• Economic and Environmental Geology
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• v.55 no.2
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• pp.209-217
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• 2022

The purpose of this study was to confirm the dissolution of arsenic from the stabilized soil around abandoned coal mines by cultivation activities. Experimental soils were collected from the agricultural field around Okdong and Buguk coal mines, and the concentration of arsenic in the soil and the geochemical mobility were confirmed. The average arsenic concentration was 20 mg/kg. The soil with relatively high geochemical mobility of arsenic in the soil was used in the batch and column experiment. The limestone was mixed with soil for soil stabilization, and the mixing ratio was 3% of limestone, based on the soil weight. The phosphoric acid fertilizer (NH₄H₂PO₄) was added to the soil to simulate a cultivation condition according to the Rural Development Administration's rules. Comparative soil without mixing limestone was prepared and used as a control group. The arsenic extraction from soil was increased following the fertilizer mixing amount and it shows a positive relationship. The concentration of phosphate in the supernatant was relatively low under the condition of mixing limestone, which is determined to be result of binding precipitation of phosphate ions and calcium ions dissolved in limestone. Columns were set to mix phosphoric acid fertilizers and limestone corresponding to cultivation and stabilization conditions, and then the column test was conducted. The variations of arsenic extraction from the soil indicated that the stabilization was effectible until 10 P.V.; however, the stabilization effect of limestone decreased with time. Moreover, the geochemical mobility of arsenic has transformed by increasing the mobile fractions in soil compared to initial soil. Therefore, based on the arsenic extraction results, the cultivation activities using phosphoric fertilizer could induce a decrease in the stabilization effect.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.115-145
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• 2023

The 20th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party (hereafter referred to as "the 20th National Congress") was under the global spotlight long before it was held for seven days from 16 to 22 October 2022. People wondered whether Xi Jinping would secure a third term as China's leader or whether he would lay the foundations to be in power forever during the third term. In Korea, the press and media questioned whether the event would become the "crowning of Emperor Xi (Xi Huangdi)," whose power rivaled that of the first emperor in China, Shi Hunagdi, and featured the scene where Hu Jintao was forced to leave the venue during the Congress. On the other hand, many Korean academics focused more on how Xi would organize the Politburo and its Standing Committee and whether the outline of his heirs would appear during the event. This tendency in academia in turn worsened the media's concerns. This paper presents a quantitative analysis of the 20th National Congress Report, as opposed to an analysis of Xi's political intentions at the event. The National Congress Report outlines the Party's visions, goals, and strategies for the next five years in politics, economy, society, culture, foreign affairs, and relationship with Taiwan. The authoritative document is rich in narrative and logic and deserves academic study. This research analyzes the 18th, 19th, and 20th Reports by identifying their keywords and regular expressions and checking their frequency and percentage through text-mining methods. This approach enables the quantification and visualization of the significant changes in the Party's sovereign vision over the fifteen years of Xi's rule from 2013 to 2027.

• Journal of Bio-Environment Control
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• v.32 no.2
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• pp.172-180
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• 2023

This study was carried out to determine the sprouting period of early and mid-season varieties, which includes 'Atlantic', 'Chubaek', and 'Superior', during the summer storage period in a semi-underground warehouse without cooling system. And also it was investigated the effect of chlorpropham [Propan-2-yl N-(3-chlorophenyl)carbamate, CIPC] treatment on the sprouting inhibition for the varieties. This study was conducted to figure out a sprout inhibitory effect when CIPC was applied to 1kg of the potato tubers at concentrations of 10 mg and 20 mg which are lower than the treatment concentrations of ca 30 mg prescribed by the positive list system (PLS). The internal temperature of the warehouse used in this experiment was lowered by 5℃ or more than the outside temperature. The difference between the lowest and highest temperature during the experiment throughout the day was 5℃. It showed the effect of reducing to 1/2 of the difference in outdoor temperature. As for the sprouting of potatoes, the extremely early variety 'Chubaek' sprouts appeared at the 6th week of storage of control and it was the fastest sprouting potato among the control groups of the varieties. Sprouting began to appear in the Superior at the 6th week of storage, while the 'Atlantic' sprouted at the 8th week of storage. The appearance of sprouts was suppressed in all treatment groups of 'Atlantic' and 'Superior' varieties in CIPC treatments. Sprouts were observed in all treatment groups of 'Chubaek' after the 7th week, but the elongations of the sprouts in tubers were completely inhibited until the 8th week of storage. 'Atlantic' and 'Superior' seemed to have a sprouting inhibitory effect even with a low CIPC concentration of 10 mg·kg^-1, with the exception of extremely early variety 'Chubaek' that breaks out of the dormancy quickly. Although weight loss occurred continuously during storage, it was minor loss of 0.7-1.6%. There was no consistent trend for changes of the loss in the varieties and CIPC treatments. Most common pathological disorder was the dry rot during the experiment, but only few were affected. The use of the tubers treated at 18℃ and 90% RH for 10 days and the rack of refrigeration system which lead to lack of convection seemed to have suppressed the spread of pathogens.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.3
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• pp.234-252
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• 2023

