• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.29
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• pp.3-33
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• 2011

No one can deny the harsh reality that archival culture has not yet been permeated extensively into all the spheres of our society. Only fragmented records in fixed areas are in the custody of archives. Records to build a living memory for the history of our present are hard to find or remain minimal, if anywhere. Above all, there are few records in archives concerned with the everyday life of common people. No consideration has not been made about the reason for being of archives, not to mention of the strategy for establishing the archival culture. Accordingly, a paradigm shift is required for archives directly connected with the everyday life of common people. Archives of everyday life means one which interprets the behaviour and experiences of individuals(groups) within the context of society through categorizing everyday life of common people into the lesser fields. And archives of everyday life also means an organization or facility/place which documents the everyday life of individuals(groups), and collect, appraise, select and preserve the records from the view point of humanities for the reconstruction of history from the bottom. Archives of everyday life is an attempt to reconstruct memory and records on behaviour by and torment of the common people in the modern history of Korea, on the basis of which we can seek out the oppressive structure in the daily life of capitalism. Archival community should discuss about what is the meaning of records in the age of democracy unlike that of authoritarian era. We also need to have definite direction on the what kinds of records are to be created and appraised from the standpoint of common people. We are to make it possible to create Zeitgeist in the tackle of records and archives' content. on this kind of attempt archival community could make a practical contribution forward a more advanced democracy, resulted in having an opportunity to change the essence of archives.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.43
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• pp.107-139
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• 2014

Tasan Chong Yak-yong has criticized Zhu Xi's metaphysical viewpoints of human being. Therefore he revealed his viewpoint of human being and the theory of moral practice through his thoughts about the Lord of Heaven and human nature with spiritual inclination toward goodness. He has drawn the Lord of Heaven into Confucianism again. Heaven as the Lord endows human being with a nature that enjoys virtues and detests vices. It watches human being's good and evil. Here we can say Heaven is a outer efficient cause of moral behavior. According to Tasan, human being has its own 'self directed weight'自主之權 so that he can make a judgment and decision about what to do. Therefore we have to do manifest this moral inclination which is a inner efficient cause of moral behavior. That is to say, we must follow the order of daoxin道心 inside our mind. If we did go against it, our mind would be uncomfortable. Now through the method of so-called shu恕 we need to put filial piety孝 fraternal respect弟 compassion慈 into practice. These three moral practices represent the spirit of reciprocity in Confucianism. These lead us to make an achievement of ren仁, representative virtue in the theory of moral practice. Our moral practice means the fulfillment of humanity. This is the way to serve Heaven. Tasan insists that theses are the core thoughts of Confucius and Mencius.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.26 no.1
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• pp.175-209
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• 2020

This paper examines how the cinematic representation of the Japanese military "comfort women" stimulates 'imagination' in the realm of everyday life and in the memory of the masses, creating a common awareness and affect. The history of the Japanese military "comfort women" was hidden for a long time, and it was not until the 1990s that it entered the field of public recognition. Such a transition can be attributed to the external and internal chronopolitics that made possible the testimony of the victims and the discourse of the "comfort women" issue. It shows the peculiar status of the comfort women history as 'politics of time'. In the same vein, the cinematic representations of the Japanese military "comfort women" can be found in similar chronopolitics. The 'comfort women' films have shown the dual time frame of the continuity and discontinuity of the 'silence'. In Korean film history, the chronotope of the reproduction of "comfort women" can be divided into four phases: 1) the fictional representations of "comfort women" before the 1990s 2) documentaries in the late 1990s as the work of testimony and history writing, 3) melodramatic transformation in the feature films in the 2000s, and 4) the diffusion of media and categories. The purpose of this article is to focus on the first phase and the third phase in which the issue of 'comfort women' is represented in the category of popular fiction films. While the "comfort women" representations before 1990 were strictly adhering to the framework of commercial movies and pursued the sexual exploitation of "comfort women" history, the recent films since the 2000s are experimenting with various attempts in the style of popular imagination. Especially, the emergence of 'comfort women' feature films in the 2000s, such as Spirit's Homecoming, I Can Speak, and Herstory, raise various questions as to whether we are "properly" aware of issues and how to remember and present the "cultural memory" of comfort women. Also, focusing on the cinematic representation strategies of the 2000s "comfort women", this article discusses the popular politics of melodrama, the representation of victims and violence, and the feature of 'comfort women' as meta-memory. As a melodramatic imagination and meta-memory for the historical trauma, the "comfort women" drama shows the historical, political, and aesthetic gateways to which the "comfort women" problem must pass. As we have seen in recent fiction films, the issue of "comfort women" goes beyond transnational relations between Korea and Japan; it demands a postcolonial task to dismantle the old colonial structure and explores a transnational project in which women's movements and human rights movements are linked internationally.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.152
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• pp.59-79
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• 2019

