic elements such as the names and sculptures nearby the village and Yongwon Pavilion and Garden. This place is where Goohwagong Oh Sue, a Haeju person, settled down. This is also where his descendants were refined while yearning for their ancestors. The Yongwon Pavilion was established in 1964. It can be sufficiently known that this place was managed and maintained as a garden-like place where the spirit of yearning was shared and which was the basis of the life and entertainment of descendants after being the monumental place for Master Oh Guhwa, through stories, documents, nearby facilities, and writings on many rocks. It is clear that the meaning of 'Bang-Hak(訪鶴) and Jung-Hak (停鶴)' which is carved in many places around this area and Gohak-ri, which symbolizes the Hakbong(crane peak), the vein of Wonjak-dong which is one of the Ahneuisamdong(three outstanding scenic places of Ahneui), is a scenic language explaining the ecological settlement and lives of the Haeju Oh Family. When considering the definition of a sense of place as "a 'social device' made by discussions and practice rather than its existing as a substance," the many structures scattered around the village, Yongwon Pavilion Garden, and nearby designations show the monumental place inheritance of tribal group clearly exhibiting the characteristics of a Korean sense of place. Ever since Guhwagon Oh Sue settled down in Guhak-ri, the tribal group of Haeju Oh Family went through a life settlement phase and landscape formation phase by realizing the sense of place. Afterwards, while yearning for ancestors and repeatedly rooting down in the place, territoriality expanded and the place was reproduced. In particular, timber houses and monuments were constructed during the Japanese Colonization Period, and after independence, the Yongwon Pavilion was constructed through place reproduction, and monumental tribal landscape is currently being expressed in various forms to this day. Thus, allowing to reach the conclusion of 'Tribal Landscape of Gohak-ri, Mari-myeong, Geochang-gun,' which we perceive today. The products of territorial expansion formed by the repeating phenomenon of place rootedness and place attachment by tribal groups are in fact the substance of tribal landscape. Through such, it is possible to confirm the true spirit of place attachment and the earnest interest and affection of descendants towards a unique place that is repeatedly constructed and inherited within the group memory.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.31 no.3
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• pp.577-592
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• 1996

The forming process of poverty region in Taegu and the feature of its spatial distribution which are reviewed hitherto can be summarized like this. 1) In the froming porcess of poverty region in Taegu, during the soverignty of Japanese Empire petty farmers became tenantry by the colonial agricultural policy of Japanes Empire and some of those came into the city and g\became urban poor class. They generally lived in poor houses or dugouts in the city, and 6.6$\circ$ of poor house and dugouts of the whole country were in Taegu and 4.9$\circ of the popolatio in Taegu resided there. During the period of disorder, because of the historic accidents, such as the restoration of independence and Korean War, the returnees from aboad and refugees converged into the big city so that those who need the country's relief stood out as new poor class. They generally made their dwellings with tents and straw-bags on vacant grounds in suburbs living form hand to mouth and shaped the poor houses area, so-clalled "Liberated Village". During the developing period, the number of those who need aid gradually decreased, but the problem of poor people by the city-concentration of the poeple who shifted from agricultrual jobs by economic development came to the front. They mostly lived in squatter area forming large poor class area, and generally located near the center of Taegu consisiting of West. South. East Ward. 2) Reviewing the the feature of spatial distribution, the proportion of poor class are highest within 1~2km from the center of the city and also high within 2~3km form the center and suburbs. The poor class area in the center of the city are mostly cleared and removed area and in suburbs by the construction of permanently leased, and leased apartments large grouped poor class areas are forming. In Taegu, 16 low-income class group residence areas and residential environement improving areas are dispersed so that they came under the so-called poor class area. But by the improvement of dewelling environment and living the poor people who lived in groups dispersed or bettered their living for themselves, so the poverty area is greatly chaning into average-levelled residence area, and on the other hand, large poor people's apartment complexes are being constructed in suburbs. 3) Up to now, the distribution of poverty area could be limited its scale to generally the area within 1~3km because the poverty region which had been in suburbs relatively came near the center of the city by the rapid urbanization and poor people preferred that area because of the living convenience facilities as well as the transportation facilities and job-hunting being near the center of the city. But now poor people's apartment complex is being constructed regardless of their zone of job sites, so the low proportion of occupation is pointed as a new problem.

