• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.79-112
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• 2000

This study was focused on the contrasting pattern of part-time employment between Japan and Taiwan where the environments are similar in terms of expanding service industries and increasing flexibility of labor. In Japan, the expansion of part-time employment and its feminization have occurred, whereas they have not at all in Taiwan. The purpose of this study was to examine the reasons behind this phenomena, and to explore what relations they might have with the supply of women\`s labor in each country. Data analysis showed the following results. First, when the phenomena of part-time employment in Japan and Taiwan are summarized as \`active\` and \`inactive\` models, the difference could be explained by a structure-oriented approach rather than an individual-oriented approach. In other words, the difference between the two countries is mainly because of the structural characteristics of the labor market. a combination of capitalism and patriarchy, and an effect of state welfare and family policies rather than a \`voluntaristic choice\` due tn household work and child rearing. In light of this. the labor market segmentation and flexibility of labor theory in particular provided a useful frame for explanation. Second, with regard to the supply of women\`s labor, the difference between Japan and Taiwan could be found in the structure of the labor market and in family response strategies. The large corporation-oriented and strictly divided labor market structure in Japan activated part-time employment and its feminization, whereas, the small family-oriented businesses and less divided labor market in Taiwan supported the continuity of full-time employment of married women. There was also a room for informal employment in Taiwan which made part-time employment unnecessary. This study showed that even within similar environments of expanding service industry and pursuing flexibility of labor different measures and adaptations were possible. The case of Taiwan in particular, showed the significance of an informal labor market which was a part of industrialization process and a strategy of producing various products through a subcontracting network.

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.26 no.1
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• pp.31-57
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• 2003

This study is intended to examine (l)whether the value of son-for example, old age security and succession of family lineage- causing son preference in the traditional society can be explained at the individual level, (2)whether women without son in the son preference country continue her childbearing until having at least one son or give up the desire of having a son at a certain level. To accomplish these purposes, the 1974 Korean National Fertility Survey data are analyzed by the quadratic hazard models controlling unobserved heterogeneity. Unlike ordinary regression model, even omitted variables that affect hazard rates and are uncorrelated with the included independent variables can distort the parameter estimates in the hazard model. Therefore the nonparametric maximum likelihood estimator(NPMLE) of a mixing distribution developed by Heckman and Singer is used to control unobserved heterogeneity. Based on the statistical result in this study, the value of son causing son preference is determined at the societal level, not at the individual level. And Korean women without a son did not continue endlessly childbearing during child bearing ages until having a son. In general, they gave up the desire having a son when she had born six daughters continuously. Thus, 30-40 years ago, the number of daughters that women without a son giving up the desire of son was six, which is about the level of total fertility rate during 1960s. In these days, we can often see many women who have only two or three daughters and do not any son. This means that the level of giving up the desire of son, which is one factor representing the strength of son preference, becomes lower. If the strength of son preference did not become much weaker, then the fertility rates in Korea could not reach the below replacement level.

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.26 no.1
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• pp.1-30
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• 2003

This paper attempts to explore the effects of ecological and socioeconomic factors on the level of mortality and the changing trends of such effects during the period of 1990∼2000. For this purpose the population census data and micro-data from the vital statistics for years 1990, 1995 and 2000 were used. As indicators of mortality, the crude death rate(CDR), the standardized death rate(SDR) and the longevity rate were calculated for 170 'Si' s and 'Gun's. Using GIS, this paper first presents the mortality and longevity maps for years 1990, 1995 and 2000. Then ANOVA and regression analyses are carried out in an effort to generalize the effects of ecological and socioeconomic factors on the CDR, the SDR and the longevity rate. When the mortality and longevity maps are examined, three indices of mortality are found to be markedly high in the southwest coastal regions of Cholla-Nam-Do. By contrast, Seoul and Pusan metropolitan areas show substantially low level of mortality and longevity in these indices. It is also found that the regional differentials in the SDR and the longevity rate show a trend of becoming smaller after 1990. The research, however, does not find any linear relationship between the SDR and the longevity rate. The causal mechanisms of the two indices are found to be different. The results of the ANOVA and the regression analysis reveal that the locational factors of both mountainous and farming regions tend to increase the CDR and SDR while both coastal and farming regions disclose a tendency of increasing the longevity rate. The level of statistical significance of these analytical results is found to be weaker when socioeconomic factors such as education, income, marital status, availability of medical care, and sanitary conditions of the region are taken into account. The regional differentials in the mortality level seem to have a clear relationship not only with the socioeconomic factors but also with the age structure influenced by the age selectivity of migration during the past 40 years.