The main purpose of this paper is to critically examine the intractable problems of Peirce's notion of 'symbol' as a higher and perfect mode of sign, and present a more appropriate account of the higher status of symbol from an experientialist perspective. Peirce distinguished between icon, index, and symbol, and suggested symbol to be a higher mode of sign, in that it additionally requires "interpretation." Within Peirce's picture, the matter of interpretation is to be explained in terms of "interpretant," while icon or index are not. However, Peirce's conception of "interpretant" itself remains fraught with intractable opacities, thereby leaving the nature of symbol in a misty conundrum. Drawing largely on the experientialist account of the nature and structure of symbolic experience, I try to explicate the complexity of symbol in terms of "the symbolic mapping." According to experientialism, our experience consists of two levels, i.e., physical and symbolic. Physical experience can be extended to symbolic level largely by means of "symbolic mapping," and yet is strongly constrained by physical experience. Symbolic mapping is the way in which we map part of certain physical experience onto some other area, thereby understanding the other area in terms of the mapped part of the physical experience. According to this account, all the signs, icon, index, and symbol a la Peirce, are constructed by way of symbolic mapping. While icon and index are constructed by mapping physical level experience onto some signifier(i.e. Peirce's "representamen"), symbol is constructed by mapping abstract level experience onto some signifier. Considering the experientialist account that abstract level of experience is constructed by way of symbolic mapping of physical level of experience, the symbolic mapping of abstract level of experience onto some other area is a secondary one. Thus, symbol, being constructed by way of secondary or more times mapping, becomes a higher level sign. This analysis is based on the idea that explaining the nature of sign is a matter of explaining that symbolic experience, leaving behind Peirce's realist conception of sign as a matter of an event or state of affairs out there. In conclusion, I suggest that this analysis will open up new possibilities for a more appropriate account of the nature of signs, beyond Peirce's complicated riddles.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.2
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• pp.186-205
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• 2013