This study looked at the modification of major gardens while making Deoksugung Palace (德壽宮) a park in the Japanese colonial era. This is because landscaping work was carried out in various places from 1932 to 1933 to open Deoksugung Palace, which used to be an imperial palace, as a public recreation space. In particular, major gardens such as the front yard of Seokjojeon Hall (石造殿), the back yard of Hamnyeongjeon Hall (咸寧殿), and the back yard of Jeukjodang Hall (卽阼堂) were greatly transformed into different shapes from the original. During the first phase of construction in 1932, a water tank was installed in Seokjojeon Hall Garden, creating the first water space. This water tank was originally a structure installed in the front yard of Injeongjeon Hall (仁政殿) of Changdeokgung Palace (昌德宮). Around 1909, a water tank installed in the front yard of Injeongjeon Hall was relocated to Seokjojeon Garden in the process of turning Deoksugung Palace into a park. The water tank moved from the front yard of Injeongjeon Hall was a factor that transformed the central area of Seokjojeon Garden into a water space, and a fountain installed to replace the water tank remains to this day. The backyard of Hamnyeongjeon Hall was also renovated into a new shape during the first phase of construction. Originally, there was a terraced flowerbed called Hwagye (花階) in the backyard of Hamyujae Hall (咸有齋) and Hamnyeongjeon Hall, and it was restored from the construction that took place after the Great Fire of Deoksugung Palace. In the process of turning Deoksugung Palace into a park, a three-stage stonework was built in the front yard of Jeonggwanheon Pavilion (靜觀軒) which renovated the Hwagye in the backyard of Hamyujae Hall and Hamnyeongjeon Halll. The stonework built at that time was used as a peony garden to provide visitors with attractions after the opening of Deoksugung Palace, and it remains today with the name Jeonggwanheon's Hwagye. The backyard of the Jeukjodang Hall area is a case of damage in the second phase of construction in 1933. Like the backyard of Hamnyeongjeon Hall, the backyard of Jeukjodang Hall, where the Hwagye was originally built, was converted into a Japanese-style garden in the process of turning Deoksugung Palace into a park. The site where the Hwagye was demolished was decorated with a Japanese-style garden centered on mounding, small roads, and landscaping stones, as well as topographic control and planting work. Although there have been minor changes since liberation, the backyard of the Jeukjodang Hall area is still based on a Japanese-style garden created by turning Deoksugung Palace into a park.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.4
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• pp.94-108
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• 2023