• Proceedings of the Korea Water Resources Association Conference
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• 2004.05b
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• pp.148-152
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• 2004

본 연구에서는 물순환의 재생이나 보전에 필수적인 유역 물순환의 정량화와 유역변화의 영향예측을 위해 개발된 WEP (Water and Energy Transfer Process) 모형의 국내 유역에 내한 적용성을 검토하고, 청계천 유역의 물순환 양상을 모의하였다. WEP 모형은 복잡한 토지이용이 이루어지고 있는 도시하천 유역에 내한 물순환의 정량화를 목적으로 일본의 토목연구소 (PWRI; Public Works Research Institute), 과학기술진흥사업단, Jia 박사 등에 의해 공동으로 개발되었으며 지표면 및 비포화 토양층의 물${\cdot}$열 플럭스 계산, 하도흐름의 추적계산 및 지하수 유동계산, 격자내 토지이용의 불균질성 반영 등이 가능한 물리적인 기반의 공간 분포형 모형 (Physically Based Spatially Distributed)이다. 모형을 적용한 청계천 유역 (유로연장 13.75 km, 유역 면적 $50.96km^2$)은 전체 토지이용중 도시지역이 $75.9\%$를 차지하고, 유역내 인구가 120만명에 이르는 도시유역으로 높은 불투수 면적비율, 인공계 물순환 요소의 영향 등의 도시 유역 특성이 물순환의 구조 전반에 미치는 영향에 대한 연구가 부족하였다. WEP 모형 적용 결과, 모의 기간 동안의 하천 유출량은 실측치에 근사한 값을 나타내었으며 유역의 물순환 양상을 모의할 수 있었다. 청계천 유역은 전형적인 도시 유역의 특성을 보여주었는데, 강우시의 직접유출이 크고, 강우의 유출에 대한 반응이 빠르며, 증발산의 경우는 산림지역보다 도시지역이 상대적으로 적은 것으로 분석되었다. 이번 연구를 통하여 WEP 모형이 유역 물순환 해석에 적절한 모형임을 확인할 수 있었으면, 향후 청계천 유역의 물리적 특성에 대한 매개변수와 인공계 물순환 자료의 보완을 통해 보다 향상된 모의가 가능할 것으로 판단된다. 하였던 Cd과 Mg이 Ca 및 Ca과 vitamin D의 동시(同時) 급여(給與)로 감소(減少)하였고 Cu는 전체적(金體的)으로 변화(變化)가 없었으며 Zn은 Cd 급여(給與)로 감소(減少)하였으나 Ca과 vitamin D의 급여(給與)에 의하여 증가(增加)하였고 Ca은 Ca과 viamin D의 급여(給輿)로 유의(有意)하게 증가(增加)하였다. 신장(腎臟)중의 무기질(無機質) 함량(含量)은 Cd급여(給輿)로 Cu, Mg은 감소(滅少)하였으나 Ca, Zn은 변화(變化)가 없었고 Ca 및 Ca과 Vitamin D의 급여(給與)로 Cd, CU, Zn은 증가(增加)하였다.ce area)는 수술 전100.8$\pm$25.6 mm/$m^{2}$에서 79.3$\pm$ 15.8 mm/$m^{2}$로 감소한 소견을 보였다. 승모판 성형술은 전 승모판엽 탈출증이 있는 두 환아에서 동시에 시행하였다. 수술 후 1년 내 시행한 심초음파에서 모든 환아에서 단지 경등도 이하의 승모판 폐쇄 부전 소견을 보였다. 수술 후 조기 사망은 없었으며, 합병증으로는 유미흉이 한 명에서 있었다. 술 후 10개월째 허혈성 확장성 심근증이 호전되지 않아 Dor 술식을 시행한 후 사망한 예를 제외한 나머지 6명은 특이 증상 없이 정상 생활 중이다 결론: 좌관상동맥 페동맥이상 기시증은 드물기는 하나, 영유아기에 심근경색 및 허혈성 심근증 또는 선천성 승모판 폐쇄 부전등을 초래하는 심각한 선천성 심질환이다. 그러나 진단 즉시 직접 좌관상동맥-대동맥 이식술로 수술적 교정을 해줌으로써 좋은 성적을 기대할 수 있음을 보여주었다.특히 교사들이 중요하게 인식하는 해방적 행동에 대한 목표를 강조하여 적용할 필요가 있음을 시사하고 있다.교하여 유의한 차이가 관찰되지 않았다. 또한 HSP 환자군에서도 $IL1RN^{*}2$ allele 빈도와 carriage

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.31 no.4
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• pp.22-32
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• 2013