${\ll}$Three Purities Album${\gg}$ in the Kansong Art Museum is an album of poems and pictures of apricot tree, orchids and bamboos drawn by Lee Jeong. Given that the poems and pictures in the album were drawn by Lee Jeong who has been recognized as a person who established the standards of ink bamboo drawings in the Joseon Dynasty, the album is highly valuable. Nevertheless, there are more values and meanings that Three Purities Album has. The production circumstances and transmission processes of Three Purities Album include the historical characteristics and meanings of the time so that it is also worthwhile as a historical material. During the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592, Lee Jeong was stabbed with a sword by Japanese invaders and got injured. After he suffered, he tried to make his masterpiece in his lifework and finally created Three Purities Album. For the work, Lee Jeong received memorial writings from Choi Rip, Cha Cheon-ro and Han Ho, and asked them writings. They were the best literary men in the poem and calligraphy fields at that time. Yu Geun, Lee An-nul, and Yu Mong-in made writings and poems to praise his work. Likewise, ${\ll}$Three Purities Album${\gg}$ is the 'treasure of the time' created through the participation of the best literary men at that time. Given the aspects, it is fair to say that ${\ll}$Three Purities Album${\gg}$ is not simply a personal artwork of Lee Jeong, but is a comprehensive artwork and also a cultural monument created through the skills and capabilities of the literary artists in the middle of the Joseon Dynasty. After the death of Lee Jeong, Three Purities Album was handed over to Hong Ju-won. But, during the second Manchu Invasion into Korea in 1636, the album was in danger of disappearance by fire. As of now, there are still signs of fire in it, which vividly shows the urgent situation at that time. After the second Manchu Invasion into Korea in 1636, Hong Ju-won recovered some damaged writings with the help of Yoon Shin-ji. Since then, the album had been handed down as a family treasure over the next 7 generations. It can be found in the writings by Song Si-yeol and Uh Yu-bong. Unlike the literary men who praised Three Purities Album in terms of its work when Lee Joeng was alive, they focused on the transmission courses of the album and involved persons. That seems to be because the stories and characters appearing in Three Purities Album impressed the later literary men and were meaningful to them rather than the album itself. It strongly reflected the positions of Hong Jung-gi and Hung Sang-han who asked for writings as the descendants of Hong Ju-won. That is because the traces of the persons involved in Three Purities Album are the causes for admiring their ancestors and enhancing their political legitimacy and family dignity. Therefore, in this aspect, it is possible to witness the fundamental causes of the unique artistic awareness by East Asian people who consider their historical meanings as well as the aesthetic value of artworks significant. Unfortunately, during the Japanese invasion at the end of the Joseon Dynasty, Three Purities Album was handed over to Japanese Tzuboikouso. But, fortunately, Jeon Hyeong-pil who made an effort to regain our cultural assets by investing his entire property during the Japanese Imperialism regained the album, which is now preserved in the Kansong Art Museum. ${\ll}$Three Purities Album${\gg}$ truly includes the whole processes to overcome national crises that Korean people experienced during the Japanese Invasion in 1592, the second Manchu Invasion of Korea in 1636, and the Japanese Imperialism, and it shows the sufferings of our cultural assets and the history of preservation. Also, the album shows that one artwork is able to accumulate its historical meanings in the process of transmission and thus enhances its meanings and values. ${\ll}$Three Purities Album${\gg}$ features accumulative and constant historical meanings and it is a typical case showing that an artwork is plenty of aesthetic and historical values. It is expected that this work will contribute to promoting more studies on finding historical meanings and hysteresis of artworks.

• Korean Journal of Soil Science and Fertilizer
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• v.6 no.1
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• pp.35-52
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• 1973

Red Yellow Soils occur very commonly in Korea and constitute the important upland soils of the country which are either presently being cultivated or are suitable for reclaiming and cultivating. These soils are distributed on rolling, moutain foot slopes, and terraces in the southern and western parts of the central districts of Korea, and are derived from granite, granite gneiss, old alluvium and locally from limestone and shale. This report is a summary of the morphology, physical and chemical characteristics of Red Yellow Soils. The data obtained from detailed soil surveys since 1964 are summarized as follows. 1. Red-Yellows Soils have an A, Bt, C profile. The A horizon is dark colored coarse loamy or fine loamy with the thin layer of organic matter. The B horizon is dominantly strong brown, reddish brown or yellowish red, clayey or fine loamy with clay cutans on the soil peds. The C horizon varies with parent materials, and is coarser texture and has a less developed structure than the Bt horizon. Soil depth, varied with relief and parent materials, is predominantly around 100cm. 2. In the physical characteristics, the clay content of surface soil is 18 to 35 percent, and of subsoil is 30 to 90 percent nearly two times higher than the surface soil. Bulk density is 1.2 to 1.3 in the surface soil and 1.3 to 1.5 in the subsoil. The range of 3-phase is mostly narrow with 45 to 50 percent in solid phase, 30 to 45 percent in liquid one, and 5 to 25 percent in gaseous state in the surface soil; and 50 to 60 solid, 35 to 45 percent liquid and less than 15 percent gaseous in the subsoil. Available soil moisture capacity ranges from 10 to 23 percent in the surface soil, and 5 to 16 percent in the subsoil. 3. Chemically, soil reaction is neutral to alkaline in soils derived from limestone or old fluviomarine deposits, and acid to strong acid in other ones. The organic matter content of surface soil varying considerably with vegetation, erosion and cultivation, ranges from 1.0 to 5.0 percent. The cation exchange capacity is 5 to 40 me/100gr soil and closely related to the content of organic matter, clay and silt. Base saturation is low, on the whole, due to the leaching of extractable cations, but is high in soils derived from limestone with high content of lime and magnesium. 4. Most of these soils mainly contain halloysite (a part of kaolin minerals), vermiculite (weathered mica), and illite, including small amount of chlorite, gibbsite, hematite, quartz and feldspar. 5. Characteristically they are similar to Red Yellow Podzolic Soils and a part of Reddish Brown Lateritic Soils of the United States, and Red Yellow Soils of Japan. According to USDA 7th Approximation, they can be classified as Udu Its or Udalfs, and in FAO classification system to Acrisols, Luvisols, and Nitosols.