Onyanghaenggung Palace(temporary palace at Onyang) is an important cultural heritage that can substantially confirm the king's onhaeng(溫行) base on literature records such as <Ongungyeonggoedae(溫宮靈槐臺)>, <Oncheonhaenggungdo(溫泉行宮圖)> of 『Ongungsasil(溫宮事實)』『, Younggoedaegi(靈槐臺記)』and cultural property such as Yeonggoedae(靈槐臺) and Shinjeong Monument(神井碑). As the Onyang Tourist Hotel is located in the presumed site of the Onyanghaenggung Palace, even the identity of the Onyanghaenggung Palace site is being threatened without restoration efforts. The purpose of this study is to estimate the location of Onyanghaenggung Palace based on <Oncheonhaenggungdo> before the damages during the Japanese colonial period. To achieve these purposes, records related to Onhaeng during successive kings' terms in the Joseon Dynasty are first reviewed, before changes in the architecture of Onyanghaenggung Palace that took place in the Joseon Dynasty and damage suffered during the Japanese colonial period are summarized, and finally <Oncheonhaenggungdo>, <Eupji>, <Ancient Maps>, <Jijeokwondo> are reviewed. Based on these processes, the location of Onyanghaenggung Palace is estimated by comparing the current Onyang Tourist Hotel and the surrounding area. The results of this study are as follows. First, if the 1,758 cheok(尺) of 「Onyanggun eupji」 and 「Hoseo eupji」 are converted in Jucheok(周尺), the scope of Onyanghaenggung Palace is close to the inner circumference of the site(垈) in Jijeokwondo(1914). Second, the streamlet leading to Oncheoncheon(溫泉川) from the southern side of Onyanggwan(溫陽館), the hot spring hole in use of <Distribution Map of Hot Spring(溫泉分布見取圖)>(1925, 1928), and considering the relationship of the inner east gate(內東門), Bigak(碑閣), Sinjeong(神井) of <Oncheonhaenggungdo>, the building of Hermann Gustav Theodor Sander and the Copyright Commission's Onyang Hot Springs photograph can be estimated as the Onyanghaenggung Palace Hot-spring, namely Tangsil(湯室). Third, in the process of developing to amusement park, the transfer and relocation of the Yeonggaedae site(a governmentowned property) was requested by Gyeongnam Railway Company, but Chungcheongnam-do denied transfer and relocation of the Yeonggaedae because of the importance in the history of Onyang Hot Springs, so the government-owned Yeonggaedae Monument site were permanently preserved at the current location together with the hoe tree(Sophora japonica L.). Also, Yeonggoedae in <Tourists Attractions around Gyeongnam Railway in Joseon (朝鮮京南鐵道沿線名所交通図絵)> (1929) is shown to exist in its current location, and it can be seen that the Shinjeong Monument Pavilion was moved to the front of Shinjeonggwan (神井館). Based on the circumference of Onyanghaenggung Palace, the location of Onyanghaenggung Palace Hot Spring (Tangsil) and Yeonggaedae Monument Pavilion, changes in roads and lots of land during the Japanese colonial period and the modern period, as well as the location of Onyanghaenggung Palace and other major buildings, can be estimated to extend to the current Shimin-ro and Onyang Hot Spring Market.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.46
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• pp.1-32
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• 2023

The purpose of this article is to critically reflect on the 2022 national curriculum on religions. The perspective of this reflection is that since the religious curriculum is meant to be a national curriculum, it should be applicable to all high school students, be shareable, and function as a place for meta-reflection regarding the proper use of the category of religion. For this purpose, I reviewed the form and content of the 2022 curriculum on religions in Section 2. The form of the 2022 curriculum on religions looks similar to the previously utilized curriculum. However, the main change is that the subject of religions was arbitrarily placed into the category of 'subjects for choosing a career.' And the 2022 curriculum on religions has two characteristics in terms of content: the orientation of 'making religious people (spiritual formation)' and the reemergence of the concept of 'pseudo-religion.' In Section 3, I delved into the orientation of 'making religious people through religious reflection' among the characteristics of the 2022 curriculum on religions. In this process, I discovered that the concept of 'reflection as a metacognitive technology,' which was the core of the prior curriculum and school education, was transformed into the concept of 'religious reflection,' and the concepts of spirituality and religiosity were also added. In Section 4, I delved into the dichotomy of 'religion and pseudo-religion.' 'Pseudo-religion' is a new focus in the 2022 curriculum on religions. In this process, I revealed that the concept of 'pseudo-religion' is a combination of an outdated administrative term of the Japanese Government-General of Korea during Japan's occupation of Korea, and as such, the term is inherently value-laden and harmful. I also revealed that determining 'pseudo-religion' in school education regenerates the colonial Japanese Government-General's biased attitudes toward Korean religions and forces teachers to 'invent' (detect or personally appraise) modern day pseudo-religions through arbitrary judgements. The 'curriculum to emphasize religious reflection and detect pseudo-religions in order to create religious people' can distort the subject of religion in the national curriculum as into a 'subject for religion (promotion or degradation).' If this distortion continues, the appropriateness of curriculum on religions existing within the national curriculum will eventually become a subject of debate.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.57 no.1
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• pp.110-123
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• 2024