This study aimed to reveal the establishment process and design concept of KoKwan park built in modern Busan, which is called three major park includes YongDuSan park and TaeJeong Park, by analyzing BusanIlbo published modern period in Busan and 'Busan' published modern Busan prefecture. In KoKwan, there was installed DuMoPo Waegwan. The Japanese residents built the cemetery and memorial stone for Tsunohe Heigo's sudden death in the KoKwan hill, who was an envoy dispatched by Tsusima prefecture, in order to enhance awareness of the old territory DuMoPo Waegwan. In 1916, the Japanese residents repaired ruined the place by rasing funds and donated to Busan prefecture. Busan prefecture went public this place as a park. Meanwhile, In order to commemorate the 50th anniversary of the opening of Busan port, Oike Chusuke's memorial statue was built in private house neiboring KoKwan park. He became the richest person in Busan while engaged in commerce and industry since he come to the Busan the year before the opening of Busan port. He donate garden site includes his statue and 10,000 Won for KoKwan park construction expenses to Busan prefecture Busan prefecture invite Oya Rejo, who was Osaka-Hu's landscape designer, to design the KoKwan park. He visited Busan and survey KoKwan park and other Busan's park and submitted the plan to Busan prefecture. His Plan for KoKwan includes shrine and Oike's statue, arboretum and greenhouses, children's play garden, etc. Oya's design concept of KoKwan park was analyzed as follows: the juxtaposition of the sacred and secular, the succession of present landscape context, the complement of parks content, the tool of nation-state formation. KoKwan park was completed with cost 20,000 won, insufficient budget compared with Oya's estimated amount. However, in this thesis, it was not cleared whether Busan prefecture built the park as it was. In 1945, after the independence, KoKwan Park was destroyed due to build Dong-gu Office, houses. The remained subjects from this study are to clarify the process the destruction of the park.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.38 no.3
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• pp.83-91
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• 2020

The purpose of this study is to examine the process of formation of modern gardens. Based on the analysis of the process of formation and transformation of the Jemulpo in Incheon and the details of the modern garden construction. The results are as follows; First, the formation of the Incheon Residence Site began in 1876 with the signing of the Joseon-Japan Treaty. Jemulpo used to be a desolate fishing village in the past, but after its opening in 1881, the Japanese settlement, Chinese settlement, and the general foreign settlement were formed. After that, Japan reclaimed the southern mudflats and expanded the theire settlement area, and advanced to the Joseon area(currently Sinheung-dong). In Japanese colonial era, modern Japanese urban landscapes were transplanted into the settlement area, centering on the Japanese modern gardens were distributed in the area around the center of the settlement area. Second, after examining the process of creating the garden for the Rikidake villa, Japanese Rikidake purchased a site for an orchard in Uri-tang, who was a major landowner in Incheon, to create the garden. At the time of Rikidake's residence, the garden was very large, measuring about 3,000 pyeong, and after liberation, it was acquired by Incheon City and used as Yulmok Children's Library. It was known as a rich village at the time of the opening of the port, and a garden was located at the highest point in Yulmok-dong, making it easy to see the Incheon Port area. Also, a spot located about 300 meters away from Rikidake's rice mill may have affected the location selection. Third, today's Rikidake villa has a Japanese-style house on a trapezoidal site, with a garden of about 990 square meters on the south side. Currently, it is possible to enter from the south and from Yulmok Children's Park in the north, but in the past, the main direction of the house was to view the Incheon Port, settlement area, and the Rikidake Rice Mill, so the house was located in front of the garden. The garden is a multi-faceted style with stone lanterns, tombstones, garden stones, and trees placed on each side, and is surrounded by arboreal plants such as attention, strobe pine, and maple trees, as well as royal azaleas. The view from the inside of the house was secured through shrub-oriented vegetation around the house.

• Women's Studies Review
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.73-109
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• 2010

The cultural pluralism on which more and more emphasis is put in the globalized cultural environment, takes local identity as a crucial index for the cultural exchange on the global level, but at the same time it results in transforming individual regions/places into a homogeneous space, as it forces the local identity itself to fit into the standardized global perspective. In this context I focus on two art projects that are related to 'Dongducheon', a town that houses the U. S. Second Infantry Division. These projects attract specific attention due to the fact that Dongducheon is a significant place with very 'thick' cultural identity: it reveals that modernization in Korea took place in intersection of nationalism, patriarchy and gender/sexuality postcolonial (military) culture. With these two Dongducheon related art projects (Donglyung Kim) and (Eunyoung Jeong) as excellent examples of site-specific art practice, this paper asks what it means to keep the historicity of disappearing local space/place in the global era. And how is it possible to 'represent' an extremely gendered/sexualized place like Dongducheon. This should be examined from a postcolonial feminist perspective. Since emancipation from Japanese occupation Dongducheon has been an island or an outside space in the nation-state Korea. This becomes more complicated, as now mostly women from the Philippines or former Soviet countries are working in the nightclubs in Doungducheon. and are feminist activist experiments to make the place with its residents to be seen and heard in proper a way of mourning, recognition and communication. shows the 'new' kijich'on women as those who are daring to be on an 'Odyssey' for a better life as they run everyday life in Dongducheon, working in clubs, doing laundry, bearing children, going to mass; tries to help them to be heard and felt, while it gathers sounds on the street or at mass and shows the doors or narrow alleys which lead to the their rooms. It aims to mourn the dead kijich'on women and to represent the precarious life of the present migrant kijich'on women, as it shows no faces.