• Journal of The Korean Society of Grassland and Forage Science
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• v.13 no.1
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• pp.49-57
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• 1993

The main experiment related to this report was undertaken to assess the effects of two rates of $Ca(OH)_2$ (0, 250 kg/10a only at establishment) and five rates of N-$P_{2}O_{5}$-$K_2O$ (0-0-0, 0-10-10, 6-15-15, 12-20-20, 24-25-20 kg/10a/year) on the pasture establishment, on forage yield and quality, vegetation etc. After this 10-year main experiment, this pasture had been used to assess the effects of the above treatments on the soil characteristics in oversown hilly pasture of a grass-clover sward. This 1st part is concerned with the soil properties of pH-value. OM, T-N, avail. $P_{2}O_{5}$ and $P_{2}O_{5}$ absorption coefficient, and lime requirement by the soil depth. 1. The pH of the topsoil(0~l5 cm) was lowered from pH 5.12 of before the experiment to 4.90 of when $Ca(OH)_2$ was applied and to 4.68 of when $Ca(OH)_2$ was not applied. The pH decrease was more evident with the increase of NPK application rate and in the upper part of the top soil(0.0~7.5 cm). The additional application of lime was necessary in all the experiment blocks due to the strong acidity of the soil, and the amounts of lime requirement were increased with increased application rates of NPK and soil depth. 2. The contents of organic matter and T-N were increased in all the blocks by the establishment of the hilly pasture, and were higher in $Ca(OH)_2$ applied blocks than non-applied blocks. The contents were inversely correlated with the soil depth. No correlation was observed between the contents and the application rates of NPK. 3. The content of available $P_{2}O_{5}$-$K_2O$, was increased with the increased application of P, especially in the upper part of top soil. The content in the upper part(0.0~7.5 cm) was about twice of that in the lower part(7.5~15.0 cm). Since the contents of available $P_{2}O_{5}$$P_{2}O_{5}$/10a/year were applied, respectively), it is necessary to decrease the application rate of $P_{2}O_{5}$, gradually. The $P_{2}O_{5}$ absorption coefficient in topsoil (0.0~15.0 cm) was more or less higher when no lime and less $P_{2}O_{5}$, was applied. No correlation was observed in subsoil. 4. Further studies on the methods, rates, time of additional application of lime, and on the methods of decreased apllication of $P_{2}O_{5}$ should be performed for better management of oversown hilly pasture.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.32
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• pp.215-249
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• 2011