Onyanghaenggung Palace(temporary palace at Onyang) is an important cultural heritage that can substantially confirm the king's visiting at hot springs based on literature records such as <Ongungyeonggoedae(溫宮靈槐臺)>, <Oncheonhaenggungdo(溫泉行宮圖)> of 『Ongungsasil(溫宮事實)』, <Younggoedaedo(靈槐臺圖)>, 『Younggoedaegi(靈槐臺記)』 and cultural properties such as Yeonggoedae(靈槐臺) and Shinjeong Monument(神井碑). Through a photo taken by Hermann Sander in 1906, it can be confirmed that the hot springs(Tangsil building) at Onyanghaenggung Palace during the Joseon Dynasty was maintained until the early Japanese colonial period. The purpose of this study is to estimate the compositions of the hot springs(Tangsil building) in Onyanghaenggung Palace based on literature records and <Oncheonhaenggungdo>(1795). To achieve these purposes, we firstly examined the changes in Onyanghaenggung Palace and the hot springs (Tangsil building); secondly, the bathing behaviors of kings were reviewed; thirdly, we organized the architectural composition of the hot springs (Tangsil building) according to "Ongung Repair" of 『Ongungsasil (溫宮事實)』; and fourthly, by comparing Sander's photo in the early days of Japanese colonial rule, the architectural composition of the hot springs (Tangsil building) in the late Joseon Dynasty was examined. The results of this study are as follows. First, the hot springs(Tangsil building) of Onyanghaenggung Palace were continuously connected to the Onjeongsil(溫井室) in the reign of King Hyeonjong and maintained until 『Hoseo-eupji』 (1871) in the late Joseon Dynasty. It matches the photograph taken by Hermann Sander(1906) and <1912 Onyang Hot Springs in Asan City>(1912) of Korea Copyright Commission during the early Japanese colonial period. Second, the various king's bathing methods during the Joseon Dynasty were adopted such as washing, spilling and bathing head while sitting on a bathing platform or chair, or exposing the steam of hot spring water, dipping feet into the water and a half-body soaking bath below the navel immersed in water. Third, the stone bathtubs of hot springs(Tangsil building) are composed of the upper bath which was hot spring water gushes out from the northwest, bends to the east, enters the middle bath, and bends to the south to come out to the outside to gather in the lower bath. Around the stone bathtubs, pebble stones brought in from Taean were laid on the floor of the hot springs(Tangsil building). From the above considerations, the compositions of the Tangsil building in Onyang Temporary Palace is based on the king's approach from the main royal building, the king's bathing method and bathing tools, the bathing behavior of enlisted medical officers and bathing assistants, and each rooms mentioned in "Ongung Repair". By comparing it with Hermann Sander's photo, the architectural compositions of the hot springs(Tangsil building) can be estimated.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.38 no.4
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• pp.58-67
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• 2020