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.14 no.1
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• pp.55-69
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• 1991

The objective of the study is to figure out the status of reproductive health and general characteristics related to maternal health for Korean-Americans living in Los Angeles. We collected data from the married women who wanted no more additional child birth and were attending the Family Planning Clinic of Koryo Health Foundation in Los Angeles during 1988. There were 494 women met the eligibility requirement for this study. The results are summarized below. 1. In the age distribution of the women who desired no more additional child birth, women 30-34 age group constituted the largest proportion at 36.6 percent ; the mean age of women was 35.1915.55. The mean number of child birth was 1.77, and the proportion of the women by number of child birth were 35.2 percent for one children, 50.1 percent for two children 10.5 percent for three children, and 2.6 percent for four children. All of the women experienced pregnancy at least once, and mean number of pregnancy was 3.42. The mean number of total experience of induced abortion was 1.56. and 76.7 percent of these women had experience with induced abortions. To prevent further pregnancies, 90.1 percent of the women were utilizing the contraceptive methods, and the highest proportion by the contraceptive methods was condoms(53.7%), 9.3 percent in spermicides, 8.7 percent in IUDs, 8.7 percent in rhythm method, and 6.9 percent in oral pills. 2. The mean age of women at each stage of reproductive life cycle were 14.74 years at time of menarche, 24.55 years at time of marriage, 26.60 years at time of the first child birth, and 28.75 years at time of the last child birth. In age distribution of the women by birth cohort (Group I : birth cohort 1940-1954, Group H : birth cohort 1955-1970), the mean menar-cheal age of the women was 14.96 years in group I , and 14.53 years in group H . Mean age at time of marriage was 25.01 years in group I and 24.08 years in group H . Mean child birth age of the women by birth cohort was 27.19 years In group I and 26.01 years in Group II for the first child birth and 30.07 years in group I and 27.45 years in group II for the last child birth. The total length of reproductive life cycle from menarche to menopause (presumed to be at 49 of age years) was 34.26 years. The len-gth of phase I (from menarche to marriage) was 9.81 years, while phase H (marriage to first birth) was 2.05 years, and phase Ill (first birth to last birth) was 2. 15 years, and the last phase of reproductive life cycle, phase IV (last birth to menopause) was 20.25 years. The proportion of each phase 10 total length of reproductive life cycle was 28.6 percent, 6.0 percent 6.3 percent, and 59.t percent respectively. In the tendency of each phase in reproductive life cycle by birth cohort (group I , U ), the length of phase I, II , III of birth cohort group II was diminished in comparison with those of birth cohort group I , but the length of phase IV was extended by 2.38 years. 3. Among the women, the mean number of total pregnancy by birth cohort group was 2.01 in group I and 1.10 in Group II, and mean number of child birth was 1.97 in group I and 1.58 in group II. In terms of pregnancy was-tage rate by birth cohort group, among the total pregnancy of birth cohort group I , 51.8 percent of the cases resulted in induced abortions or spontaneous abortions whils 48.2 percent resulted in live births, and 42.2 percent or total pregnancy in group II resulted in pregnancy wastage and 57.8 percent of the cases resulted in live births.