This essay reflects on the modernity of Korea by examining the transformation of the traditional knowledge system from a historico-semantic perspective with its focus on the opposition and collision of the old and the new conception occurred in the early period(1890~1910) of the acceptance of the Western modern civilization. With scientific success, trick of reason, Christianity and evolutionary view of history, the Western modernity regarded itself as a peak of civilization and forced the non-Western societies into the world system in which they came to be considered as 'barbarism(野蠻)' or 'half-enlightened(半開).' The East Asian civilization, which had its own history for several centuries, became degraded as kind of delusion and old-fashioned customs from which it ought to free itself. The Western civilization presented itself as exemplary future which East Asian people should achieve, while East Asian past traditions came to be conceived as just unnecessary vestiges which it was better to wipe out. It can be said that East Asian modernization was established through the propagation and acceptance of the modern products of the Western civilization rather than through the preservation of its past experience and pursuit of the new at the same time. Accordingly, it is difficult to apply directly to East Asian societies Koselleck's hypothesis; while mapping out his Basic Concept of History, he assumed that, in the so-called 'age of saddle,' semantic struggle over concepts becomes active between the past experience and the horizon of expectation on the future, and concepts undergoes 'temporalization', 'democratization', 'ideologization', 'politicization.'The struggle over the old and new conceptions in Korea was most noticeable in the opposition of the Neo-Confucian scholars of Hwangseongsinmun and the theorists of civilization of Doknipsinmun. The opposition and struggle demanded the change of understanding in every field, but there was difference of opinion over the conception of the past traditional knowledge system. For the theorists of civilization, 'the old(舊)' was not just 'past' and 'old-fashioned' things, but rather an obstacle to the building of new civilization. On the other hand, it contained the possibility of regeneration(新) for the Neo-Confucian scholars; that is, they suggested finding a guide into tomorrow by taking lessons from the past. The traditional knowledge system lost their holy status of learning(聖學) in the process of its change into a 'new learning(新學),' and religion and religious tradition also weakened. The traditional knowledge system could change itself into modern learning by accepting scientific methodology which pursues objectivity and rationality. This transformation of the traditional knowledge system and 'the formation of the new learning from the old learning' was accompanied by the intersection between the old and new conceptions. It is necessary to pay attention to the role played by the concept of Sil(hak)(實學) or Practical Learning in the intersection of the old and new conceptions. Various modern media published before and after the 20th century show clearly the multi-layered development of the old and new conceptions, and it is noticeable that 'Sil(hak)' as conceptual frame of reference contributed to the transformation of the traditional knowledge system into the new learning. Although Silhak often designated, or was even considered equivalent to, the Western learning, Neo-Confucian scholars reinterpreted the concept of 'Silhak' which the theorists of civilization had monopolized until then, and opened the way to change the traditional knowledge system into the new learning. They re-appropriated the concept of Silhak, and enabled it to be invested with values, which were losing their own status due to the overwhelming scientific technology. With Japanese occupation of Korea by force, the attempt to transform the traditional knowledge system independently was obliged to reach its own limit, but its theory of 'making new learning from old one' can be considered to get over both the contradiction of Dondoseogi(東道西器: principle of preserving Eastern philosophy while accepting Western technology) and the de-subjectivity of the theory of civilization. While developing its own logic, the theory of Dongdoseogi was compelled to bring in the contradiction of considering the indivisible(道and 器) as divisible, though it tried to cope with the reality where the principle of morality and that of competition were opposed each other and the ideologies of 'evolution' and 'progress' prevailed. On the other hand, the theory of civilization was not free from the criticism that it brought about a crack in subjectivity due to its internalization of the West, cutting itself off from the traditional knowledge system.

• Cartoon and Animation Studies
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• s.29
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• pp.173-207
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• 2012

The four-phased plot which consists of introduction, development, turn and conclusion in the long-story structure tends to be patterned and schematized. The behavior of characters is in line with the beginning of human beings and the plot of comic strips basically has four phases. It is, however, not a simple arrangement but a complex one which was developed by organizing patterns of human power, behavior and emotions. With the results from a survey with college students studying comic strips, this study aims to categorize four characters from the archetypal system by Carol Pearson, four phases of the hero's journey by Joseph Campbell, and the four phases of the plot based on Aristotle's theory, which is the frame of the comic strip structure through supporting evidence extracted from comic strips in an integrated way. In this study, the categorization is performed by simplifying and systemizing a character's life cycle, which is a factor of a story structure in complex comic strips. This study is to identify what comic strip writers express by using the metaphor in the complicated long-story structure of comic strips This study reveals that the structure of introduction, development, turn and conclusion based on the plot theory by Aristotle is the metaphor of human life and fate and that the phases of development in the archetypal system by Carol Pearson, a Jung researcher influenced by Jung's theory are the metaphor of human life and fate. Also, the theories of Joseph Campbell, who also was influenced by Jung, are the metaphor of human life and fate as they projected complex emotions of joy, anger, sorrow, and pleasure onto the archetype of heroes and used the metaphor of the hero's journey. Lastly, the theories are introduced with the approach of 'guide to screenwriters' by Christopher Vogler. Meanwhile, this metaphor is the objective and goal of this study. The comic strips selected for this study seem to have long complex stories which have characters leaving their homes, going through adventures and difficulties, meeting the world in another way, experiencing tension, competition, wars, and hardship and returning home with compensation. They grow mentally and psychologically through their journeys and finally become heroes. They express the meaning of our introspection in a narrative through plots and images of comic strips. This appears complex but the basic structure of long comic strips has four phases of plot. The life style of an extraordinary character traveling for adventures and growing in long comic strips can be divided into four phases symbolizing childhood, adolescence, adulthood, and senescence and it is a psychological growth process. The archetypes of the character can be divided into four phases and the growth process can be explained. The hero's journey symbolized by the character can be also divided into four phases. Through theories, the complex arrangement of four-phased plots in comic strips corresponds with the growth process of introduction, development, turn and conclusion through the stages of life. At the same time, this study found that the characters becoming heroes are the metaphor of introspection and that the characters' growth and life correspond with the four phases in life through long comic strips. Long stories in long comic strips written by comic strip writers show that characters go on their journeys and change their lives through hardship and difficulty by logical construction of plot and their growth processes are presented in archetypal images and they reach introspection as heroes. The readers share time and space through images in comic strips and realize that they had the same experience as the characters emotionally by being moved by the stories.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.39 no.2
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• pp.15-28
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• 2021