The present study was conducted as part of basic research for selecting species of street trees with historical value in Seoul. It also made up a list of traditional landscape trees for a variety of alternatives. The following results are shown below. As to the history of street trees in Korea, records on to-be-estimated street trees are found in historical documents written in King Yangwon during the second year of Goguryeo Dynasty (546) and King Myeongjong during 27 year of Goryeo (1197). However, it is assumed that lack of clarity is found in historical records. During the 23 year of King Sejong in the early Joseon Dynasty (1441), the record showed that the state planted street trees as guideposts on the postal road. The records revealed that Ulmus spp. and Salix spp. were planted as guidance trees. The street tree system was performed in the early Joseon Dynasty as recorded in the first year of King Danjong document. Pinus densiflora, Pinus koraiensis, Pyrus pyrifolia var. culta, Castanea crenata, Styphnolobium japonicum and Salix spp. were planted along the avenue at both left and right sides. Morus alba were planted on streets during the five year of King Sejo (1459). As illustrated in pieces Apgujeong by painter Jeongseon and Jinheonmajeongsaekdo in the reign of King Yeongjo, street trees were planted. This arrangement is associated with a number of elements such as king procession, major entrance roads in Seoul, place for horse markets, prevention of roads from flood and indication. In the reign of King Jeongjo, there are many cases related to planting Pinus densiflora, Abies holophylla and Salix spp. for king procession. Turning king roads and related areas into sanctuaries is considered as technique for planting street trees. During the 32 year of King Gojong after opening ports (1985), the state promoted planting trees along both sides of roads. At the time, many Populus davidiana called white poplars were planted as rapidly growing street trees. There are 17 taxa in the Era of Three Kingdoms records, 31 taxa in Goryeo Dynasty records and 55 taxa in Joseon Dynasty records, respectively, described in historical documents to be available for being planted as street trees in Seoul. 16 taxa are recorded in three periods, which are Era of Three Kingdoms, Goryeo Dynasty and Joseon Dynasty. These taxa can be seen as relatively excellent ones in terms of historical value. The introduction of alien plants and legal improvement in the Japanese colonial period resulted in modernization of street tree planting system. Under the six-year street tree planting plan (1934-1940) implemented as part of expanding metropolitan areas outside the capital launched in 1936, four major street trees of top 10 taxa were a Populus deltoides, Populus nigra var. italica, Populus davidiana, Populus alba. The remaining six trees were Salix babylonica, Robinia pseudoacacia, platanus orientalis, Platanus occidentalis, Ginkgo biloba, and Acer negundo. Beginning in the mid- and late 1930s, platanus orientalis, Platanus occidentalis were introduced into Korea as new taxa of street trees and planted in many regions. Beginning on 1942, Ailanthus altissima was recommended as street trees for the purpose of producing silks. In 1957 after liberation, major street tree taxa included Platanus occidentalis, Ginkgo biloba, Populus nigra var. italica, Ailanthus altissima, Populus deltoides and Salix babylonica. The rank of major street tree species planted in the Japanese colonial period had changed. Tree planting trend around that period primarily representing Platanus occidentalis and Ginkgo biloba still holds true until now.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• v.12 no.3
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• pp.71-94
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• 1990

This paper reviews the rationale of monetary and banking intervention by an outside authority, either the government or the central bank, and seeks to delineate clearly the optimal limits to the monetary and banking deregulation currently underway in Korea as well as on a global scale. Furthermore, this paper seeks to establish an objective and balanced view on the role of the central bank, especially in light of the current discussion on the restructuring of Korea's central bank, which has been severely contaminated by interest-group politics. The discussion begins with the recognition that the modern free banking school and the new monetary economics are becoming formidable challenges to the traditional role of the government or the central bank in the monetary and banking sector. The paper reviews six arguments that have traditionally been presented to support intervention: (1) the possibility of an over-issue of bank notes under free banking instead of central banking; (2) externalities in and the public good nature of the use of money; (3) economies of scale and natural monopoly in producing money; (4) the need for macro stabilization policy due to the instability of the real sector; (5) the external effects of bank failure due to the inherent instability of the existing banking system; and (6) protection for small banknote users and depositors. Based on an analysis of the above arguments, the paper speculates on the optimal role of the government or central bank in the monetary and banking system and the optimal degree of monetary and banking deregulation. By contrast to the arguments for free banking or laissez-faire monetary systems, which become fashionable in recent years, monopoly and intervention by the government or central bank in the outside money system can be both necessary and optimal. In this case, of course, an over-issue of fiat money may be possible due to political considerations, but this issue is beyond the scope of this paper. On the other hand, the issue of inside monies based on outside money could indeed be provided for optimally under market competition by private institutions. A competitive system in issuing inside monies would help realize, to the maxim urn extent possible, external economies generated by using a single outside money. According to this reasoning, free banking activities will prevail in the inside money system, while a government monopoly will prevail in the outside money system. This speculation, then, also implies that the monetary and banking deregulation currently underway should and most likely will be limited to the inside money system, which could be liberalized to the fullest degree. It is also implied that it will be impractical to deregulate the outside money system and to allow market competition to provide outside money, in accordance with the arguments of the free banking school and the new monetary economics. Furthermore, the role of the government or central bank in this new environment will not be significantly different from their current roles. As far as the supply of fiat money continues to be monopolized by the government, the control of the supply of base money and such related responsibilities as monetary policy (argument(4)) and the lender of the last resort (argument (5)) will naturally be assigned to the outside money supplier. However, a mechanism for controlling an over-issue of fiat money by a monopolistic supplier will definitely be called for (argument(1)). A monetary policy based on a certain policy rule could be one possibility. More importantly, the deregulation of the inside money system would further increase the systemic risk inherent in the current fractional banking system, while enhancing the efficiency of the system (argument (5)). In this context, the role of the lender of the last resort would again become an instrument of paramount importance in alleviating liquidity crises in the early stages, thereby disallowing the possibility of a widespread bank run. Similarly, prudential banking supervision would also help maintain the safety and soundness of the fully deregulated banking system. These functions would also help protect depositors from losses due to bank failures (argument (6)). Finally, these speculations suggest that government or central bank authorities have probably been too conservative on the issue of the deregulation of the financial system, beyond the caution necessary to preserve system safety. Rather, only the fullest deregulation of the inside money system seems to guarantee the maximum enjoyment of external economies in the single outside money system.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• v.13 no.4
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• pp.91-116
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• 1991