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.20 no.1
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• pp.97-128
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• 1997

This paper was set out to study the structure of the career occupational mobility in the early and rapid phase of industrialization in Korea. By analyzing the individual life histories regarding occupational mobility and achievement, I propose a model of yearly career mobility of Korean men and Women during the period of 30 years between 1954 and 1983. With the occupational classification scheme of 5 groups - Upper Nonmanual, Lower Nonmanual, Self Employed, Manual, Farm - the mobility pattern in the person-year mobility table analyzed can be characterized primarily by the strong influence of immobility. The degree of immobility, however, is different by the occupational groups. The absolute amount of immobility can be summarized as being U-shaped. Overall, the pattern of mobility can be explained best by the concept of occupational distance. I then propose a model of relative career occupational mobility pattern that combines the conceptual and theoretical basis and the methodological rigor. The model is based on the notion of the reproduction of inequality, the labor market context, and the life history perspective. The model encompasses the 6 conceptual explanatory factors such as persistence effect, ceiling effect, traditional sector effect, nonmanual occupation effect, alternative mobility channel effect, and occupational distance effect, as well as the effects of both origin and destination occupations. The relative pattern of career mobiliity in Korea can be characterized by the following six findings. First, the persistence effect on the diagonal cells of the mobility table is dominant. Second, a clear evidence of the negative effect of occupational distance between nonmanual occupations and manual and farm occupations is found. Third, the out-mobility from farming took place regardless of the destination occupations. Fourth, the internal mobility within the nonmanual occupation block is high and bi-directional, and is exclusive against other occupations. Fifth, the 'self employed' occupation is serving a peculiar function in both inflow and outflow pattern. Last, the relative pattern of career occupation mobility is asymmetrical in terms of the upward and downward mobility.

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.21 no.2
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• pp.182-227
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• 1998

Korean government decided to adopt an explicit population control policy in 1961 and from the following year the establishment and operation of the national family planning programme was included in each of the Five-Year Economic Development Plans that began in 1962. This policy was pursued in the understanding that without proper population control measures korea could not be able to achieve economic development. Korean national family planning programme is characterized by contraceptive target system through public health network with distribution of free contraceptives by family planning field workers and clinical contraceptive services such as IUD, vasectomy and tubaligation at designated clinics by the government. In addition, IE&C activities by the Planned Parenthood Federation of Korea and programme evaluation and research by the Korea Institute for Health and Social Affairs contributed to the development of the government programme. Between 1960 and mid 1980s the nation's total fertility rate was reduced from 6.0 to population replacement level of 2.1 and thereafter it has been maintained at 1.6 to 1.7 of below replacement level. With a short period of less than three decades fertility transition was completed in Korea. It is estimated that if the current level of below replacement fertility continues, the population in Korea stabilize at around 52.78 million people by the year 2028, and it will begin to decrease thereafter. Under this circumstances, the government adopted new directions and strategies of the population policy in June 1996, focused primarily on population quality and social welfare than on demographic arenas. In spite of over 80 percent of high contraceptive prevalence among married women, high incidence of induced abortions is maintained. Moreover, the prevalence of sex selective induced abortions using procedures to determine the sex of the fetus has resulted in an imbalance in the sex ratio at birth. In order to overcome those problems associated with reproductive health new policy for population quality control and health promotion programme should be highly strengthened in the future.

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.20 no.1
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• pp.129-159
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• 1997

The main purpose of this study is to describe the different life chances among various occupational groups in Chonbuk Province which has been excluded in the process of Korea's industrialization since the 1960s. More specifically, this study analyzed to what extent 6 occupational groups have the different life chances in the sub-levels such as health conditions and leisure life. According to our data analysis, it is found that the 6 occupational groups have the different life chances. That is, while those who are engaged in the higher prestigious occupation have a good life chance, those who in the lower prestigious occupation have a worse life chance. For example, among 6 occupational groups, professional-managerial who secure the higher autonomy and stability in their work have the highest life chance in the labor and health, and leisure life. Next, professional-technical, white-collar, sales-service occupants have the higher life chance after the professional-managerial. However, these 3 occupation groups are partially inconsistent in the two sectors of the life chance. Specifically, the professional-technical, despite their autonomy and stability in the work world, conceived that their work conditions are worse as well as badly influencing on their own health. On the other band, the sales-service workers group, despite their lower social status, is relatively autonomous and stable in their work environment and thus has the higher life chances. Finally, agricultural and productive workers have relatively the lower lift chances. Nevertheless, there are some clear differences among these 2 occupational groups. That is, the farmers have relatively the higher life chances in the sectors of socio-economic characteristics, and labor and health rather than productive workers. As a result, the productive workers are generally located in the lowest level of life chance. This fact is particularly attributed to the fragility of manufacturing industries in Chonbuk Province.