'Cheonunjeongsa (天雲精舍)', designated as Gyeongsangbukdo Folklore Cultural Property No. 76, is a Siksanjeongsa built in 1700 by Manbu Lee Shiksan. In this study, we investigate the life and perspective of Manbu Lee in relation to Siksanjeongsa, and estimate the feng shui location, territoriality, and original landscape by analyzing 「Nuhangnok」 and 「Nuhando」, the results of his political management. The following results were derived by examining the philosophy that the scholar wanted to include in his space. First, Manbu Lee Shiksan was a representative hermit-type confucian scholar in the late Joseon Dynasty. 'Siksan', the name of the government official and the nickname of Manbu Lee, is derived from the mountain behind the village, and he wanted to rest in the four areas of thought(思), body(躬), speech(言), and friendship(交). During the difficult years of King Sukjong, Lee Manbu of a Namin family expressed his will to seclude through the title 'Siksan'. Second, There is a high possibility of restoration close to the original. Manbu Lee recorded the location of Siksanjeongsa, spatial structure, buildings and landscape facilities, trees, surrounding landscape, and usage behaviors in 「Nuhangnok」, and left a book of 《Nuhangdo》. Third, Manbu Lee refers to the feng shui geography view that Oenogok is closed in two when viewed from the outside, but is cozy and deep and can be seen from a far when entering inside. The whole village of Nogok was called Siksanjeongsa, which means through the name. It can be seen that the area was formed and expanded. Fourth, the spatial composition of Siksanjeongsa can be divided into a banquet space, an education space, a support space, a rest space, a vegetable and an herbal garden. The banquet space composed of Dang, Lu, and Yeonji is a personal space where Manbu Lee, who thinks about the unity of the heavenly people, the virtue of the gentleman, and humanity, is a place for lectures and a place to live. Fifth, Yangjeongjae area is an educational space, and Yangjeongjae is a name taken from the main character Monggwa, and it is a name that prayed for young students to grow brightly and academically. Sixth, the support space composed of Ganjijeong, Gobandae, and Sehandan is a place where the forested areas in the innermost part of Siksanjeongsa are cleared and a small pavilion is built using natural standing stones and pine trees as a folding screen. The virtue and grace of stopping. It contains the meaning of leisure and the wisdom of a gentleman. Seventh, outside the wall of Siksanjeongsa, across the eastern stream, an altar was built in a place with many old trees, called Yeonggwisa, and a place of rest was made by piling up an oddly shaped stone and planting flowers. Eighth, Manbu Lee, who knew the effects of vegetables and medicinal herbs in detail like the scholars of the Joseon Dynasty, cultivated a vegetable garden and an herbal garden in Jeongsa. Ninth, it can be seen that Lee Manbu realized the Neo-Confucian utopia in his political life by giving meaning to each space of Siksanjeongsa by naming buildings and landscaping facilities and planting them according to ancient events.