Market liberalization progressing simultaneously with high and rapidly rising domestic wages has created an adverse business environment for domestic firms. Korean firms are losing their international competitiveness in comparison to firms from LDC(Less Developed Countries) in low-tech industries. In high-tech industries, domestic firms without government protection (which is impossible due to the liberalization policy and the current international status of the Korean economy) are in a disadvantaged position relative to firms from advanced countries. This paper examines the division of roles between the private sector and the government in order to achieve a successful structural adjustment, which has become the impending industrial policy issue caused by high domestic wages, on the one hand, and the opening of domestic markets, on the other. The micro foundation of the economy-wide structural adjustment is actually the restructuring of business portfolios at the firm level. The firm-level business restructuring means that firms in low-value-added businesses or with declining market niches establish new major businesses in higher value-added segments or growing market niches. The adjustment of the business structure at the firm level can only be accomplished by accumulating firm-specific managerial assets necessary to establish a new business structure. This can be done through learning-by-doing in the whole system of management, including research and development, manufacturing, and marketing. Therefore, the voluntary cooperation among the people in the company is essential for making the cost of the learning process lower than that at the competing companies. Hence, firms that attempt to restructure their major businesses need to induce corporate-wide participation through innovations in organization and management, encourage innovative corporate culture, and maintain cooperative labor unions. Policy discussions on structural adjustments usually regard firms as a black box behind a few macro variables. But in reality, firm activities are not flows of materials but relationships among human resources. The growth potential of companies are embodied in the human resources of the firm; the balance of interest among stockholders, managers, and workers of the company' brings the accumulation of the company's core competencies. Therefore, policymakers and economists shoud change their old concept of the firm as a technological black box which produces a marketable commodities. Firms should be regarded as coalitions of interest groups such as stockholders, managers, and workers. Consequently the discussion on the structural adjustment both at the macroeconomic level and the firm level should be based on this new paradigm of understanding firms. The government's role in reducing the cost of structural adjustment and supporting should the creation of new industries emphasize the following: First, government must promote the competition in domestic markets by revising laws related to antitrust policy, bankruptcy, and the promotion of small and medium-sized companies. General consensus on the limitations of government intervention and the merit of deregulation should be sought among policymakers and people in the business world. In the age of internationalization, nation-specific competitive advantages cannot be exclusively in favor of domestic firms. The international competitiveness of a domestic firm derives from the firm-specific core competencies which can be accumulated by internal investment and organization of the firm. Second, government must build up a solid infrastructure of production factors including capital, technology, manpower, and information. Structural adjustment often entails bankruptcies and partial waste of resources. However, it is desirable for the government not to try to sustain marginal businesses, but to support the diversification or restructuring of businesses by assisting in factor creation. Institutional support for venture businesses needs to be improved, especially in the financing system since many investment projects in venture businesses are highly risky, even though they are very promising. The proportion of low-value added production processes and declining industries should be reduced by promoting foreign direct investment and factory automation. Moreover, one cannot over-emphasize the importance of future-oriented labor policies to be based on the new paradigm of understanding firm activities. The old laws and instititutions related to labor unions need to be reformed. Third, government must improve the regimes related to money, banking, and the tax system to change business practices dependent on government protection or undesirable in view of the evolution of the Korean economy as a whole. To prevent rational business decisions from contradicting to the interest of the economy as a whole, government should influence the business environment, not the business itself.