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.21 no.1
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• pp.184-228
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• 1998

This study reviews the relationship between son preference and fertility behavior, and infant and chlid mortality in the context of fertility and mortality decline. In Korea the situation reveals that fertility can decline to a very low level even in the presence of strong son preference, but son preference has certain effects on fertility and childhood mortality. The effect of son preference on fertility increased as the level of fertility declined. Our findings show that son preference causes excess female childhood mortality both directly and indirectly through fertility. Also, in Korea, the analysis reveals that female children suffer excessively high level of mortality and part of the excess mortality is due to parents' behavior on family building related to the effort to secure the birth of a son.

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.26 no.2
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• pp.1-32
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• 2003

An analysis on cause-specific mortality at the provincial level provides essential information for policy formulation and makes it possible to draw hypotheses regarding various diseases and causes of death. Although the mortality level and causes of death at the provincial level are determined by the multiple effects of socioeconomic, cultural, medical and ecological factors, this study primarily intends to examine similarities and differences of cause-specific mortality at the provincial level. Utilizing the registered death and the registered population as of 1998, the delayed death registration and unreported infant deaths were supplemented at the provincial level and age-standardized death rates and life tables were calculated. Regarding the mortality level due to all causes, major findings were as follow: (1) For both sexes as a whole, Seoul showed the lowest mortality level, and Jeonnam showed the highest mortality level; and (2) The differences of the mortality level among provinces were greater for males than females and for those less than 65 years than those 65 years and over. Regarding the cause-specific mortality level revealed in all indicators (cause-specific age-standardized mortality rates and the probability of dying at birth due to a specific cause for males, females, and both sexes combined respectively), the major findings were as follow: (1) The mortality level due to heart diseases was the highest in Busan and the lowest in Gangweon; (2) The mortality level due to liver diseases was the highest in Chonnam; and (3) The mortality level due to traffic accidents was the highest in Chungnam and the lowest in Inchon. As the mortality differentials at the provincial level are related to various factors, exploratory statistical analysis is attempted for the 25 explanatory variables including socioeconomic variables and 90 mortality variables. Mortality due to all causes are related to socioeconomic variables. Among cause-specific mortality, mortality due to liver diseases and traffic accidents is related to socioeconomic variables. Finally, the need to improve the quality of death certificate is discussed.

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.29 no.1
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• pp.185-207
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• 2006

Predominant explanations of the persistence of sex segregation ill occupations link job choices to profoundly gendered responses to childbearing and other family demands, arguing that women are more likely to seek jobs which are in some sense compatible with motherhood, either because they are family friendly (flexible, low intensity work) or because they are easy to exit and re-enter. In this paper, I examine the effect of occupational sex segregation on job exits into the labor market among women, with a special attention to the role of childbearing and child rearing. I use data from detailed employment histories gathered from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth (NLSY) in continuous time event history models. My results indicate that women in female dominated jobs are less likely to exit their jobs than women in other types of occupations. Further this relationship is not shaped by motherhood. While mothers or pregnant women are more likely to leave work, mothers in female-dominated occupations are slightly less likely to leave employment than mothers in other occupations. These results are not consistent with the ideas that women's choice of female-dominated occupations expresses a gendered identity and women strategically seek jobs which accommodate maternal roles. Taken together, my findings do not provide support to the idea that women choose female-dominated occupations because they are easier to integrate with motherhood (except for the pregnancy period).